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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



10882
Thucydides, The History Of The Peloponnesian War, 5.103-5.104


nanAthenian envoys: 'Hope, danger's comforter, may be indulged in by those who have abundant resources, if not without loss at all events without ruin; but its nature is to be extravagant, and those who go so far as to put their all upon the venture see it in its true colors only when they are ruined; but so long as the discovery would enable them to guard against it, it is never found wanting. 2 Let not this be the case with you, who are weak and hang on a single turn of the scale; nor be like the vulgar, who, abandoning such security as human means may still afford, when visible hopes fail them in extremity, turn to invisible, to prophecies and oracles, and other such inventions that delude men with hopes to their destruction.'


nannan, ‘Hope, danger's comforter, may be indulged in by those who have abundant resources, if not without loss at all events without ruin; but its nature is to be extravagant, and those who go so far as to put their all upon the venture see it in its true colors only when they are ruined; but so long as the discovery would enable them to guard against it, it is never found wanting. , Let not this be the case with you, who are weak and hang on a single turn of the scale; nor be like the vulgar, who, abandoning such security as human means may still afford, when visible hopes fail them in extremity, turn to invisible, to prophecies and oracles, and other such inventions that delude men with hopes to their destruction.’


nanMelian commissioners: 'You may be sure that we are as well aware as you of the difficulty of contending against your power and fortune, unless the terms be equal. But we trust that the gods may grant us fortune as good as yours, since we are just men fighting against unjust, and that what we want in power will be made up by the alliance of the Lacedaemonians, who are bound, if only for very shame, to come to the aid of their kindred. Our confidence, therefore, after all is not so utterly irrational.'


nannan, ‘You may be sure that we are as well aware as you of the difficulty of contending against your power and fortune, unless the terms be equal. But we trust that the gods may grant us fortune as good as yours, since we are just men fighting against unjust, and that what we want in power will be made up by the alliance of the Lacedaemonians, who are bound, if only for very shame, to come to the aid of their kindred. Our confidence, therefore, after all is not so utterly irrational.’


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

4 results
1. Hebrew Bible, Esther, 3.8, 9.5, 9.7-9.10, 9.13-9.14 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)

3.8. וַיֹּאמֶר הָמָן לַמֶּלֶךְ אֲחַשְׁוֵרוֹשׁ יֶשְׁנוֹ עַם־אֶחָד מְפֻזָּר וּמְפֹרָד בֵּין הָעַמִּים בְּכֹל מְדִינוֹת מַלְכוּתֶךָ וְדָתֵיהֶם שֹׁנוֹת מִכָּל־עָם וְאֶת־דָּתֵי הַמֶּלֶךְ אֵינָם עֹשִׂים וְלַמֶּלֶךְ אֵין־שֹׁוֶה לְהַנִּיחָם׃ 9.5. וַיַּכּוּ הַיְּהוּדִים בְּכָל־אֹיְבֵיהֶם מַכַּת־חֶרֶב וְהֶרֶג וְאַבְדָן וַיַּעֲשׂוּ בְשֹׂנְאֵיהֶם כִּרְצוֹנָם׃ 9.7. וְאֵת פַּרְשַׁנְדָּתָא וְאֵת דַּלְפוֹן וְאֵת אַסְפָּתָא׃ 9.8. וְאֵת פּוֹרָתָא וְאֵת אֲדַלְיָא וְאֵת אֲרִידָתָא׃ 9.9. וְאֵת פַּרְמַשְׁתָּא וְאֵת אֲרִיסַי וְאֵת אֲרִדַי וְאֵת וַיְזָתָא׃ 9.13. וַתֹּאמֶר אֶסְתֵּר אִם־עַל־הַמֶּלֶךְ טוֹב יִנָּתֵן גַּם־מָחָר לַיְּהוּדִים אֲשֶׁר בְּשׁוּשָׁן לַעֲשׂוֹת כְּדָת הַיּוֹם וְאֵת עֲשֶׂרֶת בְּנֵי־הָמָן יִתְלוּ עַל־הָעֵץ׃ 9.14. וַיֹּאמֶר הַמֶּלֶךְ לְהֵעָשׂוֹת כֵּן וַתִּנָּתֵן דָּת בְּשׁוּשָׁן וְאֵת עֲשֶׂרֶת בְּנֵי־הָמָן תָּלוּ׃ 3.8. And Haman said unto king Ahasuerus: ‘There is a certain people scattered abroad and dispersed among the peoples in all the provinces of thy kingdom; and their laws are diverse from those of every people; neither keep they the king’s laws; therefore it profiteth not the king to suffer them." 9.5. And the Jews smote all their enemies with the stroke of the sword, and with slaughter and destruction, and did what they would unto them that hated them." 9.7. And Parshandatha, and Dalphon, and Aspatha," 9.8. and Poratha, and Adalia, and Aridatha," 9.9. and Parmashta, and Arisai, and Aridai, and Vaizatha," 9.10. the ten sons of Haman the son of Hammedatha, the Jews’enemy, slew they; but on the spoil they laid not their hand." 9.13. Then said Esther: ‘If it please the king, let it be granted to the Jews that are in Shushan to do to-morrow also according unto this day’s decree, and let Haman’s ten sons be hanged upon the gallows.’" 9.14. And the king commanded it so to be done; and a decree was given out in Shushan; and they hanged Haman’s ten sons."
2. Herodotus, Histories, 1.206-1.214 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

1.206. But while he was busy at this, Tomyris sent a herald to him with this message: “O king of the Medes, stop hurrying on what you are hurrying on, for you cannot know whether the completion of this work will be for your advantage. Stop, and be king of your own country; and endure seeing us ruling those whom we rule. ,But if you will not take this advice, and will do anything rather than remain at peace, then if you so greatly desire to try the strength of the Massagetae, stop your present work of bridging the river, and let us withdraw three days' journey from the Araxes; and when that is done, cross into our country. ,Or if you prefer to receive us into your country, then withdraw yourself as I have said.” Hearing this, Cyrus called together the leading Persians and laid the matter before them, asking them to advise him which he should do. They all spoke to the same end, urging him to let Tomyris and her army enter his country. 1.207. But Croesus the Lydian, who was present, was displeased by their advice and spoke against it. “O King,” he said, “you have before now heard from me that since Zeus has given me to you I will turn aside to the best of my ability whatever misadventure I see threatening your house. And disaster has been my teacher. ,Now, if you think that you and the army that you lead are immortal, I have no business giving you advice; but if you know that you and those whom you rule are only men, then I must first teach you this: men's fortunes are on a wheel, which in its turning does not allow the same man to prosper forever. ,So, if that is the case, I am not of the same opinion about the business in hand as these other counsellors of yours. This is the danger if we agree to let the enemy enter your country: if you lose the battle, you lose your empire also, for it is plain that if the Massagetae win they will not retreat but will march against your provinces. ,And if you conquer them, it is a lesser victory than if you crossed into their country and routed the Massagetae and pursued them; for I weigh your chances against theirs, and suppose that when you have beaten your adversaries you will march for the seat of Tomyris' power. ,And besides what I have shown, it would be a shameful thing and not to be endured if Cyrus the son of Cambyses should yield and give ground before a woman. Now then, it occurs to me that we should cross and go forward as far as they draw back, and that then we should endeavor to overcome them by doing as I shall show. ,As I understand, the Massagetae have no experience of the good things of Persia, and have never fared well as to what is greatly desirable. Therefore, I advise you to cut up the meat of many of your sheep and goats into generous portions for these men, and to cook it and serve it as a feast in our camp, providing many bowls of unmixed wine and all kinds of food. ,Then let your army withdraw to the river again, leaving behind that part of it which is of least value. For if I am not mistaken in my judgment, when the Massagetae see so many good things they will give themselves over to feasting on them; and it will be up to us then to accomplish great things.” 1.208. So these opinions clashed; and Cyrus set aside his former plan and chose that of Croesus; consequently, he told Tomyris to draw her army off, for he would cross (he said) and attack her; so she withdrew as she had promised before. Then he entrusted Croesus to the care of his own son Cambyses, to whom he would leave his sovereignty, telling Cambyses to honor Croesus and treat him well if the crossing of the river against the Massagetae should not go well. With these instructions, he sent the two back to Persia, and he and his army crossed the river. 1.209. After he had crossed the Araxes, he dreamed that night while sleeping in the country of the Massagetae that he saw the eldest of Hystapes' sons with wings on his shoulders, the one wing overshadowing Asia and the other Europe . ,Hystaspes son of Arsames was an Achaemenid, and Darius was the eldest of his sons, then about twenty years old; this Darius had been left behind in Persia, not yet being of an age to go on campaign. ,So when Cyrus awoke he considered his vision, and because it seemed to him to be of great importance, he sent for Hystaspes and said to him privately, “Hystaspes, I have caught your son plotting against me and my sovereignty; and I will tell you how I know this for certain. ,The gods care for me and show me beforehand all that is coming. Now then, I have seen in a dream in the past night your eldest son with wings on his shoulders, overshadowing Asia with the one and Europe with the other. ,From this vision, there is no way that he is not plotting against me. Therefore hurry back to Persia, and see that when I come back after subjecting this country you bring your son before me to be questioned about this.” 1.210. Cyrus said this, thinking that Darius was plotting against him; but in fact, heaven was showing him that he himself was to die in the land where he was and Darius inherit his kingdom. ,So then Hystaspes replied with this: “O King, may there not be any Persian born who would plot against you! But if there is, may he perish suddenly; for you have made the Persians free men instead of slaves and rulers of all instead of subjects of any. ,But if your vision does indeed signify that my son is planning revolution, I give him to you to treat as you like.” 1.211. After having given this answer and crossed the Araxes, Hystaspes went to Persia to watch his son for Cyrus; and Cyrus, advancing a day's journey from the Araxes, acted according to Croesus' advice. ,Cyrus and the sound portion of the Persian army marched back to the Araxes, leaving behind those that were useless; a third of the Massagetae forces attacked those of the army who were left behind and destroyed them despite resistance; then, when they had overcome their enemies, seeing the banquet spread they sat down and feasted, and after they had had their fill of food and wine, they fell asleep. ,Then the Persians attacked them, killing many and taking many more alive, among whom was the son of Tomyris the queen, Spargapises by name, the leader of the Massagetae. 1.212. When Tomyris heard what had happened to her army and her son, she sent a herald to Cyrus with this message: ,“Cyrus who can never get enough blood, do not be elated by what you have done; it is nothing to be proud of if, by the fruit of the vine—with which you Persians fill yourselves and rage so violently that evil words rise in a flood to your lips when the wine enters your bodies—if, by tricking him with this drug, you got the better of my son, and not by force of arms in battle. ,Now, then, take a word of good advice from me: give me back my son and leave this country unpunished, even though you have savaged a third of the Massagetae army. But if you will not, then I swear to you by the sun, lord of the Massagetae, that I shall give even you who can never get enough of it your fill of blood.” 1.213. Cyrus dismissed this warning when it was repeated to him. But Spargapises, the son of the queen Tomyris, after the wine wore off and he recognized his evil plight, asked Cyrus to be freed from his bonds; and this was granted him; but as soon as he was freed and had the use of his hands, he did away with himself. 1.214. Such was the end of Spargapises. Tomyris, when Cyrus would not listen to her, collected all her forces and engaged him. This fight I judge to have been the fiercest ever fought by men that were not Greek; and indeed I have learned that this was so. ,For first (it is said) they shot arrows at each other from a distance; then, when their arrows were all spent, they rushed at each other and fought with their spears and swords; and for a long time they stood fighting and neither would give ground; but at last the Massagetae got the upper hand. ,The greater part of the Persian army was destroyed there on the spot, and Cyrus himself fell there, after having reigned for one year short of thirty years. ,Tomyris filled a skin with human blood, and searched among the Persian dead for Cyrus' body; and when she found it, she pushed his head into the skin, and insulted the dead man in these words: ,“Though I am alive and have defeated you in battle, you have destroyed me, taking my son by guile; but just as I threatened, I give you your fill of blood.” Many stories are told of Cyrus' death; this, that I have told, is the most credible.
3. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.22.1, 1.70.4, 1.73-1.78, 1.81.6, 1.84.2, 1.89-1.117, 1.140.1, 2.21.1, 2.27, 2.42-2.43, 2.47, 2.54, 2.62.5, 3.2-3.3, 3.36-3.50, 3.36.6, 3.45.5, 3.46.1, 3.52, 3.73, 3.81-3.83, 3.97.2, 4.17-4.20, 4.18.4, 4.27-4.29, 4.65.4, 4.108.4, 5.14.1-5.14.2, 5.26, 5.32.1, 5.46, 5.52, 5.83-5.102, 5.84.3, 5.103.1-5.103.2, 5.104-5.116, 5.112.2, 6.1, 6.8-6.26, 6.15.2, 6.24.3, 6.30.2, 6.31-6.32, 6.31.6, 6.90.2-6.90.3, 7.61.2, 7.69.2, 7.77.4, 8.1, 8.45-8.46, 8.81.2 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

1.22.1. With reference to the speeches in this history, some were delivered before the war began, others while it was going on; some I heard myself, others I got from various quarters; it was in all cases difficult to carry them word for word in one's memory, so my habit has been to make the speakers say what was in my opinion demanded of them by the various occasions, of course adhering as closely as possible to the general sense of what they really said. 1.70.4. Further, there is promptitude on their side against procrastination on yours; they are never at home, you are never from it: for they hope by their absence to extend their acquisitions, you fear by your advance to endanger what you have left behind. 1.81.6. For let us never be elated by the fatal hope of the war being quickly ended by the devastation of their lands. I fear rather that we may leave it as a legacy to our children; so improbable is it that the Athenian spirit will be the slave of their land, or Athenian experience be cowed by war. 1.84.2. The quality which they condemn is really nothing but a wise moderation; thanks to its possession, we alone do not become insolent in success and give way less than others in misfortune; we are not carried away by the pleasure of hearing ourselves cheered on to risks which our judgment condemns; nor, if annoyed, are we any the more convinced by attempts to exasperate us by accusation. 1.140.1. ‘There is one principle, Athenians, which I hold to through everything, and that is the principle of no concession to the Peloponnesians. I know that the spirit which inspires men while they are being persuaded to make war, is not always retained in action; that as circumstances change, resolutions change. Yet I see that now as before the same, almost literally the same, counsel is demanded of me; and I put it to those of you, who are allowing yourselves to be persuaded, to support the national resolves even in the case of reverses, or to forfeit all credit for their wisdom in the event of success. For sometimes the course of things is as arbitrary as the plans of man; indeed this is why we usually blame chance for whatever does not happen as we expected. 2.21.1. In the meanwhile, as long as the army was at Eleusis and the Thriasian plain, hopes were still entertained of its not advancing any nearer. It was remembered that Pleistoanax, son of Pausanias, king of Lacedaemon, had invaded Attica with a Peloponnesian army fourteen years before, but had retreated without advancing farther than Eleusis and Thria, which indeed proved the cause of his exile from Sparta, as it was thought he had been bribed to retreat. 2.62.5. And where the chances are the same, knowledge fortifies courage by the contempt which is its consequence, its trust being placed, not in hope, which is the prop of the desperate, but in a judgment grounded upon existing resources, whose anticipations are more to be depended upon. 3.36.6. An assembly was therefore at once called, and after much expression of opinion upon both sides, Cleon, son of Cleaenetus, the same who had carried the former motion of putting the Mitylenians to death, the most violent man at Athens, and at that time by far the most powerful with the commons, came forward again and spoke as follows:— 3.45.5. Hope also and cupidity, the one leading and the other following, the one conceiving the attempt, the other suggesting the facility of succeeding, cause the widest ruin, and, although invisible agents, are far stronger than the dangers that are seen. 3.46.1. We must not, therefore, commit ourselves to a false policy through a belief in the efficacy of the punishment of death, or exclude rebels from the hope of repentance and an early atonement of their error. 3.97.2. Led on by his advisers and trusting in his fortune, as he had met with no opposition, without waiting for his Locrian reinforcements, who were to have supplied him with the light-armed darters in which he was most deficient, he advanced and stormed Aegitium, the inhabitants flying before him and posting themselves upon the hills above the town, which stood on high ground about nine miles from the sea. 4.18.4. Indeed sensible men are prudent enough to treat their gains as precarious, just as they would also keep a clear head in adversity, and think that war, so far from staying within the limit to which a combatant may wish to confine it, will run the course that its chances prescribe; and thus, not being puffed up by confidence in military success, they are less likely to come to grief, and most ready to make peace, if they can, while their fortune lasts. 4.65.4. So thoroughly had the present prosperity persuaded the citizens that nothing could withstand them, and that they could achieve what was possible and impracticable alike, with means ample or inadequate it mattered not. The secret of this was their general extraordinary success, which made them confuse their strength with their hopes. 4.108.4. Indeed there seemed to be no danger in so doing; their mistake in their estimate of the Athenian power was as great as that power afterwards turned out to be, and their judgment was based more upon blind wishing than upon any sound prevision; for it is a habit of mankind to entrust to careless hope what they long for, and to use sovereign reason to thrust aside what they do not fancy. 5.14.1. Indeed it so happened that directly after the battle of Amphipolis and the retreat of Ramphias from Thessaly, both sides ceased to prosecute the war and turned their attention to peace. Athens had suffered severely at Delium, and again shortly afterwards at Amphipolis, and had no longer that confidence in her strength which had made her before refuse to treat, in the belief of ultimate victory which her success at the moment had inspired; 5.14.2. besides, she was afraid of her allies being tempted by her reverses to rebel more generally, and repented having let go the splendid opportunity for peace which the affair of Pylos had offered. 5.32.1. About the same time in this summer Athens succeeded in reducing Scione, put the adult males to death, and making slaves of the women and children, gave the land for the Plataeans to live in. She also brought back the Delians to Delos, moved by her misfortunes in the field and by the commands of the god at Delphi . 5.84.3. Cleomedes, son of Lycomedes, and Tisias, son of Tisimachus, the generals, encamping in their territory with the above armament, before doing any harm to their land, sent envoys to negotiate. These the Melians did not bring before the people, but bade them state the object of their mission to the magistrates and the few; upon which the Athenian envoys spoke as follows:— 5.103.1. ‘Hope, danger's comforter, may be indulged in by those who have abundant resources, if not without loss at all events without ruin; but its nature is to be extravagant, and those who go so far as to put their all upon the venture see it in its true colors only when they are ruined; but so long as the discovery would enable them to guard against it, it is never found wanting. 5.103.2. Let not this be the case with you, who are weak and hang on a single turn of the scale; nor be like the vulgar, who, abandoning such security as human means may still afford, when visible hopes fail them in extremity, turn to invisible, to prophecies and oracles, and other such inventions that delude men with hopes to their destruction.’ 5.112.2. ‘Our resolution, Athenians, is the same as it was at first. We will not in a moment deprive of freedom a city that has been inhabited these seven hundred years; but we put our trust in the fortune by which the gods have preserved it until now, and in the help of men, that is, of the Lacedaemonians; and so we will try and save ourselves. 6.15.2. By far the warmest advocate of the expedition was, however, Alcibiades, son of Clinias, who wished to thwart Nicias both as his political opponent and also because of the attack he had made upon him in his speech, and who was, besides, exceedingly ambitious of a command by which he hoped to reduce Sicily and Carthage, and personally to gain in wealth and reputation by means of his successes. 6.24.3. All alike fell in love with the enterprise. The older men thought that they would either subdue the places against which they were to sail, or at all events, with so large a force, meet with no disaster; those in the prime of life felt a longing for foreign sights and spectacles, and had no doubt that they should come safe home again; while the idea of the common people and the soldiery was to earn wages at the moment, and make conquests that would supply a never-ending fund of pay for the future. 6.30.2. With them also went down the whole population, one may say, of the city, both citizens and foreigners; the inhabitants of the country each escorting those that belonged to them, their friends, their relatives, or their sons, with hope and lamentation upon their way, as they thought of the conquests which they hoped to make, or of the friends whom they might never see again, considering the long voyage which they were going to make from their country. 6.31.6. Indeed the expedition became not less famous for its wonderful boldness and for the splendour of its appearance, than for its overwhelming strength as compared with the peoples against whom it was directed, and for the fact that this was the longest passage from home hitherto attempted, and the most ambitious in its objects considering the resources of those who undertook it. 6.90.2. We sailed to Sicily first to conquer, if possible, the Siceliots, and after them the Italiots also, and finally to assail the empire and city of Carthage . 6.90.3. In the event of all or most of these schemes succeeding, we were then to attack Peloponnese, bringing with us the entire force of the Hellenes lately acquired in those parts, and taking a number of barbarians into our pay, such as the Iberians and others in those countries, confessedly the most warlike known, and building numerous galleys in addition to those which we had already, timber being plentiful in Italy ; and with this fleet blockading Peloponnese from the sea and assailing it with our armies by land, taking some of the cities by storm, drawing works of circumvallation round others, we hoped without difficulty to effect its reduction, and after this to rule the whole of the Hellenic name. 7.61.2. You must not lose heart, or be like men without any experience, who fail in a first essay, and ever afterwards fearfully forebode a future as disastrous. 7.69.2. Meanwhile Nicias, appalled by the position of affairs, realizing the greatness and the nearness of the danger now that they were on the point of putting out from shore, and thinking, as men are apt to think in great crises, that when all has been done they have still something left to do, and when all has been said that they have not yet said enough, again called on the captains one by one, addressing each by his father's name and by his own, and by that of his tribe, and adjured them not to belie their own personal renown, or to obscure the hereditary virtues for which their ancestors were illustrious; he reminded them of their country, the freest of the free, and of the unfettered discretion allowed in it to all to live as they pleased; and added other arguments such as men would use at such a crisis, and which, with little alteration, are made to serve on all occasions alike—appeals to wives, children, and national gods,—without caring whether they are thought common-place, but loudly invoking them in the belief that they will be of use in the consternation of the moment. 7.77.4. Others before us have attacked their neighbors and have done what men will do without suffering more than they could bear; and we may now justly expect to find the gods more kind, for we have become fitter objects for their pity than their jealousy. And then look at yourselves, mark the numbers and efficiency of the heavy infantry marching in your ranks, and do not give way too much to despondency, but reflect that you are yourselves at once a city wherever you sit down, and that there is no other in Sicily that could easily resist your attack, or expel you when once established. 8.81.2. An assembly was then held in which Alcibiades complained of and deplored his private misfortune in having been banished, and speaking at great length upon public affairs, highly incited their hopes for the future, and extravagantly magnified his own influence with Tissaphernes. His object in this was to make the oligarchical government at Athens afraid of him, to hasten the dissolution of the clubs, to increase his credit with the army at Samos and heighten their own confidence, and lastly to prejudice the enemy as strongly as possible against Tissaphernes, and blast the hopes which they entertained.
4. Aeschines, Letters, 2.115, 3.107-3.109 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)



Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
"historiography, classical" Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201, 206, 207
"justice, divine" Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 206, 207
"justice, human" Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 206
"moralising, intertextual" Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201, 206, 207
"moralising, macro-level" Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201
"morality, traditional" Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 206, 207
ability to handle good fortune Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201
agency Seaford, Wilkins, Wright, Selfhood and the Soul: Essays on Ancient Thought and Literature in Honour of Christopher Gill (2017) 33
aison Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 621
alcibiades Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 137, 144
alciphron Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 621
anticipation Seaford, Wilkins, Wright, Selfhood and the Soul: Essays on Ancient Thought and Literature in Honour of Christopher Gill (2017) 33
arrogance Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201
athenian character Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 193
athens/athenians Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 32
athens Ammann et al., Collective Violence and Memory in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 75, 76; Pillinger, Cassandra and the Poetics of Prophecy in Greek and Latin Literature (2019) 74
bravery Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 71
calculation Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 137
christianity and hope as a virtue Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 71
cleon Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 143
corcyra Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 193
corinthians Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 193
cyrus the great Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 206
danger, hope as a dangerous emotion/state of mind Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 137, 144
daring/boldness (tolme) Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 137
destruction Ammann et al., Collective Violence and Memory in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 75, 76
deus ex machina Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 122
dialogue Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 206
dilemmas, moral Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 207
diodorus siculus Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 31
diodotus Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 143
divination/oracles Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 122
endurance Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 71
ephorus Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 31
expectation (negative and positive) Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 137
fear Seaford, Wilkins, Wright, Selfhood and the Soul: Essays on Ancient Thought and Literature in Honour of Christopher Gill (2017) 33
friendship Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 71
future states Seaford, Wilkins, Wright, Selfhood and the Soul: Essays on Ancient Thought and Literature in Honour of Christopher Gill (2017) 33
genocide Ammann et al., Collective Violence and Memory in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 75, 76
greece Ammann et al., Collective Violence and Memory in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 76
herodotus Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201, 206, 207
honor Ammann et al., Collective Violence and Memory in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 75
hope, ambivalent concept Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 71
hope, and religion Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 122
hope Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 207; Seaford, Wilkins, Wright, Selfhood and the Soul: Essays on Ancient Thought and Literature in Honour of Christopher Gill (2017) 33
hope as a comforter of danger Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 122
hopelessness, and loss of faith in the gods Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 71
intertextuality Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201, 206, 207
law, international Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 404
legitimacy Ammann et al., Collective Violence and Memory in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 75, 76
lesbos Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 621
lichas, son of arcesilaus Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 621
lyric poetry Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201
melian dialogue Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 404; Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 206; Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 71, 122, 143, 144
melos/melians Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 31, 32
melos Ammann et al., Collective Violence and Memory in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 75; Pillinger, Cassandra and the Poetics of Prophecy in Greek and Latin Literature (2019) 74
military Ammann et al., Collective Violence and Memory in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 76
moderation Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 206
mytilene/mytilenaeans Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 32
mytilene Ammann et al., Collective Violence and Memory in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 75
mytilene debate Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201
mytilenean debate Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 404
narrative Ammann et al., Collective Violence and Memory in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 75, 76
nicias Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 122; Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 31
oracles Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 207; Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 486
overconfidence Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201, 206, 207
patterning Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201, 207
peloponnesian war Pillinger, Cassandra and the Poetics of Prophecy in Greek and Latin Literature (2019) 74
pericles Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 137
peripeteia Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 207
persia Ammann et al., Collective Violence and Memory in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 75
phrynichos (politician) Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 450
plato, philebus Seaford, Wilkins, Wright, Selfhood and the Soul: Essays on Ancient Thought and Literature in Honour of Christopher Gill (2017) 33
plato Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 486; Seaford, Wilkins, Wright, Selfhood and the Soul: Essays on Ancient Thought and Literature in Honour of Christopher Gill (2017) 33
political theory, and law. Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 404
politics, hope in greek and roman Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 122, 137, 143, 144
power Ammann et al., Collective Violence and Memory in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 76
reason/ratio Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 71, 122
rebellion (rebel) Ammann et al., Collective Violence and Memory in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 75
revenge Ammann et al., Collective Violence and Memory in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 75; Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 206
rome Ammann et al., Collective Violence and Memory in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 76
scione Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 32
self-seeking Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 207
sicilian debate Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 193
sicilian expedition Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 144; Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 621
sicily Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 193, 450
skirphondas Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 621
solon Seaford, Wilkins, Wright, Selfhood and the Soul: Essays on Ancient Thought and Literature in Honour of Christopher Gill (2017) 33
sparta/spartans Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 31, 32
status Ammann et al., Collective Violence and Memory in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 75, 76
story Ammann et al., Collective Violence and Memory in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 75
superstition Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 122
thespiae Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 621
thrasyl(l)os Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 621
threat of violence Ammann et al., Collective Violence and Memory in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 75, 76
thucydides Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 404; Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201, 206, 207; Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 31, 32; Seaford, Wilkins, Wright, Selfhood and the Soul: Essays on Ancient Thought and Literature in Honour of Christopher Gill (2017) 33
tragedy Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201
trojan women (euripides), historical context' Pillinger, Cassandra and the Poetics of Prophecy in Greek and Latin Literature (2019) 74
trojan women (euripides) Pillinger, Cassandra and the Poetics of Prophecy in Greek and Latin Literature (2019) 74
truth Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 32
uncertainty of human life Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 206, 207