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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



10882
Thucydides, The History Of The Peloponnesian War, 4.65


nanSuch were the words of Hermocrates. The Sicilians took his advice, and came to an understanding among themselves to end the war, each keeping what they had — the Camarinaeans taking Morgantina at a price fixed to be paid to the Syracusans — 2 and the allies of the Athenians called the officers in command, and told them that they were going to make peace and that they would be included in the treaty. The generals assenting, the peace was concluded, and the Athenian fleet afterwards sailed away from Sicily. 3 Upon their arrival at Athens, the Athenians banished Pythodorus and Sophocles, and fined Eurymedon for having taken bribes to depart when they might have subdued Sicily. 4 So thoroughly had the present prosperity persuaded the citizens that nothing could withstand them, and that they could achieve what was possible and impracticable alike, with means ample or inadequate it mattered not. The secret of this was their general extraordinary success, which made them confuse their strength with their hopes.


nannan, Such were the words of Hermocrates. The Sicilians took his advice, and came to an understanding among themselves to end the war, each keeping what they had—the Camarinaeans taking Morgantina at a price fixed to be paid to the Syracusans— ,and the allies of the Athenians called the officers in command, and told them that they were going to make peace and that they would be included in the treaty. The generals assenting, the peace was concluded, and the Athenian fleet afterwards sailed away from Sicily . ,Upon their arrival at Athens, the Athenians banished Pythodorus and Sophocles, and fined Eurymedon for having taken bribes to depart when they might have subdued Sicily . ,So thoroughly had the present prosperity persuaded the citizens that nothing could withstand them, and that they could achieve what was possible and impracticable alike, with means ample or inadequate it mattered not. The secret of this was their general extraordinary success, which made them confuse their strength with their hopes.


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

3 results
1. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.140.4-1.140.5, 2.65, 3.115, 4.17-4.18, 4.20, 4.27.5, 4.28, 4.28.3, 4.41.3-4.41.4, 4.59-4.64, 4.65.4, 6.6.1, 6.8.2, 6.8.4, 6.10-6.11, 6.12.2, 6.13-6.18, 6.27-6.29, 6.48-6.50, 6.53, 6.55, 6.60-6.62, 6.90.2-6.90.3, 6.101, 7.48 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

1.140.4. I hope that you will none of you think that we shall be going to war for a trifle if we refuse to revoke the Megara decree, which appears in front of their complaints, and the revocation of which is to save us from war, or let any feeling of self-reproach linger in your minds, as if you went to war for slight cause. 1.140.5. Why, this trifle contains the whole seal and trial of your resolution. If you give way, you will instantly have to meet some greater demand, as having been frightened into obedience in the first instance; while a firm refusal will make them clearly understand that they must treat you more as equals. 4.41.3. The Lacedaemonians, hitherto without experience of incursions or a warfare of the kind, finding the Helots deserting, and fearing the march of revolution in their country, began to be seriously uneasy, and in spite of their unwillingness to betray this to the Athenians began to send envoys to Athens, and tried to recover Pylos and the prisoners. 4.41.4. The Athenians, however, kept grasping at more, and dismissed envoy after envoy without their having effected anything. Such was the history of the affair of Pylos . 4.65.4. So thoroughly had the present prosperity persuaded the citizens that nothing could withstand them, and that they could achieve what was possible and impracticable alike, with means ample or inadequate it mattered not. The secret of this was their general extraordinary success, which made them confuse their strength with their hopes. 6.6.1. Such is the list of the peoples, Hellenic and barbarian, inhabiting Sicily, and such the magnitude of the island which the Athenians were now bent upon invading; being ambitious in real truth of conquering the whole, although they had also the specious design of succouring their kindred and other allies in the island. 6.8.2. The Athenians held an assembly, and after hearing from the Egestaeans and their own envoys a report, as attractive as it was untrue, upon the state of affairs generally, and in particular as to the money, of which, it was said, there was abundance in the temples and the treasury, voted to send sixty ships to Sicily, under the command of Alcibiades, son of Clinias, Nicias, son of Niceratus, and Lamachus, son of Xenophanes, who were appointed with full powers; they were to help the Egestaeans against the Selinuntines, to restore Leontini upon gaining any advantage in the war, and to order all other matters in Sicily as they should deem best for the interests of Athens . 6.8.4. and Nicias, who had been chosen to the command against his will, and who thought that the state was not well advised, but upon a slight and specious pretext was aspiring to the conquest of the whole of Sicily, a great matter to achieve, came forward in the hope of diverting the Athenians from the enterprise, and gave them the following counsel:— 6.12.2. And if there be any man here, overjoyed at being chosen to command, who urges you to make the expedition, merely for ends of his own—especially if he be still too young to command—who seeks to be admired for his stud of horses, but on account of its heavy expenses hopes for some profit from his appointment, do not allow such an one to maintain his private splendour at his country's risk, but remember that such persons injure the public fortune while they squander their own, and that this is a matter of importance, and not for a young man to decide or hastily to take in hand. 6.90.2. We sailed to Sicily first to conquer, if possible, the Siceliots, and after them the Italiots also, and finally to assail the empire and city of Carthage . 6.90.3. In the event of all or most of these schemes succeeding, we were then to attack Peloponnese, bringing with us the entire force of the Hellenes lately acquired in those parts, and taking a number of barbarians into our pay, such as the Iberians and others in those countries, confessedly the most warlike known, and building numerous galleys in addition to those which we had already, timber being plentiful in Italy ; and with this fleet blockading Peloponnese from the sea and assailing it with our armies by land, taking some of the cities by storm, drawing works of circumvallation round others, we hoped without difficulty to effect its reduction, and after this to rule the whole of the Hellenic name.
2. Plutarch, Comparison of Fabius With Pericles, 1.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

3. Plutarch, Pericles, 9.1-9.2, 11.2, 11.4, 15.1-15.2, 27.2, 31.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

9.1. Thucydides describes In the encomium on Pericles, Thuc. 2.65.9 . the administration of Pericles as rather aristocratic,— in name a democracy, but in fact a government by the greatest citizen. But many others say that the people was first led on by him into allotments of public lands, festival-grants, and distributions of fees for public services, thereby falling into bad habits, and becoming luxurious and wanton under the influence of his public measures, instead of frugal and self-sufficing. Let us therefore examine in detail the reason for this change in him. The discussion of this change in Pericles from the methods of a demagogue to the leadership described by Thucydides, continues through chapter 15. 9.2. In the beginning, as has been said, pitted as he was against the reputation of Cimon, he tried to ingratiate himself with the people. And since he was the inferior in wealth and property, by means of which Cimon would win over the poor,—furnishing a dinner every day to any Athenian who wanted it, bestowing raiment on the elderly men, and removing the fences from his estates that whosoever wished might pluck the fruit,—Pericles, outdone in popular arts of this sort, had recourse to the distribution of the people’s own wealth. This was on the advice of Damonides, of the deme Oa, as Aristotle has stated. Aristot. Const. Ath. 27.4 . 11.2. He, being less of a warrior than Cimon, and more of a forensic speaker and statesman, by keeping watch and ward in the city, and by wrestling bouts with Pericles on the bema, soon brought the administration into even poise. He would not suffer the party of the Good and True, as they called themselves, to be scattered up and down and blended with the populace, as heretofore, the weight of their character being thus obscured by numbers, but by culling them out and assembling them into one body, he made their collective influence, thus become weighty, as it were a counterpoise in the balance. 11.4. At this time, therefore, particularly, Pericles gave the reins to the people, and made his policy one of pleasing them, ever devising some sort of a pageant in the town for the masses, or a feast, or a procession, amusing them like children with not uncouth delights, An iambic trimeter from an unknown source. and sending out sixty triremes annually, on which large numbers of the citizens sailed about for eight months under pay, practising at the same time and acquiring the art of seamanship. 15.1. Thus, then, seeing that political differences were entirely remitted and the city had become a smooth surface, as it were, and altogether united, he brought under his own control Athens and all the issues dependent on the Athenians,—tributes, armies, triremes, the islands, the sea, the vast power derived from Hellenes, vast also from Barbarians, and a supremacy that was securely hedged about with subject nations, royal friendships, and dynastic alliances. 15.2. But then he was no longer the same man as before, nor alike submissive to the people and ready to yield and give in to the desires of the multitude as a steersman to the breezes. Nay rather, forsaking his former lax and sometimes rather effeminate management of the people, as it were a flowery and soft melody, he struck the high and clear note of an aristocratic and kingly statesmanship, and employing it for the best interests of all in a direct and undeviating fashion 27.2. And since it was a hard task for him to restrain the Athenians in their impatience of delay and eagerness to fight, he separated his whole force into eight divisions, had them draw lots, and allowed the division which got the white bean to feast and take their ease, while the others did the fighting. And this is the reason, as they say, why those who have had a gay and festive time call it a white day, —from the white bean. 31.1. Well, then, whatever the original ground for enacting the decree,—and it is no easy matter to determine this,—the fact that it was not rescinded all men alike lay to the charge of Pericles. Only, some say that he persisted in his refusal in a lofty spirit and with a clear perception of the best interests of the city, regarding the injunction laid upon it as a test of its submissiveness, and its compliance as a confession of weakness; while others hold that it was rather with a sort of arrogance and love of strife, as well as for the display of his power, that he scornfully defied the Lacedaemonians.


Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
anecdote Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 114
athenian character Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 207
athens, athenians Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 114
building programme Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 114
cleon Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 114
corcyra Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 114
council, of strategoi Jouanna, Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context (2018) 635
debate Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 114
generals Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 114
herodotus Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 114
kosmopolites, lacedaemonius, son of cimon Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 114
lamachos Jouanna, Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context (2018) 635
megara, megarian Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 114
nicias, athenian Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 114
nicias Jouanna, Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context (2018) 635; Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 202
pericles Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 114
plato Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 114
siceliots, sicilians Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 207
sicilian expedition Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 207
sicilian greeks Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 202
sicily' Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 207
sicily Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 114
sparta, spartan Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 114
thucydides Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 114
tyrant Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 114