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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



10882
Thucydides, The History Of The Peloponnesian War, 4.28


nanNicias, seeing the Athenians murmuring against Cleon for not sailing now if it seemed to him so easy, and further seeing himself the object of attack, told him that for all that the generals cared, he might take what force he chose and make the attempt. 2 At first Cleon fancied that this resignation was merely a figure of speech, and was ready to go, but finding that it was seriously meant, he drew back, and said that Nicias, not he, was general, being now frightened, and having never supposed that Nicias would go so far as to retire in his favour. 3 Nicias, however, repeated his offer, and resigned the command against Pylos, and called the Athenians to witness that he did so. And as the multitude is wont to do, the more Cleon shrank from the expedition and tried to back out of what he had said, the more they encouraged Nicias to hand over his command, and clamored at Cleon to go. 4 At last, not knowing how to get out of his words, he undertook the expedition, and came forward and said that he was not afraid of the Lacedaemonians, but would sail without taking any one from the city with him, except the Lemnians and Imbrians that were at Athens, with some targeteers that had come up from Aenus, and four hundred archers from other quarters. With these and the soldiers at Pylos, he would within twenty days either bring the Lacedaemonians alive, or kill them on the spot. 5 The Athenians could not help laughing at his fatuity, while sensible men comforted themselves with the reflection that they must gain in either circumstance; either they would be rid of Cleon, which they rather hoped, or if disappointed in this expectation, would reduce the Lacedaemonians.


nannan, Nicias, seeing the Athenians murmuring against Cleon for not sailing now if it seemed to him so easy, and further seeing himself the object of attack, told him that for all that the generals cared, he might take what force he chose and make the attempt. ,At first Cleon fancied that this resignation was merely a figure of speech, and was ready to go, but finding that it was seriously meant, he drew back, and said that Nicias, not he, was general, being now frightened, and having never supposed that Nicias would go so far as to retire in his favour. ,Nicias, however, repeated his offer, and resigned the command against Pylos, and called the Athenians to witness that he did so. And as the multitude is wont to do, the more Cleon shrank from the expedition and tried to back out of what he had said, the more they encouraged Nicias to hand over his command, and clamored at Cleon to go. ,At last, not knowing how to get out of his words, he undertook the expedition, and came forward and said that he was not afraid of the Lacedaemonians, but would sail without taking any one from the city with him, except the Lemnians and Imbrians that were at Athens, with some targeteers that had come up from Aenus, and four hundred archers from other quarters. With these and the soldiers at Pylos, he would within twenty days either bring the Lacedaemonians alive, or kill them on the spot. ,The Athenians could not help laughing at his fatuity, while sensible men comforted themselves with the reflection that they must gain in either circumstance; either they would be rid of Cleon, which they rather hoped, or if disappointed in this expectation, would reduce the Lacedaemonians.


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

7 results
1. Aristophanes, Knights, 281-283, 573-580, 702, 280 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

280. ναὶ μὰ Δία κἄγωγε τοῦτον, ὅτι κενῇ τῇ κοιλίᾳ
2. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.140.4-1.140.5, 2.65, 3.37, 3.41-3.42, 3.94.5, 3.98.3, 4.1, 4.3-4.27, 4.21.2, 4.29-4.40, 4.41.3-4.41.4, 4.65, 5.16.1, 5.19, 5.24, 5.26, 5.46, 5.84-5.116, 6.8.4, 6.33-6.34, 7.48 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

1.140.4. I hope that you will none of you think that we shall be going to war for a trifle if we refuse to revoke the Megara decree, which appears in front of their complaints, and the revocation of which is to save us from war, or let any feeling of self-reproach linger in your minds, as if you went to war for slight cause. 1.140.5. Why, this trifle contains the whole seal and trial of your resolution. If you give way, you will instantly have to meet some greater demand, as having been frightened into obedience in the first instance; while a firm refusal will make them clearly understand that they must treat you more as equals. 3.94.5. The plan which they recommended was to attack first the Apodotians, next the Ophionians, and after these the Eurytanians, who are the largest tribe in Aetolia, and speak, as is said, a language exceedingly difficult to understand, and eat their flesh raw. These once subdued, the rest would easily come in. 3.98.3. Indeed the Athenian army fell victims to death in every form, and suffered all the vicissitudes of flight; the survivors escaped with difficulty to the sea and Oeneon in Locris, whence they had set out. 4.21.2. The Athenians, however, having the men on the island, thought that the treaty would be ready for them whenever they chose to make it, and grasped at something further. 4.41.3. The Lacedaemonians, hitherto without experience of incursions or a warfare of the kind, finding the Helots deserting, and fearing the march of revolution in their country, began to be seriously uneasy, and in spite of their unwillingness to betray this to the Athenians began to send envoys to Athens, and tried to recover Pylos and the prisoners. 4.41.4. The Athenians, however, kept grasping at more, and dismissed envoy after envoy without their having effected anything. Such was the history of the affair of Pylos . 5.16.1. Now, however, after the Athenian defeat at Amphipolis, and the death of Cleon and Brasidas, who had been the two principal opponents of peace on either side—the latter from the success and honor which war gave him, the former because he thought that, if tranquillity were restored, his crimes would be more open to detection and his slanders less credited—the foremost candidates for power in either city, Pleistoanax, son of Pausanias, king of Lacedaemon, and Nicias, son of Niceratus, the most fortunate general of his time, each desired peace more ardently than ever. Nicias, while still happy and honored, wished to secure his good fortune, to obtain a present release from trouble for himself and his countrymen, and hand down to posterity a name as an ever-successful statesman, and thought the way to do this was to keep out of danger and commit himself as little as possible to fortune, and that peace alone made this keeping out of danger possible. Pleistoanax, again, was assailed by his enemies for his restoration, and regularly held up by them to the prejudice of his countrymen, upon every reverse that befell them, as though his unjust restoration were the cause; 6.8.4. and Nicias, who had been chosen to the command against his will, and who thought that the state was not well advised, but upon a slight and specious pretext was aspiring to the conquest of the whole of Sicily, a great matter to achieve, came forward in the hope of diverting the Athenians from the enterprise, and gave them the following counsel:—
3. Plutarch, Comparison of Fabius With Pericles, 1.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

4. Plutarch, Pericles, 9.1-9.2, 11.2, 11.4, 15.1-15.2, 27.2, 31.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

9.1. Thucydides describes In the encomium on Pericles, Thuc. 2.65.9 . the administration of Pericles as rather aristocratic,— in name a democracy, but in fact a government by the greatest citizen. But many others say that the people was first led on by him into allotments of public lands, festival-grants, and distributions of fees for public services, thereby falling into bad habits, and becoming luxurious and wanton under the influence of his public measures, instead of frugal and self-sufficing. Let us therefore examine in detail the reason for this change in him. The discussion of this change in Pericles from the methods of a demagogue to the leadership described by Thucydides, continues through chapter 15. 9.2. In the beginning, as has been said, pitted as he was against the reputation of Cimon, he tried to ingratiate himself with the people. And since he was the inferior in wealth and property, by means of which Cimon would win over the poor,—furnishing a dinner every day to any Athenian who wanted it, bestowing raiment on the elderly men, and removing the fences from his estates that whosoever wished might pluck the fruit,—Pericles, outdone in popular arts of this sort, had recourse to the distribution of the people’s own wealth. This was on the advice of Damonides, of the deme Oa, as Aristotle has stated. Aristot. Const. Ath. 27.4 . 11.2. He, being less of a warrior than Cimon, and more of a forensic speaker and statesman, by keeping watch and ward in the city, and by wrestling bouts with Pericles on the bema, soon brought the administration into even poise. He would not suffer the party of the Good and True, as they called themselves, to be scattered up and down and blended with the populace, as heretofore, the weight of their character being thus obscured by numbers, but by culling them out and assembling them into one body, he made their collective influence, thus become weighty, as it were a counterpoise in the balance. 11.4. At this time, therefore, particularly, Pericles gave the reins to the people, and made his policy one of pleasing them, ever devising some sort of a pageant in the town for the masses, or a feast, or a procession, amusing them like children with not uncouth delights, An iambic trimeter from an unknown source. and sending out sixty triremes annually, on which large numbers of the citizens sailed about for eight months under pay, practising at the same time and acquiring the art of seamanship. 15.1. Thus, then, seeing that political differences were entirely remitted and the city had become a smooth surface, as it were, and altogether united, he brought under his own control Athens and all the issues dependent on the Athenians,—tributes, armies, triremes, the islands, the sea, the vast power derived from Hellenes, vast also from Barbarians, and a supremacy that was securely hedged about with subject nations, royal friendships, and dynastic alliances. 15.2. But then he was no longer the same man as before, nor alike submissive to the people and ready to yield and give in to the desires of the multitude as a steersman to the breezes. Nay rather, forsaking his former lax and sometimes rather effeminate management of the people, as it were a flowery and soft melody, he struck the high and clear note of an aristocratic and kingly statesmanship, and employing it for the best interests of all in a direct and undeviating fashion 27.2. And since it was a hard task for him to restrain the Athenians in their impatience of delay and eagerness to fight, he separated his whole force into eight divisions, had them draw lots, and allowed the division which got the white bean to feast and take their ease, while the others did the fighting. And this is the reason, as they say, why those who have had a gay and festive time call it a white day, —from the white bean. 31.1. Well, then, whatever the original ground for enacting the decree,—and it is no easy matter to determine this,—the fact that it was not rescinded all men alike lay to the charge of Pericles. Only, some say that he persisted in his refusal in a lofty spirit and with a clear perception of the best interests of the city, regarding the injunction laid upon it as a test of its submissiveness, and its compliance as a confession of weakness; while others hold that it was rather with a sort of arrogance and love of strife, as well as for the display of his power, that he scornfully defied the Lacedaemonians.
5. Tacitus, Histories, 1.32.1, 3.67-3.68 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

3.67.  Vitellius's ears were deaf to all sterner counsels. His mind was overwhelmed by pity and anxiety for his wife and children, since he feared that if he made an obstinate struggle, he might leave the victor less mercifully disposed toward them. He had also his mother, who was bowed with years; but through an opportune death she anticipated by a few days the destruction of her house, having gained nothing from the elevation of her son to the principate but sorrow and good repute. On December eighteenth, when Vitellius heard of the defection of the legion and cohorts that had given themselves up at Narnia, he put on mourning and came down from his palace, surrounded by his household in tears; his little son was carried in a litter as if in a funeral procession. The voices of the people were flattering and untimely; the soldiers maintained an ominous silence. 3.68.  There was no one so indifferent to human fortunes as not to be moved by the sight. Here was a Roman emperor who, but yesterday lord of all mankind, now, abandoning the seat of his high fortune, was going through the midst of his people and the heart of the city to give up his imperial power. Men had never seen or heard the like before. A sudden violent act had crushed the dictator Caesar, a secret plot the emperor Gaius; night and the obscurity of the country had concealed the flight of Nero; Piso and Galba had fallen, so to say, on the field of battle. But now Vitellius, in an assembly called by himself, surrounded by his own soldiers, while even women looked on, spoke briefly and in a manner befitting his present sad estate, saying that he withdrew for the sake of peace and his country; he asked the people simply to remember him and to have pity on his brother, his wife, and his innocent young children. As he spoke, he held out his young son in his arms, commending him now to one or another, again to the whole assembly; finally, when tears choked his voice, taking his dagger from his side he offered it to the consul who stood beside him, as if surrendering his power of life and death over the citizens. The consul's name was Caecilius Simplex. When he refused it and the assembled people cried out in protest, Vitellius left them with the intention of depositing the imperial insignia in the Temple of Concord and after that going to his brother's home. Thereupon the people with louder cries opposed his going to a private house, but called him to the palace. Every other path was blocked against him; the only road open was along the Sacred Way. Then in utter perplexity he returned to the palace.
6. Epigraphy, Ig I , 131

7. Epigraphy, Ig I , 131



Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
aigition Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 376
akamantis tribe Jouanna, Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context (2018) 636
anecdote Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 114
anger Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 147
aristophanes Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 181
athens, athenians Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 114
aïgeis tribe Jouanna, Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context (2018) 636
building programme Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 114
cleaenetus, father of cleon Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 181
cleon Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 114; Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 181; Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 458
cleophon Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 206
corcyra Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 114
cremona Baumann and Liotsakis, Reading History in the Roman Empire (2022) 186
crowns Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 181
debate Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 114
demosthenes, general in the peloponnesian war Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 181
diodorus siculus Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 31
diodotus Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 458
ecclesia Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 181
ephorus Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 31
forum Baumann and Liotsakis, Reading History in the Roman Empire (2022) 186
generals Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 114
herodotus Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 114
hope, as a collective emotion Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 147
kosmopolites, lacedaemonius, son of cimon Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 114
megara, megarian Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 114
melos/melians Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 31
military commanders, honors for Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 181
naupactus Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 376
nicias, athenian Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 114
nicias, career of Jouanna, Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context (2018) 636
nicias, peace of Jouanna, Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context (2018) 636
nicias Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 31; Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 166, 458
oineon Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 376
ophions Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 376
otho Baumann and Liotsakis, Reading History in the Roman Empire (2022) 186
palatium Baumann and Liotsakis, Reading History in the Roman Empire (2022) 186
peace of nicias Jouanna, Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context (2018) 636
peloponnesian war Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 181
pericles Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 114
plato Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 114
pleistoanax Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 458
proedria Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 181
prytaneion decree Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 181
rewards, request for Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 181
servius galba Baumann and Liotsakis, Reading History in the Roman Empire (2022) 186
sicilian debate Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 206
sicilian expedition Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 458
sicily Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 114; Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 376
sitêsis Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 181
sparta, spartan Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 114
sparta/spartans Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 31
spartocus, king of bosphorus, sphacteria, battle of Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 181
sphacteria Baumann and Liotsakis, Reading History in the Roman Empire (2022) 186
strategos ex hapantōn Jouanna, Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context (2018) 636
tacitus Baumann and Liotsakis, Reading History in the Roman Empire (2022) 186
thucydides, son of melesias, audience, reader Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 376
thucydides, son of melesias, dramatic elements' Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 376
thucydides Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 114; Baumann and Liotsakis, Reading History in the Roman Empire (2022) 186; Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 31
tyrant Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 114
vitellius Baumann and Liotsakis, Reading History in the Roman Empire (2022) 186