Home About Network of subjects Linked subjects heatmap Book indices included Search by subject Search by reference Browse subjects Browse texts

Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



10882
Thucydides, The History Of The Peloponnesian War, 7.29


nanAccordingly, not wishing to incur expense in their present want of money, they sent back at once the Thracians who came too late for Demosthenes, under the conduct of Diitrephes, who was instructed, as they were to pass through the Euripus, to make use of them if possible in the voyage along shore to injure the enemy. 2 Diitrephes first landed them at Tanagra and hastily snatched some booty; he then sailed across the Euripus in the evening from Chalcis in Euboea and disembarking in Boeotia led them against Mycalessus. 3 The night he passed unobserved near the sanctuary of Hermes, not quite two miles from Mycalessus, and at daybreak assaulted and took the town, which is not a large one; the inhabitants being off their guard and not expecting that any one would ever come up so far from the sea to molest them, the wall too being weak, and in some places having tumbled down, while in others it had not been built to any height, and the gates also being left open through their feeling of security. 4 The Thracians bursting into Mycalessus sacked the houses and sanctuaries, and butchered the inhabitants, sparing neither youth nor age, but killing all they fell in with, one after the other, children and women, and even beasts of burden, and whatever other living creatures they saw; the Thracian race, like the bloodiest of the barbarians, being ever most so when it has nothing to fear. 5 Everywhere confusion reigned and death in all its shapes; and in particular they attacked a boys' school, the largest that there was in the place, into which the children had just gone, and massacred them all. In short, the disaster falling upon the whole town was unsurpassed in magnitude, and unapproached by any in suddenness and in horror.


nannan, Accordingly, not wishing to incur expense in their present want of money, they sent back at once the Thracians who came too late for Demosthenes, under the conduct of Diitrephes, who was instructed, as they were to pass through the Euripus, to make use of them if possible in the voyage along shore to injure the enemy. , Diitrephes first landed them at Tanagra and hastily snatched some booty; he then sailed across the Eurious in the evening from Chalcis in Euboea and disembarking in Boeotia led them against Mycalessus. ,The night he passed unobserved near the temple of Hermes, not quite two miles from Mycalessus, and at daybreak assaulted and took the town, which is not a large one; the inhabitants being off their guard and not expecting that any one would ever come up so far from the sea to molest them, the wall too being weak, and in some places having tumbled down, while in others it had not been built to any height, and the gates also being left open through their feeling of security. ,The Thracians bursting into Mycalessus sacked the houses and temples, and butchered the inhabitants, sparing neither youth nor age, but killing all they fell in with, one after the other, children and women, and even beasts of burden, and whatever other living creatures they saw; the Thracian race, like the bloodiest of the barbarians, being ever most so when it has nothing to fear. ,Everywhere confusion reigned and death in all its shapes; and in particular they attacked a boys' school, the largest that there was in the place, into which the children had just gone, and massacred them all. In short, the disaster falling upon the whole town was unsurpassed in magnitude, and unapproached by any in suddenness and in horror.


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

3 results
1. Herodotus, Histories, 8.142, 9.105 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

8.142. So when Alexander had made an end of speaking, the envoys from Sparta said, “We on our part have been sent by the Lacedaemonians to entreat you to do nothing harmful to Hellas and accept no offer from the barbarian. ,That would be unjust and dishonorable for any Greek, but for you most of all, on many counts; it was you who stirred up this war, by no desire of ours, and your territory was first the stake of that battle in which all Hellas is now engaged. ,Apart from that, it is unbearable that not all this alone but slavery too should be brought upon the Greeks by you Athenians, who have always been known as givers of freedom to many. Nevertheless, we grieve with you in your afflictions, seeing that you have lost two harvests and your substance has been for a long time wasted. ,In requital for this the Lacedaemonians and their allies declare that they will nourish your women and all of your household members who are unserviceable for war, so long as this war will last. Let not Alexander the Macedonian win you with his smooth-tongued praise of Mardonius' counsel. It is his business to follow that counsel, ,for as he is a tyrant so must he be the tyrant's fellow-worker; it is not your business, if you are men rightly minded, for you know that in foreigners there is no faith nor truth.” These are the words of the envoys. 9.105. In that battle those of the Greeks who fought best were the Athenians, and the Athenian who fought best was one who practised the pancratium, Hermolycus son of Euthoenus. This Hermolycus on a later day met his death in a battle at Cyrnus in Carystus during a war between the Athenians and Carystians, and lay dead on Geraestus. Those who fought best after the Athenians were the men of Corinth and Troezen and Sicyon.
2. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.1.2, 1.82.1, 2.80.5, 3.36, 3.81.5, 3.82, 3.83.1, 4.29-4.40, 4.81, 5.10.9, 5.43, 6.1.1, 6.6.1, 6.15, 6.18.2, 6.92, 7.2.4, 8.86 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

1.1.2. Indeed this was the greatest movement yet known in history, not only of the Hellenes, but of a large part of the barbarian world—I had almost said of mankind. 1.82.1. Not that I would bid you be so unfeeling as to suffer them to injure your allies, and to refrain from unmasking their intrigues; but I do bid you not to take up arms at once, but to send and remonstrate with them in a tone not too suggestive of war, nor again too suggestive of submission, and to employ the interval in perfecting our own preparations. The means will be, first, the acquisition of allies, Hellenic or barbarian it matters not, so long as they are an accession to our strength naval or pecuniary—I say Hellenic or barbarian, because the odium of such an accession to all who like us are the objects of the designs of the Athenians is taken away by the law of self-preservation—and secondly the development of our home resources. 2.80.5. The Hellenic troops with him consisted of the Ambraciots, Leucadians, and Anactorians, and the thousand Peloponnesians with whom he came; the barbarian of a thousand Chaonians, who, belonging to a nation that has no king, were led by Photius and Nicanor, the two members of the royal family to whom the chieftainship for that year had been confided. With the Chaonians came also some Thesprotians, like them without a king 3.81.5. Death thus raged in every shape; and, as usually happens at such times, there was no length to which violence did not go; sons were killed by their fathers, and suppliants dragged from the altar or slain upon it; while some were even walled up in the temple of Dionysus and died there. 3.83.1. Thus every form of iniquity took root in the Hellenic countries by reason of the troubles. The ancient simplicity into which honor so largely entered was laughed down and disappeared; and society became divided into camps in which no man trusted his fellow. 5.10.9. The Athenian right made a better stand, and though Cleon, who from the first had no thought of fighting, at once fled and was overtaken and slain by a Myrcinian targeteer, his infantry forming in close order upon the hill twice or thrice repulsed the attacks of Clearidas, and did not finally give way until they were surrounded and routed by the missiles of the Myrcinian and Chalcidian horse and the targeteers. 6.1.1. The same winter the Athenians resolved to sail again to Sicily, with a greater armament than that under Laches and Eurymedon, and, if possible, to conquer the island; most of them being ignorant of its size and of the number of its inhabitants, Hellenic and barbarian, and of the fact that they were undertaking a war not much inferior to that against the Peloponnesians. 6.6.1. Such is the list of the peoples, Hellenic and barbarian, inhabiting Sicily, and such the magnitude of the island which the Athenians were now bent upon invading; being ambitious in real truth of conquering the whole, although they had also the specious design of succouring their kindred and other allies in the island. 6.18.2. It is thus that empire has been won, both by us and by all others that have held it, by a constant readiness to support all, whether barbarians or Hellenes, that invite assistance; since if all were to keep quiet or to pick and choose whom they ought to assist, we should make but few new conquests, and should imperil those we have already won. Men do not rest content with parrying the attacks of a superior, but often strike the first blow to prevent the attack being made. 7.2.4. His arrival chanced at a critical moment. The Athenians had already finished a double wall of six or seven furlongs to the great harbor, with the exception of a small portion next to the sea, which they were still engaged upon; and in the remainder of the circle towards Trogilus on the other sea, stones had been laid ready for building for the greater part of the distance, and some points had been left half finished, while others were entirely completed. The danger of Syracuse had indeed been great.
3. Xenophon, Hellenica, 3.4.6, 3.4.11, 6.2.27, 6.2.32, 7.5.26-7.5.27 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

3.4.6. After this agreement had been reached, Tissaphernes made oath to the commissioners who were sent to him, Herippidas, Dercylidas, and Megillus, that in very truth and without guile he would negotiate the peace, and they in turn made oath on behalf of Agesilaus to Tissaphernes that in very truth, if he did this, Agesilaus would steadfastly observe the truce. Now Tissaphernes straightway violated the oaths which he had sworn; for instead of keeping peace he sent to the King for a large army in addition to that which he had before. But Agesilaus, though he was aware of this, nevertheless continued to abide by the truce. 3.4.11. Now when Tissaphernes, growing confident because of the army which had come down from the King, declared war upon Agesilaus if he did not depart from Asia, the allies and the Lacedaemonians who were present showed that they were greatly disturbed, thinking that the force which Agesilaus had was inferior to the King’s array; but Agesilaus, his countece radiant, ordered the ambassadors to carry back word to Tissaphernes that he felt very grateful to him because, by violating his oath, he had made the gods enemies of his side and allies of the Greeks. Then he straightway gave orders to the soldiers to pack up for a campaign, and sent word to the cities which had to be visited by anyone who marched upon Caria, that they should make ready a market. He also dispatched orders to the Ionians, Aeolians, and Hellespontines to send to him at Ephesus troops which should take part in the campaign. 6.2.27. As for Iphicrates, when he began his voyage around Peloponnesus he went on with all needful preparations for a naval battle as he sailed; for at the outset he had left his large sails behind him at Athens, since he expected to fight, and now, further, he made but slight use of his smaller sails, even if the wind was favourable; by making his voyage, then, with the oar, he kept his men in better condition of body and caused the ships to go faster. 6.2.32. Now I am aware that all these matters of practice and training are customary whenever men expect to engage in a battle by sea, but that which I commend in Iphicrates is this, that when it was incumbent upon him to arrive speedily at the place where he supposed he should fight with the enemy, he discovered a way to keep his men from being either, by reason of the voyage they had made, unskilled in the tactics of fighting at sea, or, by reason of their having been trained in such tactics, any the more tardy in arriving at their destination. 7.5.26. When these things had taken place, the opposite of what all men believed would happen was brought to pass. For since well-nigh all the people of Greece had come together and formed themselves in opposing lines, there was no one who did not suppose that if a battle were fought, those who proved victorious would be the rulers and those who were defeated would be their subjects; but the deity so ordered it that both parties set up a trophy as though victorious and neither tried to hinder those who set 362 B.C. them up, that both gave back the dead under a truce as though victorious, and both received back their dead under a truce as though defeated, and that while each party claimed to be victorious 7.5.27. neither was found to be any better off, as regards either additional territory, or city, or sway, than before the battle took place; but there was even more confusion and disorder in Greece after the battle than before. Thus far be it written by me; the events after these will perhaps be the concern of another.


Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
"historiography, classical" Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 204, 211, 219
"historiography, hellenistic" Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 204
"moralising, abstract or generalised" Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 219
"moralising, implicit" Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 204
"punishment, mirroring or apt" Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 204
ability to handle good fortune Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 204, 211
agesilaus Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 219
ainos Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 614
alcibiades Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 211
alien/foreigner, and barbaroi Gruen, Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter (2020) 16
barbarians/barbarity, as non-greeks Gruen, Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter (2020) 16
barbarians/barbarity, herodotus on Gruen, Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter (2020) 16
barbarians/barbarity, thucydides and xenophon on Gruen, Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter (2020) 16
brasidas Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 219
brutality Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 211
chalcidians Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 614
cleon Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 211
cowardice Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 211
evaluation, internal Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 204
evaluative phrasing Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 211
exile Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 509
greeks/hellenes, contrast with barbarians Gruen, Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter (2020) 16
greeks/hellenes, shared characteristics with barbarians Gruen, Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter (2020) 16
hellespont Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 614
herodotus Gruen, Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter (2020) 16; Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 204, 219
hipparch Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 509
juxtaposition, as a means of moralising Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 219
kyrrhos Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 614
language as identity marker, separating greeks and barbarians Gruen, Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter (2020) 16
leadership Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 219
military call-up, command Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 509
oath-breaking Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 211, 219
oligarchy, the four hundred Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 509
overconfidence Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 204
oxyrhynchus historian Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 219
perikles, career Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 509
persia/persians/iran Gruen, Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter (2020) 16
phormion (general) Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 509
phylarch Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 509
piety Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 211, 219
polemics Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 219
samos Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 509
scione Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 614
scythians Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 614
self-seeking Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 211
seuthes Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 614
sicily Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 614
sparta/spartans Gruen, Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter (2020) 16
theopompus Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 219
thrace/thracians Gruen, Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter (2020) 16
thrace Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 509
thucydides, son of melesias, digressions Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 614
thucydides Gruen, Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter (2020) 16; Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 204, 211, 219
uncertainty of human life Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 204
wit Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 219
xenophon, anabasis Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 614
xenophon, hellenica' Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 614
xenophon Gruen, Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter (2020) 16; Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 219