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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



10882
Thucydides, The History Of The Peloponnesian War, 4.17-4.20


nan'Athenians, the Lacedaemonians sent us to try to find some way of settling the affair of our men on the island, that shall be at once satisfactory to your interests, and as consistent with our dignity in our misfortune as circumstances permit. 2 We can venture to speak at some length without any departure from the habit of our country. Men of few words where many are not wanted, we can be less brief when there is a matter of importance to be illustrated and an end to be served by its illustration. 3 Meanwhile we beg you to take what we may say, not in a hostile spirit, nor as if we thought you ignorant and wished to lecture you, but rather as a suggestion on the best course to be taken, addressed to intelligent judges. 4 You can now, if you choose, employ your present success to advantage, so as to keep what you have got and gain honor and reputation besides, and you can avoid the mistake of those who meet with an extraordinary piece of good fortune, and are led on by hope to grasp continually at something further, through having already succeeded without expecting it. 5 While those who have known most vicissitudes of good and bad, have also justly least faith in their prosperity; and to teach your city and ours this lesson experience has not been wanting.


nannan, ‘Athenians, the Lacedaemonians sent us to try to find some way of settling the affair of our men on the island, that shall be at once satisfactory to your interests, and as consistent with our dignity in our misfortune as circumstances permit. ,We can venture to speak at some length without any departure from the habit of our country. Men of few words where many are not wanted, we can be less brief when there is a matter of importance to be illustrated and an end to be served by its illustration. ,Meanwhile we beg you to take what we may say, not in a hostile spirit, nor as if we thought you ignorant and wished to lecture you, but rather as a suggestion on the best course to be taken, addressed to intelligent judges. ,You can now, if you choose, employ your present success to advantage, so as to keep what you have got and gain honor and reputation besides, and you can avoid the mistake of those who meet with an extraordinary piece of good fortune, and are led on by hope to grasp continually at something further, through having already succeeded without expecting it. ,While those who have known most vicissitudes of good and bad, have also justly least faith in their prosperity; and to teach your city and ours this lesson experience has not been wanting.


nanTo be convinced of this you have only to look at our present misfortune. What power in Hellas stood higher than we did? and yet we are come to you, although we formerly thought ourselves more able to grant what we are now here to ask. 2 Nevertheless; we have not been brought to this by any decay in our power, or through having our heads turned by aggrandizement; no, our resources are what they have always been, and our error has been an error of judgment, to which all are equally liable. 3 Accordingly the prosperity which your city now enjoys, and the accession that it has lately received, must not make you fancy that fortune will be always with you. 4 Indeed sensible men are prudent enough to treat their gains as precarious, just as they would also keep a clear head in adversity, and think that war, so far from staying within the limit to which a combatant may wish to confine it, will run the course that its chances prescribe; and thus, not being puffed up by confidence in military success, they are less likely to come to grief, and most ready to make peace, if they can, while their fortune lasts. 5 This, Athenians, you have a good opportunity to do now with us, and thus to escape the possible disasters which may follow upon your refusal, and the consequent imputation of having owed to accident even your present advantages, when you might have left behind you a reputation for power and wisdom which nothing could endanger.


nannan, To be convinced of this you have only to look at our present misfortune. What power in Hellas stood higher than we did? and yet we are come to you, although we formerly thought ourselves more able to grant what we are now here to ask. ,Nevertheless; we have not been brought to this by any decay in our power, or through having our heads turned by aggrandizement; no, our resources are what they have always been, and our error has been an error of judgment, to which all are equally liable. ,Accordingly the prosperity which your city now enjoys, and the accession that it has lately received, must not make you fancy that fortune will be always with you. ,Indeed sensible men are prudent enough to treat their gains as precarious, just as they would also keep a clear head in adversity, and think that war, so far from staying within the limit to which a combatant may wish to confine it, will run the course that its chances prescribe; and thus, not being puffed up by confidence in military success, they are less likely to come to grief, and most ready to make peace, if they can, while their fortune lasts. ,This, Athenians, you have a good opportunity to do now with us, and thus to escape the possible disasters which may follow upon your refusal, and the consequent imputation of having owed to accident even your present advantages, when you might have left behind you a reputation for power and wisdom which nothing could endanger.


nanThe Lacedaemonians accordingly invite you to make a treaty and to end the war, and offer peace and alliance and the most friendly and intimate relations in every way and on every occasion between us; and in return ask for the men on the island, thinking it better for both parties not to stand out the end, on the chance of some favorable accident enabling the men to force their way out, or of their being compelled to succumb under the pressure of blockade. 2 Indeed if great enmities are ever to be really settled, we think it will be, not by the system of revenge and military success, and by forcing an opponent to swear to a treaty to his disadvantage, but when the more fortunate combatant waives these his privileges, to be guided by gentler feelings, conquers his rival in generosity, and accords peace on more moderate conditions than he expected. 3 From that moment, instead of the debt of revenge which violence must entail, his adversary owes a debt of generosity to be paid in kind, and is inclined by honor to stand to his agreement. 4 And men oftener act in this manner towards their greatest enemies than where the quarrel is of less importance; they are also by nature as glad to give way to those who first yield to them, as they are apt to be provoked by arrogance to risks condemned by their own judgment.


nannan, The Lacedaemonians accordingly invite you to make a treaty and to end the war, and offer peace and alliance and the most friendly and intimate relations in every way and on every occasion between us; and in return ask for the men on the island, thinking it better for both parties not to stand out the end, on the chance of some favorable accident enabling the men to force their way out, or of their being compelled to succumb under the pressure of blockade. ,Indeed if great enmities are ever to be really settled, we think it will be, not by the system of revenge and military success, and by forcing an opponent to swear to a treaty to his disadvantage, but when the more fortunate combatant waives these his privileges, to be guided by gentler feelings, conquers his rival in generosity, and accords peace on more moderate conditions than he expected. ,From that moment, instead of the debt of revenge which violence must entail, his adversary owes a debt of generosity to be paid in kind, and is inclined by honor to stand to his agreement. ,And men oftener act in this manner towards their greatest enemies than where the quarrel is of less importance; they are also by nature as glad to give way to those who first yield to them, as they are apt to be provoked by arrogance to risks condemned by their own judgment.


nanTo apply this to ourselves: if peace was ever desirable for both parties, it is surely so at the present moment, before anything irremediable befall us and force us to hate you eternally, personally as well as politically, and you to miss the advantages that we now offer you. 2 While the issue is still in doubt, and you have reputation and our friendship in prospect, and we the compromise of our misfortune before anything fatal occur, let us be reconciled, and for ourselves choose peace instead of war, and grant to the rest of the Hellenes a remission from their sufferings, for which be sure they will think they have chiefly you to thank. The war that they labour under they know not which began, but the peace that concludes it, as it depends on your decision, will by their gratitude he laid to your door. 3 By such a decision you can become firm friends with the Lacedaemonians at their own invitation, which you do not force from them, but oblige them by accepting. 4 And from this friendship consider the advantages that are likely to follow: when Attica and Sparta are at one, the rest of Hellas, be sure, will remain in respectful inferiority before its heads.'


nannan, To apply this to ourselves: if peace was ever desirable for both parties, it is surely so at the present moment, before anything irremediable befall us and force us to hate you eternally, personally as well as politically, and you to miss the advantages that we now offer you. ,While the issue is still in doubt, and you have reputation and our friendship in prospect, and we the compromise of our misfortune before anything fatal occur, let us be reconciled, and for ourselves choose peace instead of war, and grant to the rest of the Hellenes a remission from their sufferings, for which be sure they will think they have chiefly you to thank. The war that they labour under they know not which began, but the peace that concludes it, as it depends on your decision, will by their gratitude he laid to your door. ,By such a decision you can become firm friends with the Lacedaemonians at their own invitation, which you do not force from them, but oblige them by accepting. ,And from this friendship consider the advantages that are likely to follow: when Attica and Sparta are at one, the rest of Hellas, be sure, will remain in respectful inferiority before its heads.’


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

14 results
1. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 7.11 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)

7.11. בִּשְׁנַת שֵׁשׁ־מֵאוֹת שָׁנָה לְחַיֵּי־נֹחַ בַּחֹדֶשׁ הַשֵּׁנִי בְּשִׁבְעָה־עָשָׂר יוֹם לַחֹדֶשׁ בַּיּוֹם הַזֶּה נִבְקְעוּ כָּל־מַעְיְנֹת תְּהוֹם רַבָּה וַאֲרֻבֹּת הַשָּׁמַיִם נִפְתָּחוּ׃ 7.11. In the six hundredth year of Noah’s life, in the second month, on the seventeenth day of the month, on the same day were all the fountains of the great deep broken up, and the windows of heaven were opened."
2. Hebrew Bible, 2 Kings, 25.8 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

25.8. וּבַחֹדֶשׁ הַחֲמִישִׁי בְּשִׁבְעָה לַחֹדֶשׁ הִיא שְׁנַת תְּשַׁע־עֶשְׂרֵה שָׁנָה לַמֶּלֶךְ נְבֻכַדְנֶאצַּר מֶלֶךְ־בָּבֶל בָּא נְבוּזַרְאֲדָן רַב־טַבָּחִים עֶבֶד מֶלֶךְ־בָּבֶל יְרוּשָׁלִָם׃ 25.8. Now in the fifth month, on the seventh day of the month, which was the nineteenth year of king Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, came Nebuzaradan the captain of the guard, a servant of the king of Babylon, unto Jerusalem."
3. Hebrew Bible, Jeremiah, 32.1, 52.29 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

32.1. וָאֶכְתֹּב בַּסֵּפֶר וָאֶחְתֹּם וָאָעֵד עֵדִים וָאֶשְׁקֹל הַכֶּסֶף בְּמֹאזְנָיִם׃ 32.1. הַדָּבָר אֲשֶׁר־הָיָה אֶל־יִרְמְיָהוּ מֵאֵת יְהוָה בשנת [בַּשָּׁנָה] הָעֲשִׂרִית לְצִדְקִיָּהוּ מֶלֶךְ יְהוּדָה הִיא הַשָּׁנָה שְׁמֹנֶה־עֶשְׂרֵה שָׁנָה לִנְבוּכַדְרֶאצַּר׃ 52.29. בִּשְׁנַת שְׁמוֹנֶה עֶשְׂרֵה לִנְבוּכַדְרֶאצַּר מִירוּשָׁלִַם נֶפֶשׁ שְׁמֹנֶה מֵאוֹת שְׁלֹשִׁים וּשְׁנָיִם׃ 32.1. The word that came to Jeremiah from the LORD in the tenth year of Zedekiah king of Judah, which was the eighteenth year of Nebuchadrezzar." 52.29. in the eighteenth year of Nebuchadrezzar, from Jerusalem, eight hundred thirty and two persons;"
4. Hebrew Bible, Haggai, 1.1 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

1.1. עַל־כֵּן עֲלֵיכֶם כָּלְאוּ שָמַיִם מִטָּל וְהָאָרֶץ כָּלְאָה יְבוּלָהּ׃ 1.1. בִּשְׁנַת שְׁתַּיִם לְדָרְיָוֶשׁ הַמֶּלֶךְ בַּחֹדֶשׁ הַשִּׁשִּׁי בְּיוֹם אֶחָד לַחֹדֶשׁ הָיָה דְבַר־יְהוָה בְּיַד־חַגַּי הַנָּבִיא אֶל־זְרֻבָּבֶל בֶּן־שְׁאַלְתִּיאֵל פַּחַת יְהוּדָה וְאֶל־יְהוֹשֻׁעַ בֶּן־יְהוֹצָדָק הַכֹּהֵן הַגָּדוֹל לֵאמֹר׃ 1.1. In the second year of Darius the king, in the sixth month, in the first day of the month, came the word of the LORD by Haggai the prophet unto Zerubbabel the son of Shealtiel, governor of Judah, and to Joshua the son of Jehozadak, the high priest, saying:
5. Hebrew Bible, Zechariah, 1.1 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

1.1. וַיַּעַן הָאִישׁ הָעֹמֵד בֵּין־הַהַדַסִּים וַיֹּאמַר אֵלֶּה אֲשֶׁר שָׁלַח יְהוָה לְהִתְהַלֵּךְ בָּאָרֶץ׃ 1.1. בַּחֹדֶשׁ הַשְּׁמִינִי בִּשְׁנַת שְׁתַּיִם לְדָרְיָוֶשׁ הָיָה דְבַר־יְהוָה אֶל־זְכַרְיָה בֶּן־בֶּרֶכְיָה בֶּן־עִדּוֹ הַנָּבִיא לֵאמֹר׃ 1.1. In the eighth month, in the second year of Darius, came the word of the LORD unto Zechariah the son of Berechiah, the son of Iddo, the prophet, saying:
6. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.23.6, 1.32-1.43, 1.44.2, 1.73-1.78, 1.89-1.117, 1.118.2, 1.125.2, 1.126.1, 1.139.1, 2.51.4, 3.2-3.19, 3.29-3.31, 3.36-3.50, 3.49.4, 3.82, 3.83.2, 3.84, 3.88, 3.94.5, 3.98.3, 3.103, 3.115, 4.3-4.16, 4.18-4.40, 4.27.5, 4.28.3, 4.41.3-4.41.4, 4.55.1, 4.59-4.65, 4.65.4, 5.18, 5.23, 5.84-5.111, 6.6.1, 6.8.2, 6.8.4, 6.24, 6.30.1, 6.31-6.32, 6.53, 6.53.2, 7.50.4, 8.1.1, 8.24.4 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

1.23.6. The real cause I consider to be the one which was formally most kept out of sight. The growth of the power of Athens, and the alarm which this inspired in Lacedaemon, made war inevitable. Still it is well to give the grounds alleged by either side, which led to the dissolution of the treaty and the breaking out of the war. 1.44.2. For it began now to be felt that the coming of the Peloponnesian war was only a question of time, and no one was willing to see a naval power of such magnitude as Corcyra sacrificed to Corinth ; though if they could let them weaken each other by mutual conflict, it would be no bad preparation for the struggle which Athens might one day have to wage with Corinth and the other naval powers. 1.118.2. All these actions of the Hellenes against each other and the barbarian occurred in the fifty years' interval between the retreat of Xerxes and the beginning of the present war. During this interval the Athenians succeeded in placing their empire on a firmer basis, and advanced their own home power to a very great height. The Lacedaemonians, though fully aware of it, opposed it only for a little while, but remained inactive during most of the period, being of old slow to go to war except under the pressure of necessity, and in the present instance being hampered by wars at home; until the growth of the Athenian power could be no longer ignored, and their own confederacy became the object of its encroachments. They then felt that they could endure it no longer, but that the time had come for them to throw themselves heart and soul upon the hostile power, and break it, if they could, by commencing the present war. 1.125.2. This decided, it was still impossible for them to commence at once, from their want of preparation; but it was resolved that the means requisite were to be procured by the different states, and that there was to be no delay. And indeed, in spite of the time occupied with the necessary arrangements, less than a year elapsed before Attica was invaded, and the war openly begun. 1.126.1. This interval was spent in sending embassies to Athens charged with complaints, in order to obtain as good a pretext for war as possible, in the event of her paying no attention to them. 1.139.1. To return to the Lacedaemonians. The history of their first embassy, the injunctions which it conveyed, and the rejoinder which it provoked, concerning the expulsion of the accursed persons, have been related already. It was followed by a second, which ordered Athens to raise the siege of Potidaea, and to respect the independence of Aegina . Above all, it gave her most distinctly to understand that war might be prevented by the revocation of the Megara decree, excluding the Megarians from the use of Athenian harbors and of the market of Athens . 2.51.4. By far the most terrible feature in the malady was the dejection which ensued when anyone felt himself sickening, for the despair into which they instantly fell took away their power of resistance, and left them a much easier prey to the disorder; besides which, there was the awful spectacle of men dying like sheep, through having caught the infection in nursing each other. This caused the greatest mortality. 3.49.4. Luckily they met with no contrary wind, and the first ship making no haste upon so horrid an errand, while the second pressed on in the manner described, the first arrived so little before them, that Paches had only just had time to read the decree, and to prepare to execute the sentence, when the second put into port and prevented the massacre. The danger of Mitylene had indeed been great. 3.83.2. To put an end to this, there was neither promise to be depended upon, nor oath that could command respect; but all parties dwelling rather in their calculation upon the hopelessness of a permanent state of things, were more intent upon self-defence than capable of confidence. 3.94.5. The plan which they recommended was to attack first the Apodotians, next the Ophionians, and after these the Eurytanians, who are the largest tribe in Aetolia, and speak, as is said, a language exceedingly difficult to understand, and eat their flesh raw. These once subdued, the rest would easily come in. 3.98.3. Indeed the Athenian army fell victims to death in every form, and suffered all the vicissitudes of flight; the survivors escaped with difficulty to the sea and Oeneon in Locris, whence they had set out. 4.41.3. The Lacedaemonians, hitherto without experience of incursions or a warfare of the kind, finding the Helots deserting, and fearing the march of revolution in their country, began to be seriously uneasy, and in spite of their unwillingness to betray this to the Athenians began to send envoys to Athens, and tried to recover Pylos and the prisoners. 4.41.4. The Athenians, however, kept grasping at more, and dismissed envoy after envoy without their having effected anything. Such was the history of the affair of Pylos . 4.55.1. The Lacedaemonians seeing the Athenians masters of Cythera, and expecting descents of the kind upon their coasts, nowhere opposed them in force, but sent garrisons here and there through the country, consisting of as many heavy infantry as the points menaced seemed to require, and generally stood very much upon the defensive. After the severe and unexpected blow that had befallen them in the island, the occupation of Pylos and Cythera, and the apparition on every side of a war whose rapidity defied precaution, they lived in constant fear of internal revolution 4.65.4. So thoroughly had the present prosperity persuaded the citizens that nothing could withstand them, and that they could achieve what was possible and impracticable alike, with means ample or inadequate it mattered not. The secret of this was their general extraordinary success, which made them confuse their strength with their hopes. 6.6.1. Such is the list of the peoples, Hellenic and barbarian, inhabiting Sicily, and such the magnitude of the island which the Athenians were now bent upon invading; being ambitious in real truth of conquering the whole, although they had also the specious design of succouring their kindred and other allies in the island. 6.8.2. The Athenians held an assembly, and after hearing from the Egestaeans and their own envoys a report, as attractive as it was untrue, upon the state of affairs generally, and in particular as to the money, of which, it was said, there was abundance in the temples and the treasury, voted to send sixty ships to Sicily, under the command of Alcibiades, son of Clinias, Nicias, son of Niceratus, and Lamachus, son of Xenophanes, who were appointed with full powers; they were to help the Egestaeans against the Selinuntines, to restore Leontini upon gaining any advantage in the war, and to order all other matters in Sicily as they should deem best for the interests of Athens . 6.8.4. and Nicias, who had been chosen to the command against his will, and who thought that the state was not well advised, but upon a slight and specious pretext was aspiring to the conquest of the whole of Sicily, a great matter to achieve, came forward in the hope of diverting the Athenians from the enterprise, and gave them the following counsel:— 6.53.2. For the Athenians, after the departure of the expedition, had continued as active as ever in investigating the facts of the mysteries and of the Hermae, and, instead of testing the informers, in their suspicious temper welcomed all indifferently, arresting and imprisoning the best citizens upon the evidence of rascals, and preferring to sift the matter to the bottom sooner than to let an accused person of good character pass unquestioned, owing to the rascality of the informer. 7.50.4. All was at last ready, and they were on the point of sailing away, when an eclipse of the moon, which was then at the full, took place. Most of the Athenians, deeply impressed by this occurrence, now urged the generals to wait; and Nicias, who was somewhat over-addicted to divination and practices of that kind, refused from that moment even to take the question of departure into consideration, until they had waited the thrice nine days prescribed by the soothsayers. The besiegers were thus condemned to stay in the country; 8.1.1. Such were the events in Sicily . When the news was brought to Athens, for a long while they disbelieved even the most respectable of the soldiers who had themselves escaped from the scene of action and clearly reported the matter, a destruction so complete not being thought credible. When the conviction was forced upon them, they were angry with the orators who had joined in promoting the expedition, just as if they had not themselves voted it, and were enraged also with the reciters of oracles and soothsayers, and all other omenmongers of the time who had encouraged them to hope that they should conquer Sicily . 8.24.4. Indeed, after the Lacedaemonians, the Chians are the only people that I have known who knew how to be wise in prosperity, and who ordered their city the more securely the greater it grew.
7. Xenophon, Hellenica, 6.3.16 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

6.3.16. Again, I for my part do not commend those men who, when they have become competitors in the games and have already been victorious many times and enjoy fame, are so fond of contest that they do not stop until they are defeated and so end their athletic training; nor on the other hand do I commend those dicers who, if they win one success, throw for double stakes, for I see that the majority of such people become utterly impoverished.
8. Hebrew Bible, Daniel, 3.1, 4.1 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)

3.1. אנתה [אַנְתְּ] מַלְכָּא שָׂמְתָּ טְּעֵם דִּי כָל־אֱנָשׁ דִּי־יִשְׁמַע קָל קַרְנָא מַשְׁרֹקִיתָא קיתרס [קַתְרוֹס] שַׂבְּכָא פְסַנְתֵּרִין וסיפניה [וְסוּפֹּנְיָה] וְכֹל זְנֵי זְמָרָא יִפֵּל וְיִסְגֻּד לְצֶלֶם דַּהֲבָא׃ 3.1. נְבוּכַדְנֶצַּר מַלְכָּא עֲבַד צְלֵם דִּי־דְהַב רוּמֵהּ אַמִּין שִׁתִּין פְּתָיֵהּ אַמִּין שִׁת אֲקִימֵהּ בְּבִקְעַת דּוּרָא בִּמְדִינַת בָּבֶל׃ 4.1. חָזֵה הֲוֵית בְּחֶזְוֵי רֵאשִׁי עַל־מִשְׁכְּבִי וַאֲלוּ עִיר וְקַדִּישׁ מִן־שְׁמַיָּא נָחִת׃ 4.1. אֲנָה נְבוּכַדְנֶצַּר שְׁלֵה הֲוֵית בְּבֵיתִי וְרַעְנַן בְּהֵיכְלִי׃ 3.1. Nebuchadnezzar the king made an image of gold, whose height was threescore cubits, and the breadth thereof six cubits; he set it up in the plain of Dura, in the province of Babylon." 4.1. I Nebuchadnezzar was at rest in my house, and flourishing in my palace."
9. Polybius, Histories, 36.9 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)

36.9. 1.  Both about the Carthaginians when they were crushed by the Romans and about the affair of the pseudo-Philip many divergent accounts were current in Greece, at first on the subject of the conduct of Rome to Carthage and next concerning their treatment of the pseudo-Philip.,2.  As regards the former the judgements formed and the opinions held in Greece were far from uimous.,3.  There were some who approved the action of the Romans, saying that they had taken wise and statesmanlike measures in defence of their empire.,4.  For to destroy this source of perpetual menace, this city which had constantly disputed the supremacy with them and was still able to dispute it if it had the opportunity and thus to secure the dominion of their own country, was the act of intelligent and far-seeing men.,5.  Others took the opposite view, saying that far from maintaining the principles by which they had won their supremacy, they were little by little deserting it for a lust of domination like that of Athens and Sparta, starting indeed later than those states, but sure, as everything indicated, to arrive at the same end.,6.  For at first they had made war with every nation until they were victorious and until their adversaries had confessed that they must obey them and execute their orders.,7.  But now they had struck the first note of their new policy by their conduct to Perseus, in utterly exterminating the kingdom of Macedonia, and they had now completely revealed it by their decision concerning Carthage.,8.  For the Carthaginians had been guilty of no immediate offence to Rome, but the Romans had treated them with irremediable severity, although they had accepted all their conditions and consented to obey all their orders.,9.  Others said that the Romans were, generally speaking, a civilized people, and that their peculiar merit on which they prided themselves was that they conducted their wars in a simple and noble manner, employing neither night attacks nor ambushes, disapproving of every kind of deceit and fraud, and considering that nothing but direct and open attacks were legitimate for them.,10.  But in the present case, throughout the whole of their proceedings in regard to Carthage, they had used deceit and fraud, offering certain things one at a time and keeping others secret, until they cut off every hope the city had of help from her allies.,11.  This, they said, savoured more of a despot's intrigue than of the principles of a civilized state such as Rome, and could only be justly described as something very like impiety and treachery.,12.  And there were others who differed likewise from these latter critics. For, they said, if before the Carthaginians had committed themselves to the faith of Rome the Romans had proceeded in this manner, offering certain things one at a time and gradually disclosing others, they would of course have appeared to be guilty of the charge brought against them.,13.  But if, in fact, after the Carthaginians had of their own accord committed themselves to the faith of the Romans and given them liberty to treat them in any way they chose, the Romans, being thus authorized to act as it seemed good to them, gave the orders and imposed the terms on which they had decided, what took place did not bear any resemblance to an act of impiety and scarcely any to an act of treachery; in fact some said it was not even of the nature of an injustice.,14.  For every crime must naturally fall under one of these three classes, and what the Romans did belongs to neither of the three.,15.  For impiety is sin against the gods, against parents, or against the dead; treachery is the violation of sworn or written agreements; and injustice is what is done contrary to law and custom.,16.  of none of these three were the Romans guilty on the present occasion. Neither did they sin against the gods, against their parents, or against the dead, nor did they violate any sworn agreement or treaty; on the contrary they accused the Carthaginians of doing this.,17.  Nor, again, did they break any laws or customs or their personal faith. For having received from a people who consented willingly full authority to act as they wished, when this people refused to obey their orders they finally resorted to force.
10. Septuagint, Judith, 4.3, 5.19 (2nd cent. BCE - 0th cent. CE)

4.3. For they had only recently returned from the captivity, and all the people of Judea were newly gathered together, and the sacred vessels and the altar and the temple had been consecrated after their profanation. 5.19. But now they have returned to their God, and have come back from the places to which they were scattered, and have occupied Jerusalem, where their sanctuary is, and have settled in the hill country, because it was uninhabited.
11. Plutarch, Nicias, 13.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

12. Tacitus, Histories, 1.32.1, 3.67-3.68 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

3.67.  Vitellius's ears were deaf to all sterner counsels. His mind was overwhelmed by pity and anxiety for his wife and children, since he feared that if he made an obstinate struggle, he might leave the victor less mercifully disposed toward them. He had also his mother, who was bowed with years; but through an opportune death she anticipated by a few days the destruction of her house, having gained nothing from the elevation of her son to the principate but sorrow and good repute. On December eighteenth, when Vitellius heard of the defection of the legion and cohorts that had given themselves up at Narnia, he put on mourning and came down from his palace, surrounded by his household in tears; his little son was carried in a litter as if in a funeral procession. The voices of the people were flattering and untimely; the soldiers maintained an ominous silence. 3.68.  There was no one so indifferent to human fortunes as not to be moved by the sight. Here was a Roman emperor who, but yesterday lord of all mankind, now, abandoning the seat of his high fortune, was going through the midst of his people and the heart of the city to give up his imperial power. Men had never seen or heard the like before. A sudden violent act had crushed the dictator Caesar, a secret plot the emperor Gaius; night and the obscurity of the country had concealed the flight of Nero; Piso and Galba had fallen, so to say, on the field of battle. But now Vitellius, in an assembly called by himself, surrounded by his own soldiers, while even women looked on, spoke briefly and in a manner befitting his present sad estate, saying that he withdrew for the sake of peace and his country; he asked the people simply to remember him and to have pity on his brother, his wife, and his innocent young children. As he spoke, he held out his young son in his arms, commending him now to one or another, again to the whole assembly; finally, when tears choked his voice, taking his dagger from his side he offered it to the consul who stood beside him, as if surrendering his power of life and death over the citizens. The consul's name was Caecilius Simplex. When he refused it and the assembled people cried out in protest, Vitellius left them with the intention of depositing the imperial insignia in the Temple of Concord and after that going to his brother's home. Thereupon the people with louder cries opposed his going to a private house, but called him to the palace. Every other path was blocked against him; the only road open was along the Sacred Way. Then in utter perplexity he returned to the palace.
13. Andocides, Orations, 1.62

14. Andocides, Orations, 1.62



Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
"historiography, classical" Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 198, 201, 202, 208
"moralising, digressive" Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 208
"moralising, implicit" Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 208
"moralising, intertextual" Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201, 202
"moralising, macro-level" Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201, 202
ability to handle good fortune Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201, 202
ability to handle misfortune Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 208
aigition Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 376
anelpiston Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 140
anger Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 208
anticipation Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 140
armistice / truce / alliance ofnan Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 686
arrogance Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201
blessings Gera, Judith (2014) 136
book of judith, chronology Gera, Judith (2014) 136
chabrias Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 686
cleon Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 686
corcyraeans Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 255, 577
corinth Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 577, 686
correlation between action and result as a means of moralising Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 208
councils and conferences Gera, Judith (2014) 136
cremona Baumann and Liotsakis, Reading History in the Roman Empire (2022) 186
ctesias Gera, Judith (2014) 136
daniel, book, lxx versions Gera, Judith (2014) 136
dilemmas, moral Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 198
diodorus siculus Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 198; Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 686
ele(i)ans Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 686
emotions as a destructive force Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 208
ephorus Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 686
epidamnos Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 577
evaluative phrasing Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 208
exile, captivity, and return, exodus, story of Gera, Judith (2014) 136
expectation (negative and positive) Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 140
fear Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 208
fire Gera, Judith (2014) 136
fortune Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 202
forum Baumann and Liotsakis, Reading History in the Roman Empire (2022) 186
gold, statue Gera, Judith (2014) 136
greed Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 208
herms Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 686
herodotus Gera, Judith (2014) 136; Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201, 202
hope, vs. hopelessness Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 140
intertextuality Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201, 202
juxtaposition, as a means of moralising Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 208
laches Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 686
lesbos Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 255
lyric poetry Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201
medes and media Gera, Judith (2014) 136
moderation Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 202
mytilene debate Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201
naupactus Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 255, 376
nebuchadnezzar, biblical Gera, Judith (2014) 136
nebuchadnezzar, historical Gera, Judith (2014) 136
nebuchadnezzar of judith Gera, Judith (2014) 136
nicias Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 202, 686
oineon Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 376
ophions Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 376
otho Baumann and Liotsakis, Reading History in the Roman Empire (2022) 186
overconfidence Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201, 202
palatium Baumann and Liotsakis, Reading History in the Roman Empire (2022) 186
passover Gera, Judith (2014) 136
patterning Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201
pharaoh Gera, Judith (2014) 136
phormio Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 255
plague' Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 255
pleonexia Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 208
politics, hope in greek and roman Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 140
prostration and bowing Gera, Judith (2014) 136
red sea Gera, Judith (2014) 136
scione Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 686
self-seeking Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 208
servius galba Baumann and Liotsakis, Reading History in the Roman Empire (2022) 186
shadrach, meshach, abed-nego Gera, Judith (2014) 136
sicilian expedition Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 686
sicilian greeks Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 202
sicily Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 255, 376, 686
sicyonians Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 577
simplicity Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 208
speeches Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 198, 202, 208
sphacteria Baumann and Liotsakis, Reading History in the Roman Empire (2022) 186
statues Gera, Judith (2014) 136
tacitus Baumann and Liotsakis, Reading History in the Roman Empire (2022) 186
thucydides, son of melesias, audience, reader Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 376
thucydides, son of melesias, causes, causality Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 255
thucydides, son of melesias, documents, letters, treaties etc. Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 255, 577
thucydides, son of melesias, dramatic elements Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 376
thucydides Baumann and Liotsakis, Reading History in the Roman Empire (2022) 186; Gera, Judith (2014) 136; Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 198, 201, 202, 208
tragedy Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201
uncertainty of human life Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 202
vitellius Baumann and Liotsakis, Reading History in the Roman Empire (2022) 186
xenophon Gera, Judith (2014) 136