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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



10882
Thucydides, The History Of The Peloponnesian War, 6.54-6.55


nanIndeed, the daring action of Aristogiton and Harmodius was undertaken in consequence of a love affair, which I shall relate at some length, to show that the Athenians are not more accurate than the rest of the world in their accounts of their own tyrants and of the facts of their own history. 2 Pisistratus dying at an advanced age in possession of the tyranny, was succeeded by his eldest son, Hippias, and not Hipparchus, as is vulgarly believed. Harmodius was then in the flower of youthful beauty, and Aristogiton, a citizen in the middle rank of life, was his lover and possessed him. 3 Solicited without success by Hipparchus, son of Pisistratus, Harmodius told Aristogiton, and the enraged lover, afraid that the powerful Hipparchus might take Harmodius by force, immediately formed a design, such as his condition in life permitted, for overthrowing the tyranny. 4 In the meantime Hipparchus, after a second solicitation of Harmodius, attended with no better success, unwilling to use violence, arranged to insult him in some covert way. 5 Indeed, generally their government was not grievous to the multitude, or in any way odious in practice; and these tyrants cultivated wisdom and virtue as much as any, and without exacting from the Athenians more than a twentieth of their income, splendidly adorned their city, and carried on their wars, and provided sacrifices for the sanctuaries. 6 For the rest, the city was left in full enjoyment of its existing laws, except that care was always taken to have the offices in the hands of some one of the family. Among those of them that held the yearly archonship at Athens was Pisistratus, son of the tyrant Hippias, and named after his grandfather, who dedicated during his term of office the altar of the Twelve Gods in the Agora, and that of Apollo in the Pythian precinct. 7 The Athenian people afterwards built on to and lengthened the altar in the Agora, and obliterated the inscription; but that in the Pythian precinct can still be seen, though in faded letters, and is to the following effect: — 'Pisistratus, the son of Hippias,Set up this record of his archonshipIn precinct of Apollo Pythias.'


nannan, Indeed, the daring action of Aristogiton and Harmodius was undertaken in consequence of a love affair, which I shall relate at some length, to show that the Athenians are not more accurate than the rest of the world in their accounts of their own tyrants and of the facts of their own history. ,Pisistratus dying at an advanced age in possession of the tyranny, was succeeded by his eldest son, Hippias, and not Hipparchus, as is vulgarly believed. Harmodius was then in the flower of youthful beauty, and Aristogiton, a citizen in the middle rank of life, was his lover and possessed him. ,Solicited without success by Hipparchus, son of Pisistratus, Harmodius told Aristogiton, and the enraged lover, afraid that the powerful Hipparchus might take Harmodius by force, immediately formed a design, such as his condition in life permitted, for overthrowing the tyranny. ,In the meantime Hipparchus, after a second solicitation of Harmodius, attended with no better success, unwilling to use violence, arranged to insult him in some covert way. ,Indeed, generally their government was not grievous to the multitude, or in any way odious in practice; and these tyrants cultivated wisdom and virtue as much as any, and without exacting from the Athenians more than a twentieth of their income, splendidly adorned their city, and carried on their wars, and provided sacrifices for the temples. ,For the rest, the city was left in full enjoyment of its existing laws, except that care was always taken to have the offices in the hands of some one of the family. Among those of them that held the yearly archonship at Athens was Pisistratus, son of the tyrant Hippias, and named after his grandfather, who dedicated during his term of office the altar to the twelve gods in the market-place, and that of Apollo in the Pythian precinct. ,The Athenian people afterwards built on to and lengthened the altar in the market-place, and obliterated the inscription; but that in the Pythian precinct can still be seen, though in faded letters, and is to the following effect:— Pisistratus, the son of Hippias, Set up this record of his archonship In precinct of Apollo Pythias.


nanThat Hippias was the eldest son and succeeded to the government, is what I positively assert as a fact upon which I have had more exact accounts than others, and may be also ascertained by the following circumstance. He is the only one of the legitimate brothers that appears to have had children; as the altar shows, and the pillar placed in the Athenian Acropolis, commemorating the crime of the tyrants, which mentions no child of Thessalus or of Hipparchus, but five of Hippias, which he had by Myrrhine, daughter of Callias, son of Hyperechides; and naturally the eldest would have married first. 2 Again, his name comes first on the pillar after that of his father, and this too is quite natural, as he was the eldest after him, and the reigning tyrant. 3 Nor can I ever believe that Hippias would have obtained the tyranny so easily, if Hipparchus had been in power when he was killed, and he, Hippias, had had to establish himself upon the same day; but he had no doubt been long accustomed to over-awe the citizens, and to be obeyed by his mercenaries, and thus not only conquered, but conquered with ease, without experiencing any of the embarrassment of a younger brother unused to the exercise of authority. 4 It was the sad fate which made Hipparchus famous that got him also the credit with posterity of having been tyrant.'


nannan, That Hippias was the eldest son and succeeded to the government, is what I positively assert as a fact upon which I have had more exact accounts than others, and may be also ascertained by the following circumstance. He is the only one of the legitimate brothers that appears to have had children; as the altar shows, and the pillar placed in the Athenian Acropolis, commemorating the crime of the tyrants, which mentions no child of Thessalus or of Hipparchus, but five of Hippias, which he had by Myrrhine, daughter of Callias, son of Hyperechides; and naturally the eldest would have married first. ,Again, his name comes first on the pillar after that of his father, and this too is quite natural, as he was the eldest after him, and the reigning tyrant. ,Nor can I ever believe that Hippias would have obtained the tyranny so easily, if Hipparchus had been in power when he was killed, and he, Hippias, had had to establish himself upon the same day; but he had no doubt been long accustomed to over-awe the citizens, and to be obeyed by his mercenaries, and thus not only conquered, but conquered with ease, without experiencing any of the embarrassment of a younger brother unused to the exercise of authority. , It was the sad fate which made Hipparchus famous that got him also the credit with posterity of having been tyrant.


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

20 results
1. Homer, Odyssey, 5.470 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)

2. Antiphon, Orations, 5.48 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

3. Euripides, Bacchae, 222-223, 32-36, 218 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

218. πλασταῖσι βακχείαισιν, ἐν δὲ δασκίοις
4. Euripides, Hippolytus, 161 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

161. Yea, and oft o’er woman’s wayward nature settles a feeling of miserable perplexity, arising from labour-pains or passionate desire.
5. Herodotus, Histories, 1.5.3, 1.30, 1.60, 1.135, 2.131, 2.181, 5.55, 5.71, 6.57.5, 6.61-6.63, 6.109, 6.121, 6.123, 7.43-7.44, 9.3, 9.53.2 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

1.5.3. These are the stories of the Persians and the Phoenicians. For my part, I shall not say that this or that story is true, but I shall identify the one who I myself know did the Greeks unjust deeds, and thus proceed with my history, and speak of small and great cities of men alike. 1.30. So for that reason, and to see the world, Solon went to visit Amasis in Egypt and then to Croesus in Sardis . When he got there, Croesus entertained him in the palace, and on the third or fourth day Croesus told his attendants to show Solon around his treasures, and they pointed out all those things that were great and blest. ,After Solon had seen everything and had thought about it, Croesus found the opportunity to say, “My Athenian guest, we have heard a lot about you because of your wisdom and of your wanderings, how as one who loves learning you have traveled much of the world for the sake of seeing it, so now I desire to ask you who is the most fortunate man you have seen.” ,Croesus asked this question believing that he was the most fortunate of men, but Solon, offering no flattery but keeping to the truth, said, “O King, it is Tellus the Athenian.” ,Croesus was amazed at what he had said and replied sharply, “In what way do you judge Tellus to be the most fortunate?” Solon said, “Tellus was from a prosperous city, and his children were good and noble. He saw children born to them all, and all of these survived. His life was prosperous by our standards, and his death was most glorious: ,when the Athenians were fighting their neighbors in Eleusis, he came to help, routed the enemy, and died very finely. The Athenians buried him at public expense on the spot where he fell and gave him much honor.” 1.60. But after a short time the partisans of Megacles and of Lycurgus made common cause and drove him out. In this way Pisistratus first got Athens and, as he had a sovereignty that was not yet firmly rooted, lost it. Presently his enemies who together had driven him out began to feud once more. ,Then Megacles, harassed by factional strife, sent a message to Pisistratus offering him his daughter to marry and the sovereign power besides. ,When this offer was accepted by Pisistratus, who agreed on these terms with Megacles, they devised a plan to bring Pisistratus back which, to my mind, was so exceptionally foolish that it is strange (since from old times the Hellenic stock has always been distinguished from foreign by its greater cleverness and its freedom from silly foolishness) that these men should devise such a plan to deceive Athenians, said to be the subtlest of the Greeks. ,There was in the Paeanian deme a woman called Phya, three fingers short of six feet, four inches in height, and otherwise, too, well-formed. This woman they equipped in full armor and put in a chariot, giving her all the paraphernalia to make the most impressive spectacle, and so drove into the city; heralds ran before them, and when they came into town proclaimed as they were instructed: ,“Athenians, give a hearty welcome to Pisistratus, whom Athena herself honors above all men and is bringing back to her own acropolis.” So the heralds went about proclaiming this; and immediately the report spread in the demes that Athena was bringing Pisistratus back, and the townsfolk, believing that the woman was the goddess herself, worshipped this human creature and welcomed Pisistratus. 1.135. But the Persians more than all men welcome foreign customs. They wear the Median dress, thinking it more beautiful than their own, and the Egyptian cuirass in war. Their luxurious practices are of all kinds, and all borrowed: the Greeks taught them pederasty. Every Persian marries many lawful wives, and keeps still more concubines. 2.131. But some tell the following story about the cow and the statues: that Mycerinus conceived a passion for his own daughter and then had intercourse with her against her will; ,and they say that afterwards the girl strangled herself for grief, and that he buried her in this cow, but that her mother cut off the hands of the attendants who had betrayed the daughter to her father, and that now their statues are in the same condition as the living women were. ,But this I believe to be a silly story, especially about the hands of the figures. For in fact we ourselves saw that the hands have fallen off through age, and were lying at their feet even in my day. 2.181. Amasis made friends and allies of the people of Cyrene . And he decided to marry from there, either because he had his heart set on a Greek wife, or for the sake of the Corcyreans' friendship; ,in any case, he married a certain Ladice, said by some to be the daughter of Battus, of Arcesilaus by others, and by others again of Critobulus, an esteemed citizen of the place. But whenever Amasis lay with her, he became unable to have intercourse, though he managed with every other woman; ,and when this happened repeatedly, Amasis said to the woman called Ladice, “Woman, you have cast a spell on me, and there is no way that you shall avoid perishing the most wretchedly of all women.” ,So Ladice, when the king did not relent at all although she denied it, vowed in her heart to Aphrodite that, if Amasis could have intercourse with her that night, since that would remedy the problem, she would send a statue to Cyrene to her. And after the prayer, immediately, Amasis did have intercourse with her. And whenever Amasis came to her thereafter, he had intercourse, and he was very fond of her after this. ,Ladice paid her vow to the goddess; she had an image made and sent it to Cyrene, where it stood safe until my time, facing outside the city. Cambyses, when he had conquered Egypt and learned who Ladice was, sent her away to Cyrene unharmed. 5.55. When he was forced to leave Sparta, Aristagoras went to Athens, which had been freed from its ruling tyrants in the manner that I will show. First Hipparchus, son of Pisistratus and brother of the tyrant Hippias, had been slain by Aristogiton and Harmodius, men of Gephyraean descent. This was in fact an evil of which he had received a premonition in a dream. After this the Athenians were subject for four years to a tyranny not less but even more absolute than before. 5.71. How the Accursed at Athens had received their name, I will now relate. There was an Athenian named Cylon, who had been a winner at Olympia. This man put on the air of one who aimed at tyranny, and gathering a company of men of like age, he attempted to seize the citadel. When he could not win it, he took sanctuary by the goddess' statue. ,He and his men were then removed from their position by the presidents of the naval boards, the rulers of Athens at that time. Although they were subject to any penalty save death, they were slain, and their death was attributed to the Alcmaeonidae. All this took place before the time of Pisistratus. 6.61. While Cleomenes was in Aegina working for the common good of Hellas, Demaratus slandered him, not out of care for the Aeginetans, but out of jealousy and envy. Once Cleomenes returned home from Aegina, he planned to remove Demaratus from his kingship, using the following affair as a pretext against him: Ariston, king of Sparta, had married twice but had no children. ,He did not admit that he himself was responsible, so he married a third time. This is how it came about: he had among the Spartans a friend to whom he was especially attached. This man's wife was by far the most beautiful woman in Sparta, but she who was now most beautiful had once been the ugliest. ,Her nurse considered her inferior looks and how she was of wealthy people yet unattractive, and, seeing how the parents felt her appearance to be a great misfortune, she contrived to carry the child every day to the sacred precinct of Helen, which is in the place called Therapne, beyond the sacred precinct of Phoebus. Every time the nurse carried the child there, she set her beside the image and beseeched the goddess to release the child from her ugliness. ,Once as she was leaving the sacred precinct, it is said that a woman appeared to her and asked her what she was carrying in her arms. The nurse said she was carrying a child and the woman bade her show it to her, but she refused, saying that the parents had forbidden her to show it to anyone. But the woman strongly bade her show it to her, ,and when the nurse saw how important it was to her, she showed her the child. The woman stroked the child's head and said that she would be the most beautiful woman in all Sparta. From that day her looks changed, and when she reached the time for marriage, Agetus son of Alcidas married her. This man was Ariston's friend. 6.62. So love for this woman pricked Ariston, and he contrived as follows: He promised to give to his comrade any one thing out of all he owned, whatever Agetus might choose, and he bade his comrade make him the same promise. Agetus had no fear about his wife, seeing that Ariston was already married, so he agreed and they took oaths on these terms. ,Ariston gave Agetus whatever it was that he chose out of all his treasures, and then, seeking equal recompense from him, tried to take the wife of his comrade. Agetus said that he had agreed to anything but that, but he was forced by his oath and by the deceitful trick to let his wife be taken. 6.63. In this way Ariston married his third wife, after divorcing the second one. But his new wife gave birth to Demaratus too soon, before ten lunar months had passed. ,When one of his servants announced to him as he sat in council with the ephors that he had a son, Ariston, knowing the time of the marriage, counted up the months on his fingers and swore on oath, “It's not mine.” The ephors heard this but did not make anything of it. When the boy grew up, Ariston regretted having said that, for he firmly believed Demaratus to be his own son. ,He named him Demaratus because before his birth all the Spartan populace had prayed that Ariston, the man most highly esteemed out of all the kings of Sparta, might have a son. Thus he was named Demaratus, which means “answer to the people's prayer.” 6.109. The Athenian generals were of divided opinion, some advocating not fighting because they were too few to attack the army of the Medes; others, including Miltiades, advocating fighting. ,Thus they were at odds, and the inferior plan prevailed. An eleventh man had a vote, chosen by lot to be polemarch of Athens, and by ancient custom the Athenians had made his vote of equal weight with the generals. Callimachus of Aphidnae was polemarch at this time. Miltiades approached him and said, ,“Callimachus, it is now in your hands to enslave Athens or make her free, and thereby leave behind for all posterity a memorial such as not even Harmodius and Aristogeiton left. Now the Athenians have come to their greatest danger since they first came into being, and, if we surrender, it is clear what we will suffer when handed over to Hippias. But if the city prevails, it will take first place among Hellenic cities. ,I will tell you how this can happen, and how the deciding voice on these matters has devolved upon you. The ten generals are of divided opinion, some urging to attack, others urging not to. ,If we do not attack now, I expect that great strife will fall upon and shake the spirit of the Athenians, leading them to medize. But if we attack now, before anything unsound corrupts the Athenians, we can win the battle, if the gods are fair. ,All this concerns and depends on you in this way: if you vote with me, your country will be free and your city the first in Hellas. But if you side with those eager to avoid battle, you will have the opposite to all the good things I enumerated.” 6.121. It is a wonder to me, and I do not believe the story, that the Alcmeonidae would ever have agreed to hold up a shield as a sign for the Persians out of a desire to make Athens subject to foreigners and to Hippias; for it is plain to see that they were tyrant-haters as much as Callias (son of Phaenippus and father of Hipponicus), or even more so. ,Callias was the only Athenian who dared to buy Pisistratus' possessions when they were put up for sale by the state after Pisistratus' banishment from Athens; and he devised other acts of bitter hatred against him. 6.123. The Alcmeonidae were tyrant-haters as much as Callias, or not less so. Therefore I find it a strange and unbelievable accusation that they of all men should have held up a shield; at all times they shunned tyrants, and it was by their contrivance that the sons of Pisistratus were deposed from their tyranny. ,Thus in my judgment it was they who freed Athens much more than did Harmodius and Aristogeiton. These only enraged the remaining sons of Pisistratus by killing Hipparchus, and did nothing to end the tyranny of the rest of them; but the Alcmeonidae plainly liberated their country, if they truly were the ones who persuaded the Pythian priestess to signify to the Lacedaemonians that they should free Athens, as I have previously shown. 7.43. When the army had come to the river Scamander, which was the first river after the beginning of their march from Sardis that fell short of their needs and was not sufficient for the army and the cattle to drink—arriving at this river, Xerxes ascended to the citadel of Priam, having a desire to see it. ,After he saw it and asked about everything there, he sacrificed a thousand cattle to Athena of Ilium, and the Magi offered libations to the heroes. After they did this, a panic fell upon the camp in the night. When it was day they journeyed on from there, keeping on their left the cities of Rhoetium and Ophryneum and Dardanus, which borders Abydos, and on their right the Teucrian Gergithae. 7.44. When they were at Abydos, Xerxes wanted to see the whole of his army. A lofty seat of white stone had been set up for him on a hill there for this very purpose, built by the people of Abydos at the king's command. There he sat and looked down on the seashore, viewing his army and his fleet; as he viewed them he desired to see the ships contend in a race. They did so, and the Phoenicians of Sidon won; Xerxes was pleased with the race and with his expedition. 9.3. Such was their counsel, but he would not follow it. What he desired was to take Athens once more; this was partly out of mere perversity, and partly because he intended to signify to the king at Sardis by a line of beacons across the islands that he held Athens. ,When he came to Attica, however, he found the city as unpopulated as before, for, as he learned, the majority of them were on shipboard at Salamis. So he took the city, but without any of its men. There were ten months between the kings taking of the place and the later invasion of Mardonius.
6. Lysias, Orations, 5.3-5.5, 6.4, 7.16 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

7. Plato, Apology of Socrates, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

19b. Meletus trusted when he brought this suit against me. What did those who aroused the prejudice say to arouse it? I must, as it were, read their sworn statement as if they were plaintiffs: Socrates is a criminal and a busybody, investigating the things beneath the earth and in the heavens and making the weaker argument stronger and
8. Plato, Symposium, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

182c. and all training in philosophy and sports, to be disgraceful, because of their despotic government; since, I presume, it is not to the interest of their princes to have lofty notions engendered in their subjects, or any strong friendships and communions; all of which Love is pre-eminently apt to create. It is a lesson that our despots learnt by experience; for Aristogeiton’s love and Harmodius’s friendship grew to be so steadfast that it wrecked their power. Thus where it was held a disgrace to gratify one’s lover, the tradition is due to the evil ways of those who made such a law—
9. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.2-1.22, 1.13.6, 1.18.1, 1.20.1-1.20.3, 1.22.3-1.22.4, 1.24, 1.30, 1.46, 1.66, 1.70, 1.73, 1.73.2, 1.78, 1.84, 1.89-1.118, 1.95.3, 1.120, 1.126-1.140, 1.126.3-1.126.12, 2.61.3, 2.64.1, 2.65, 2.72-2.77, 2.97, 3.20-3.24, 3.52-3.67, 3.80, 4.17.4, 4.21.2, 4.41.4, 4.81, 4.92.2, 4.106.1, 5.26, 6.1-6.5, 6.10.5, 6.15.3-6.15.4, 6.16, 6.16.2, 6.27-6.29, 6.52-6.53, 6.53.1-6.53.3, 6.54.1-6.54.2, 6.55-6.61, 6.55.1, 6.59.4, 6.61.1, 6.83.1, 7.50.4, 7.77, 8.1.1, 8.48-8.49, 8.52-8.56, 8.53.2, 8.65-8.69, 8.81-8.82, 8.84, 8.86, 8.89, 8.97 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

1.13.6. Subsequently the Ionians attained to great naval strength in the reign of Cyrus, the first king of the Persians, and of his son Cambyses, and while they were at war with the former commanded for a while the Ionian sea. Polycrates also, the tyrant of Samos, had a powerful navy in the reign of Cambyses with which he reduced many of the islands, and among them Rhenea, which he consecrated to the Delian Apollo. About this time also the Phocaeans, while they were founding Marseilles, defeated the Carthaginians in a sea-fight. 1.18.1. But at last a time came when the tyrants of Athens and the far older tyrannies of the rest of Hellas were, with the exception of those in Sicily, once and for all put down by Lacedaemon ; for this city, though after the settlement of the Dorians, its present inhabitants, it suffered from factions for an unparalleled length of time, still at a very early period obtained good laws, and enjoyed a freedom from tyrants which was unbroken; it has possessed the same form of government for more than four hundred years, reckoning to the end of the late war, and has thus been in a position to arrange the affairs of the other states. Not many years after the deposition of the tyrants, the battle of Marathon was fought between the Medes and the Athenians. 1.20.1. Having now given the result of my inquiries into early times, I grant that there will be a difficulty in believing every particular detail. The way that most men deal with traditions, even traditions of their own country, is to receive them all alike as they are delivered, without applying any critical test whatever. 1.20.2. The general Athenian public fancy that Hipparchus was tyrant when he fell by the hands of Harmodius and Aristogiton; not knowing that Hippias, the eldest of the sons of Pisistratus, was really supreme, and that Hipparchus and Thessalus were his brothers; and that Harmodius and Aristogiton suspecting, on the very day, nay at the very moment fixed on for the deed, that information had been conveyed to Hippias by their accomplices, concluded that he had been warned, and did not attack him, yet, not liking to be apprehended and risk their lives for nothing, fell upon Hipparchus near the temple of the daughters of Leos, and slew him as he was arranging the Panathenaic procession. 1.20.3. There are many other unfounded ideas current among the rest of the Hellenes, even on matters of contemporary history which have not been obscured by time. For instance, there is the notion that the Lacedaemonian kings have two votes each, the fact being that they have only one; and that there is a company of Pitane, there being simply no such thing. So little pains do the vulgar take in the investigation of truth, accepting readily the first story that comes to hand. 1.22.3. My conclusions have cost me some labour from the want of coincidence between accounts of the same occurrences by different eye-witnesses, arising sometimes from imperfect memory, sometimes from undue partiality for one side or the other. 1.22.4. The absence of romance in my history will, I fear, detract somewhat from its interest; but if it be judged useful by those inquirers who desire an exact knowledge of the past as an aid to the interpretation of the future, which in the course of human things must resemble if it does not reflect it, I shall be content. In fine, I have written my work, not as an essay which is to win the applause of the moment, but as a possession for all time. 1.73.2. We need not refer to remote antiquity: there we could appeal to the voice of tradition, but not to the experience of our audience. But to the Median war and contemporary history we must refer, although we are rather tired of continually bringing this subject forward. In our action during that war we ran great risk to obtain certain advantages: you had your share in the solid results, do not try to rob us of all share in the good that the glory may do us. 1.95.3. In the meantime the Lacedaemonians recalled Pausanias for an investigation of the reports which had reached them. Manifold and grave accusations had been brought against him by Hellenes arriving in Sparta ; and, to all appearance, there had been in him more of the mimicry of a despot than of the attitude of a general. 1.126.6. Whether the grand festival that was meant was in Attica or elsewhere was a question which he never thought of, and which the oracle did not offer to solve. For the Athenians also have a festival which is called the grand festival of Zeus Meilichios or Gracious, viz. the Diasia. It is celebrated outside the city, and the whole people sacrifice not real victims but a number of bloodless offerings peculiar to the country. However, fancying he had chosen the right time, he made the attempt. 1.126.7. As soon as the Athenians perceived it, they flocked in, one and all, from the country, and sat down, and laid siege to the citadel. 2.61.3. For before what is sudden, unexpected, and least within calculation the spirit quails; and putting all else aside, the plague has certainly been an emergency of this kind. 2.64.1. But you must not be seduced by citizens like these nor be angry with me,—who, if I voted for war, only did as you did yourselves,—in spite of the enemy having invaded your country and done what you could be certain that he would do, if you refused to comply with his demands; and although besides what we counted for, the plague has come upon us—the only point indeed at which our calculation has been at fault. It is this, I know, that has had a large share in making me more unpopular than I should otherwise have been,—quite undeservedly, unless you are also prepared to give me the credit of any success with which chance may present you. 4.17.4. You can now, if you choose, employ your present success to advantage, so as to keep what you have got and gain honor and reputation besides, and you can avoid the mistake of those who meet with an extraordinary piece of good fortune, and are led on by hope to grasp continually at something further, through having already succeeded without expecting it. 4.21.2. The Athenians, however, having the men on the island, thought that the treaty would be ready for them whenever they chose to make it, and grasped at something further. 4.41.4. The Athenians, however, kept grasping at more, and dismissed envoy after envoy without their having effected anything. Such was the history of the affair of Pylos . 4.92.2. And if any one has taken up with the idea in question for reasons of safety, it is high time for him to change his mind. The party attacked, whose own country is in danger, can scarcely discuss what is prudent with the calmness of men who are in full enjoyment of what they have got, and are thinking of attacking a neighbour in order to get more. 6.10.5. A man ought, therefore, to consider these points, and not to think of running risks with a country placed so critically, or of grasping at another empire before we have secured the one we have already; for in fact the Thracian Chalcidians have been all these years in revolt from us without being yet subdued, and others on the continents yield us but a doubtful obedience. Meanwhile the Egestaeans, our allies, have been wronged, and we run to help them, while the rebels who have so long wronged us still wait for punishment. 6.15.3. For the position he held among the citizens led him to indulge his tastes beyond what his real means would bear, both in keeping horses and in the rest of his expenditure; and this later on had not a little to do with the ruin of the Athenian state. 6.15.4. Alarmed at the greatness of his license in his own life and habits, and of the ambition which he showed in all things soever that he undertook, the mass of the people set him down as a pretender to the tyranny, and became his enemies; and although publicly his conduct of the war was as good as could be desired individually, his habits gave offence to every one, and caused them to commit affairs to other hands, and thus before long to ruin the city. 6.16.2. The Hellenes, after expecting to see our city ruined by the war, concluded it to be even greater than it really is, by reason of the magnificence with which I represented it at the Olympic games, when I sent into the lists seven chariots, a number never before entered by any private person, and won the first prize, and was second and fourth, and took care to have everything else in a style worthy of my victory. Custom regards such displays as honourable, and they cannot be made without leaving behind them an impression of power. 6.53.1. There they found the Salaminia come from Athens for Alcibiades, with orders for him to sail home to answer the charges which the state brought against him, and for certain others of the soldiers who with him were accused of sacrilege in the matter of the mysteries and of the Hermae. 6.53.2. For the Athenians, after the departure of the expedition, had continued as active as ever in investigating the facts of the mysteries and of the Hermae, and, instead of testing the informers, in their suspicious temper welcomed all indifferently, arresting and imprisoning the best citizens upon the evidence of rascals, and preferring to sift the matter to the bottom sooner than to let an accused person of good character pass unquestioned, owing to the rascality of the informer. 6.53.3. The commons had heard how oppressive the tyranny of Pisistratus and his sons had become before it ended, and further that that tyranny had been put down at last, not by themselves and Harmodius, but by the Lacedaemonians, and so were always in fear and took everything suspiciously. 6.54.1. Indeed, the daring action of Aristogiton and Harmodius was undertaken in consequence of a love affair, which I shall relate at some length, to show that the Athenians are not more accurate than the rest of the world in their accounts of their own tyrants and of the facts of their own history. 6.54.2. Pisistratus dying at an advanced age in possession of the tyranny, was succeeded by his eldest son, Hippias, and not Hipparchus, as is vulgarly believed. Harmodius was then in the flower of youthful beauty, and Aristogiton, a citizen in the middle rank of life, was his lover and possessed him. 6.55.1. That Hippias was the eldest son and succeeded to the government, is what I positively assert as a fact upon which I have had more exact accounts than others, and may be also ascertained by the following circumstance. He is the only one of the legitimate brothers that appears to have had children; as the altar shows, and the pillar placed in the Athenian Acropolis, commemorating the crime of the tyrants, which mentions no child of Thessalus or of Hipparchus, but five of Hippias, which he had by Myrrhine, daughter of Callias, son of Hyperechides; and naturally the eldest would have married first. 6.61.1. To return to Alcibiades: public feeling was very hostile to him, being worked on by the same enemies who had attacked him before he went out; and now that the Athenians fancied that they had got at the truth of the matter of the Hermae, they believed more firmly than ever that the affair of the mysteries also, in which he was implicated, had been contrived by him in the same intention and was connected with the plot against the democracy. 6.83.1. We, therefore, deserve to rule because we placed the largest fleet and an unflinching patriotism at the service of the Hellenes, and because these, our subjects, did us mischief by their ready subservience to the Medes; and, desert apart, we seek to strengthen ourselves against the Peloponnesians. 7.50.4. All was at last ready, and they were on the point of sailing away, when an eclipse of the moon, which was then at the full, took place. Most of the Athenians, deeply impressed by this occurrence, now urged the generals to wait; and Nicias, who was somewhat over-addicted to divination and practices of that kind, refused from that moment even to take the question of departure into consideration, until they had waited the thrice nine days prescribed by the soothsayers. The besiegers were thus condemned to stay in the country; 8.1.1. Such were the events in Sicily . When the news was brought to Athens, for a long while they disbelieved even the most respectable of the soldiers who had themselves escaped from the scene of action and clearly reported the matter, a destruction so complete not being thought credible. When the conviction was forced upon them, they were angry with the orators who had joined in promoting the expedition, just as if they had not themselves voted it, and were enraged also with the reciters of oracles and soothsayers, and all other omenmongers of the time who had encouraged them to hope that they should conquer Sicily . 8.53.2. A number of speakers opposed them on the question of the democracy, the enemies of Alcibiades cried out against the scandal of a restoration to be effected by a violation of the constitution, and the Eumolpidae and Ceryces protested in behalf of the mysteries, the cause of his banishment, and called upon the gods to avert his recall; when Pisander, in the midst of much opposition and abuse, came forward, and taking each of his opponents aside asked him the following question:—In the face of the fact that the Peloponnesians had as many ships as their own confronting them at sea, more cities in alliance with them, and the king and Tissaphernes to supply them with money, of which the Athenians had none left, had he any hope of saving the state, unless some one could induce the king to come over to their side?
10. Xenophon, Memoirs, 1.2.24 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

1.2.24. And indeed it was thus with Critias and Alcibiades. So long as they were with Socrates, they found in him an ally who gave them strength to conquer their evil passions. But when they parted from him, Critias fled to Thessaly, and got among men who put lawlessness before justice; while Alcibiades, on account of his beauty, was hunted by many great ladies, and because of his influence at Athens and among her allies he was spoilt by many powerful men: and as athletes who gain an easy victory in the games are apt to neglect their training, so the honour in which he was held, the cheap triumph he won with the people, led him to neglect himself.
11. Xenophon, Symposium, 9.3-9.6 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

9.3. Then, to start proceedings, in came Ariadne, apparelled as a bride, and took her seat in the chair. Dionysus being still invisible, there was heard the Bacchic music played on a flute. Then it was that the assemblage was filled with admiration of the dancing master. For as soon as Ariadne heard the strain, her action was such that every one might have perceived her joy at the sound; and although she did not go to meet Dionysus, nor even rise, yet it was clear that she kept her composure with difficulty. 9.4. But when Dionysus caught sight of her, he came dancing toward her and in a most loving manner sat himself on her lap, and putting his arms about her gave her a kiss. Her demeanour was all modesty, and yet she returned his embrace with affection. As the banqueters beheld it, they kept clapping and crying encore! 9.5. Then when Dionysus arose and gave his hand to Ariadne to rise also, there was presented the impersonation of lovers kissing and caressing each other. The onlookers viewed a Dionysus truly handsome, an Ariadne truly fair, not presenting a burlesque but offering genuine kisses with their lips; and they were all raised to a high pitch of enthusiasm as they looked on. 9.6. For they overheard Dionysus asking her if she loved him, and heard her vowing that she did, so earnestly that not only Dionysus but all the bystanders as well would have taken their oaths in confirmation that the youth and the maid surely felt a mutual affection. For theirs was the appearance not of actors who had been taught their poses but of persons now permitted to satisfy their long-cherished desires.
12. Aristotle, Athenian Constitution, 57.1-57.2 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

13. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 1.69.7 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

1.69.7.  Now as for the stories invented by Herodotus and certain writers on Egyptian affairs, who deliberately preferred to the truth the telling of marvellous tales and the invention of myths for the delectation of their readers, these we shall omit, and we shall set forth only what appears in the written records of the priests of Egypt and has passed our careful scrutiny.
14. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 19.21, 19.29-19.30 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

19.21. and for Cherea, he came in, because he thought it a deed worthy of a free ingenuous man to kill Caius, and was ashamed of the reproaches he lay under from Caius, as though he were a coward; as also because he was himself in danger every day from his friendship with him, and the observance he paid him. 19.21. But the advantages he received from his learning did not countervail the mischief he brought upon himself in the exercise of his authority; so difficult it is for those to obtain the virtue that is necessary for a wise man, who have the absolute power to do what they please without control. 19.29. nay, indeed, he provoked Caius to anger by his sparing men, and pitying the hard fortunes of those from whom he demanded the taxes; and Caius upbraided him with his sloth and effeminacy in being so long about collecting the taxes. And indeed he did not only affront him in other respects, but when he gave him the watchword of the day, to whom it was to be given by his place, he gave him feminine words 19.29. It will therefore be fit to permit the Jews, who are in all the world under us, to keep their ancient customs without being hindered so to do. And I do charge them also to use this my kindness to them with moderation, and not to show a contempt of the superstitious observances of other nations, but to keep their own laws only.
15. Plutarch, Lycurgus, 18, 17 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

16. Suetonius, Caligula, 56.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

17. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 67.14.4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

67.14.4.  As a consequence of his cruelty the emperor was suspicious of all mankind, and from now on ceased to repose hopes of safety in either the freedmen or yet the prefects, whom he usually caused to be brought to trial during their very term of office. He had first banished and now slew Epaphroditus, Nero's freedman, accusing him of having failed to defend Nero; for he wished by the vengeance that he took on Nero's behalf to terrify his own freedmen long in advance, so that they should venture no similar deed.
18. Herodian, History of The Empire After Marcus, 1.13.7-1.13.8 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

19. Andocides, Orations, 1.27-1.28, 1.45, 1.111

20. Andocides, Orations, 1.27-1.28, 1.45, 1.111



Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
acropolis, athenian, honors on Brodd and Reed, Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult (2011) 91
acropolis Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 52
acropolis of athens Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 508
acusilaus Morrison, Apollonius Rhodius, Herodotus and Historiography (2020) 33
agathon Pucci, Euripides' Revolution Under Cover: An Essay (2016) 66
agora of athens Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 342
aigospotamoi Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 463
alcibiades Hubbard, A Companion to Greek and Roman Sexualities (2014) 447; Pucci, Euripides' Revolution Under Cover: An Essay (2016) 66; Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 270, 286, 426, 463, 508, 542
alcmaeonids Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 52
alterity/otherness Pucci, Euripides' Revolution Under Cover: An Essay (2016) 66
alternative versions Morrison, Apollonius Rhodius, Herodotus and Historiography (2020) 32
amphictyonic league, delphi Lalone, Athena Itonia: Geography and Meaning of an Ancient Greek War Goddess (2019) 193
amphiktyony Lalone, Athena Itonia: Geography and Meaning of an Ancient Greek War Goddess (2019) 193
anachronism Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 52
ananke(necessity) Pucci, Euripides' Revolution Under Cover: An Essay (2016) 66
anthela Lalone, Athena Itonia: Geography and Meaning of an Ancient Greek War Goddess (2019) 193
antiphon Papaioannou et al., Rhetoric and Religion in Ancient Greece and Rome (2021) 53; Papaioannou, Serafim and Demetriou, Rhetoric and Religion in Ancient Greece and Rome (2021) 53
antony Brodd and Reed, Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult (2011) 91
archons Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 52
ares Brodd and Reed, Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult (2011) 91
aristocracy, aristocrats, aristocratic Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 52
aristogeiton, and harmodios Steiner, Images in Mind: Statues in Archaic and Classical Greek Literature and Thought (2001) 219
aristogeiton Brodd and Reed, Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult (2011) 91; Pucci, Euripides' Revolution Under Cover: An Essay (2016) 66, 160
aristotle Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 279; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 52; Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 671
asebeia Papaioannou et al., Rhetoric and Religion in Ancient Greece and Rome (2021) 53; Papaioannou, Serafim and Demetriou, Rhetoric and Religion in Ancient Greece and Rome (2021) 53
athena, nike Lalone, Athena Itonia: Geography and Meaning of an Ancient Greek War Goddess (2019) 193
athena, polias Lalone, Athena Itonia: Geography and Meaning of an Ancient Greek War Goddess (2019) 193
athenaion politeia Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 671
athenian empire Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 270
athens, establishment of imperial cult in Brodd and Reed, Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult (2011) 91
athens, freedom narrative in Brodd and Reed, Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult (2011) 91
athens Papaioannou et al., Rhetoric and Religion in Ancient Greece and Rome (2021) 53; Papaioannou, Serafim and Demetriou, Rhetoric and Religion in Ancient Greece and Rome (2021) 53; de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 360
attalos of pergamum Brodd and Reed, Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult (2011) 91
attica Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 669
audience de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 360
berossus Morrison, Apollonius Rhodius, Herodotus and Historiography (2020) 33
bodyguard Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 279
caligula Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 279
cambyses de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 360
candaules de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 360
caracalla Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 279
civic life Steiner, Images in Mind: Statues in Archaic and Classical Greek Literature and Thought (2001) 219
coinage, coins, athenian Lalone, Athena Itonia: Geography and Meaning of an Ancient Greek War Goddess (2019) 193
colchis, colchians Morrison, Apollonius Rhodius, Herodotus and Historiography (2020) 32
commodus Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 279
conspiracy Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 279
corcyra Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 669
corinth Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 669
croesus de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 360
cult/cultic Papaioannou et al., Rhetoric and Religion in Ancient Greece and Rome (2021) 53; Papaioannou, Serafim and Demetriou, Rhetoric and Religion in Ancient Greece and Rome (2021) 53
cultic regulations Papaioannou et al., Rhetoric and Religion in Ancient Greece and Rome (2021) 53; Papaioannou, Serafim and Demetriou, Rhetoric and Religion in Ancient Greece and Rome (2021) 53
cultural isolation Pucci, Euripides' Revolution Under Cover: An Essay (2016) 66
cylon Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 52
darius de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 360
death Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 279
denunciation Papaioannou et al., Rhetoric and Religion in Ancient Greece and Rome (2021) 53; Papaioannou, Serafim and Demetriou, Rhetoric and Religion in Ancient Greece and Rome (2021) 53
diodorus siculus Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 671
divine Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 279
domitian Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 279
dramatic Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 279
effeminacy Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 279
egypt, egyptians Morrison, Apollonius Rhodius, Herodotus and Historiography (2020) 32
ele(i)ans Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 426
eleusinian cult Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 426
emotions, desire de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 360
ephēgēsis Papaioannou et al., Rhetoric and Religion in Ancient Greece and Rome (2021) 53; Papaioannou, Serafim and Demetriou, Rhetoric and Religion in Ancient Greece and Rome (2021) 53
epigram Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 508
epos, epic poetry Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 286
eros, bacchants, obsession of pentheus with sexual impropriety of Pucci, Euripides' Revolution Under Cover: An Essay (2016) 160
eros, greek interest in Pucci, Euripides' Revolution Under Cover: An Essay (2016) 66
eros, isolation/otherness and Pucci, Euripides' Revolution Under Cover: An Essay (2016) 66
eros, self, dispossession of Pucci, Euripides' Revolution Under Cover: An Essay (2016) 66
ethnography Morrison, Apollonius Rhodius, Herodotus and Historiography (2020) 32, 33
euboea Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 52
eupatrids Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 52
euthune Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 52
foreigners Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 52
fowler, r. Morrison, Apollonius Rhodius, Herodotus and Historiography (2020) 32, 33
genette, gérard Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 19
geta Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 279
greed de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 360
harmodios and aristogeiton Steiner, Images in Mind: Statues in Archaic and Classical Greek Literature and Thought (2001) 219
harmodius Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 442
harmodius and aristogeiton Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 376
hecataeus, of abdera Morrison, Apollonius Rhodius, Herodotus and Historiography (2020) 32
hecataeus, of miletus Morrison, Apollonius Rhodius, Herodotus and Historiography (2020) 33
hermes Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 426
herms Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 463, 542
herodotus Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 376; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 52; Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 514; de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 360
heroes Steiner, Images in Mind: Statues in Archaic and Classical Greek Literature and Thought (2001) 219
hinds, stephen Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 19
hipparchos, son peisistratos Lalone, Athena Itonia: Geography and Meaning of an Ancient Greek War Goddess (2019) 193
hipparchos Steiner, Images in Mind: Statues in Archaic and Classical Greek Literature and Thought (2001) 219
hipparchos (son of peisistratus) Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 669
hippias, tyrant, son of peisistratos Lalone, Athena Itonia: Geography and Meaning of an Ancient Greek War Goddess (2019) 193
hippias (son of peisistratus) Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 342, 463, 508
homicide Papaioannou et al., Rhetoric and Religion in Ancient Greece and Rome (2021) 53; Papaioannou, Serafim and Demetriou, Rhetoric and Religion in Ancient Greece and Rome (2021) 53
homosexuality Steiner, Images in Mind: Statues in Archaic and Classical Greek Literature and Thought (2001) 219
intertextuality, hypotextual activation Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 19
isodamos Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 52
ister, river Morrison, Apollonius Rhodius, Herodotus and Historiography (2020) 32
lateiner, d. Morrison, Apollonius Rhodius, Herodotus and Historiography (2020) 32
law, on pederasty Hubbard, A Companion to Greek and Roman Sexualities (2014) 120
law Papaioannou et al., Rhetoric and Religion in Ancient Greece and Rome (2021) 53; Papaioannou, Serafim and Demetriou, Rhetoric and Religion in Ancient Greece and Rome (2021) 53
leader(ship) Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 279
letters Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 279
lucian, true histories Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 19
lydia, lydians Morrison, Apollonius Rhodius, Herodotus and Historiography (2020) 32
macrinus (opellius) Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 279
marcus, sharon Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 19
marincola, j. Morrison, Apollonius Rhodius, Herodotus and Historiography (2020) 32
megara, megarians Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 52
mendelsohn, daniel Pucci, Euripides' Revolution Under Cover: An Essay (2016) 160
modello-codice, herodotus as Morrison, Apollonius Rhodius, Herodotus and Historiography (2020) 32, 33
modello-codice, homer as Morrison, Apollonius Rhodius, Herodotus and Historiography (2020) 33
modello-codice Morrison, Apollonius Rhodius, Herodotus and Historiography (2020) 33
naming Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 279
nero, new dionysus, antony as Brodd and Reed, Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult (2011) 91
nicias Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 426
nile, river Morrison, Apollonius Rhodius, Herodotus and Historiography (2020) 32
nomoi Morrison, Apollonius Rhodius, Herodotus and Historiography (2020) 32
non-greeks Morrison, Apollonius Rhodius, Herodotus and Historiography (2020) 33
nudity, of harmodios and aristogeiton Steiner, Images in Mind: Statues in Archaic and Classical Greek Literature and Thought (2001) 219
oenophyta Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 671
oligarchic conspiracy/revolution (nan Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 671
oligarchy, oligarchs Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 52
olympian games Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 426
olympian truce Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 426
olympian zeus Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 426
oral tradition Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 442
orthagoras Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 52
otherness/alterity Pucci, Euripides' Revolution Under Cover: An Essay (2016) 66
parallelism (narrative) Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 279
pederasty, in athens Hubbard, A Companion to Greek and Roman Sexualities (2014) 109, 120
pederasty, visual representations of Hubbard, A Companion to Greek and Roman Sexualities (2014) 109
pederasty Steiner, Images in Mind: Statues in Archaic and Classical Greek Literature and Thought (2001) 219
peisistratids Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 376
peisistratos, tyrant of athens Lalone, Athena Itonia: Geography and Meaning of an Ancient Greek War Goddess (2019) 193
pentekontaetia Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 376
persia, persians Morrison, Apollonius Rhodius, Herodotus and Historiography (2020) 32
persian wars Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 376
persians de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 360
pherecydes Morrison, Apollonius Rhodius, Herodotus and Historiography (2020) 33
philip v of macedon Brodd and Reed, Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult (2011) 91
plotting Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 279
plutarch Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 52
present (historical) Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 279
prytaneis, of the naukraroi Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 52
public office, officials Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 52
readers, foreknowledge Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 279
reception, concepts of Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 18, 19
reception, kinetic reception Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 18, 19
revolution Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 52
samos Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 270
scythia, scythians Morrison, Apollonius Rhodius, Herodotus and Historiography (2020) 32
sicilian expedition Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 426, 542
sicily Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 426, 508
sicyon Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 52
socrates, on pederasty Hubbard, A Companion to Greek and Roman Sexualities (2014) 120
socrates Pucci, Euripides' Revolution Under Cover: An Essay (2016) 66
solon de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 360
sources, deriving from oral tradition Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 52
sources, historiographical approach to Morrison, Apollonius Rhodius, Herodotus and Historiography (2020) 33
sources and herodian Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 279
sparta de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 360
statuary, harmodios and aristogeiton of kritios and nesiotes Steiner, Images in Mind: Statues in Archaic and Classical Greek Literature and Thought (2001) 219
susanetti, davide Pucci, Euripides' Revolution Under Cover: An Essay (2016) 160
theagenes Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 52
thirty years peace Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 514
thomas, rosiland Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 52
thrace, thracians Morrison, Apollonius Rhodius, Herodotus and Historiography (2020) 32
thucydides, in opposition to herodotus Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 376
thucydides, kinetic reception of herodotus Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 18, 19
thucydides, son of melesias, archaeology Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 270, 286, 342, 512
thucydides, son of melesias, audience, reader Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 342, 542
thucydides, son of melesias, autopsy Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 442
thucydides, son of melesias, causes, causality Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 442, 463
thucydides, son of melesias, chance Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 270
thucydides, son of melesias, digressions Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 442, 463, 508
thucydides, son of melesias, exile Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 514
thucydides, son of melesias, historical truth Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 514
thucydides, son of melesias, manuscript traditionnan Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 270, 286, 442, 463, 508, 542, 671
thucydides Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 279; Morrison, Apollonius Rhodius, Herodotus and Historiography (2020) 32, 33; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 52
timaeus Morrison, Apollonius Rhodius, Herodotus and Historiography (2020) 33
truth Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 376
tukhe(chance) Pucci, Euripides' Revolution Under Cover: An Essay (2016) 66
tynnondas Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 52
tyranny, tyrants Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 52
tyranny/tyrants Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 279
wealth Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 52
women in greek culture greek misogyny and Pucci, Euripides' Revolution Under Cover: An Essay (2016) 160
women in greek culture isolation of' Pucci, Euripides' Revolution Under Cover: An Essay (2016) 66
xerxes Brodd and Reed, Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult (2011) 91; de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 360