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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



10882
Thucydides, The History Of The Peloponnesian War, 3.37-3.38


nan'I have often before now been convinced that a democracy is incapable of empire, and never more so than by your present change of mind in the matter of Mitylene. 2 Fears or plots being unknown to you in your daily relations with each other, you feel just the same with regard to your allies, and never reflect that the mistakes into which you may be led by listening to their appeals, or by giving way to your own compassion, are full of danger to yourselves, and bring you no thanks for your weakness from your allies; entirely forgetting that your empire is a despotism and your subjects disaffected conspirators, whose obedience is insured not by your suicidal concessions, but by the superiority given you by your own strength and not their loyalty. 3 The most alarming feature in the case is the constant change of measures with which we appear to be threatened, and our seeming ignorance of the fact that bad laws which are never changed are better for a city than good ones that have no authority; that unlearned loyalty is more serviceable than quick-witted insubordination; and that ordinary men usually manage public affairs better than their more gifted fellows. 4 The latter are always wanting to appear wiser than the laws, and to overrule every proposition brought forward, thinking that they cannot show their wit in more important matters, and by such behavior too often ruin their country; while those who mistrust their own cleverness are content to be less learned than the laws, and less able to pick holes in the speech of a good speaker; and being fair judges rather than rival athletes, generally conduct affairs successfully. 5 These we ought to imitate, instead of being led on by cleverness and intellectual rivalry to advise your people against our real opinions.


nannan, ‘I have often before now been convinced that a democracy is incapable of empire, and never more so than by your present change of mind in the matter of Mitylene . ,Fears or plots being unknown to you in your daily relations with each other, you feel just the same with regard to your allies, and never reflect that the mistakes into which you may be led by listening to their appeals, or by giving way to your own compassion, are full of danger to yourselves, and bring you no thanks for your weakness from your allies; entirely forgetting that your empire is a despotism and your subjects disaffected conspirators, whose obedience is insured not by your suicidal concessions, but by the superiority given you by your own strength and not their loyalty. ,The most alarming feature in the case is the constant change of measures with which we appear to be threatened, and our seeming ignorance of the fact that bad laws which are never changed are better for a city than good ones that have no authority; that unlearned loyalty is more serviceable than quick-witted insubordination; and that ordinary men usually manage public affairs better than their more gifted fellows. ,The latter are always wanting to appear wiser than the laws, and to overrule every proposition brought forward, thinking that they cannot show their wit in more important matters, and by such behavior too often ruin their country; while those who mistrust their own cleverness are content to be less learned than the laws, and less able to pick holes in the speech of a good speaker; and being fair judges rather than rival athletes, generally conduct affairs successfully. ,These we ought to imitate, instead of being led on by cleverness and intellectual rivalry to advise your people against our real opinions.


nanFor myself, I adhere to my former opinion, and wonder at those who have proposed to reopen the case of the Mitylenians, and who are thus causing a delay which is all in favour of the guilty, by making the sufferer proceed against the offender with the edge of his anger blunted; although where vengeance follows most closely upon the wrong, it best equals it and most amply requites it. I wonder also who will be the man who will maintain the contrary, and will pretend to show that the crimes of the Mitylenians are of service to us, and our misfortunes injurious to the allies. 2 Such a man must plainly either have such confidence in his rhetoric as to adventure to prove that what has been once for all decided is still undetermined, or be bribed to try to delude us by elaborate sophisms. 3 In such contests the state gives the rewards to others, and takes the dangers for herself. 4 The persons to blame are you who are so foolish as to institute these contests; who go to see an oration as you would to see a sight, take your facts on hearsay, judge of the practicability of a project by the wit of its advocates, and trust for the truth as to past events not to the fact which you saw more than to the clever strictures which you heard; 5 the easy victims of newfangled arguments, unwilling to follow received conclusions; slaves to every new paradox, despisers of the commonplace; 6 the first wish of every man being that he could speak himself, the next to rival those who can speak by seeming to be quite up with their ideas by applauding every hit almost before it is made, and by being as quick in catching an argument as you are slow in foreseeing its consequences; 7 asking, if I may so say, for something different from the conditions under which we live, and yet comprehending inadequately those very conditions; very slaves to the pleasure of the ear, and more like the audience of a rhetorician than the council of a city.


nannan, For myself, I adhere to my former opinion, and wonder at those who have proposed to reopen the case of the Mitylenians, and who are thus causing a delay which is all in favour of the guilty, by making the sufferer proceed against the offender with the edge of his anger blunted; although where vengeance follows most closely upon the wrong, it best equals it and most amply requites it. I wonder also who will be the man who will maintain the contrary, and will pretend to show that the crimes of the Mitylenians are of service to us, and our misfortunes injurious to the allies. ,Such a man must plainly either have such confidence in his rhetoric as to adventure to prove that what has been once for all decided is still undetermined, or be bribed to try to delude us by elaborate sophisms. ,In such contests the state gives the rewards to others, and takes the dangers for herself. ,The persons to blame are you who are so foolish as to institute these contests; who go to see an oration as you would to see a sight, take your facts on hearsay, judge of the practicability of a project by the wit of its advocates, and trust for the truth as to past events not to the fact which you saw more than to the clever strictures which you heard; ,the easy victims of newfangled arguments, unwilling to follow received conclusions; slaves to every new paradox, despisers of the commonplace; ,the first wish of every man being that he could speak himself, the next to rival those who can speak by seeming to be quite up with their ideas by applauding every hit almost before it is made, and by being as quick in catching an argument as you are slow in foreseeing its consequences; ,asking, if I may so say, for something different from the conditions under which we live, and yet comprehending inadequately those very conditions; very slaves to the pleasure of the ear, and more like the audience of a rhetorician than the council of a city.


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

32 results
1. Hebrew Bible, Esther, 3.8, 9.5, 9.7-9.10, 9.13-9.14 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)

3.8. וַיֹּאמֶר הָמָן לַמֶּלֶךְ אֲחַשְׁוֵרוֹשׁ יֶשְׁנוֹ עַם־אֶחָד מְפֻזָּר וּמְפֹרָד בֵּין הָעַמִּים בְּכֹל מְדִינוֹת מַלְכוּתֶךָ וְדָתֵיהֶם שֹׁנוֹת מִכָּל־עָם וְאֶת־דָּתֵי הַמֶּלֶךְ אֵינָם עֹשִׂים וְלַמֶּלֶךְ אֵין־שֹׁוֶה לְהַנִּיחָם׃ 9.5. וַיַּכּוּ הַיְּהוּדִים בְּכָל־אֹיְבֵיהֶם מַכַּת־חֶרֶב וְהֶרֶג וְאַבְדָן וַיַּעֲשׂוּ בְשֹׂנְאֵיהֶם כִּרְצוֹנָם׃ 9.7. וְאֵת פַּרְשַׁנְדָּתָא וְאֵת דַּלְפוֹן וְאֵת אַסְפָּתָא׃ 9.8. וְאֵת פּוֹרָתָא וְאֵת אֲדַלְיָא וְאֵת אֲרִידָתָא׃ 9.9. וְאֵת פַּרְמַשְׁתָּא וְאֵת אֲרִיסַי וְאֵת אֲרִדַי וְאֵת וַיְזָתָא׃ 9.13. וַתֹּאמֶר אֶסְתֵּר אִם־עַל־הַמֶּלֶךְ טוֹב יִנָּתֵן גַּם־מָחָר לַיְּהוּדִים אֲשֶׁר בְּשׁוּשָׁן לַעֲשׂוֹת כְּדָת הַיּוֹם וְאֵת עֲשֶׂרֶת בְּנֵי־הָמָן יִתְלוּ עַל־הָעֵץ׃ 9.14. וַיֹּאמֶר הַמֶּלֶךְ לְהֵעָשׂוֹת כֵּן וַתִּנָּתֵן דָּת בְּשׁוּשָׁן וְאֵת עֲשֶׂרֶת בְּנֵי־הָמָן תָּלוּ׃ 3.8. And Haman said unto king Ahasuerus: ‘There is a certain people scattered abroad and dispersed among the peoples in all the provinces of thy kingdom; and their laws are diverse from those of every people; neither keep they the king’s laws; therefore it profiteth not the king to suffer them." 9.5. And the Jews smote all their enemies with the stroke of the sword, and with slaughter and destruction, and did what they would unto them that hated them." 9.7. And Parshandatha, and Dalphon, and Aspatha," 9.8. and Poratha, and Adalia, and Aridatha," 9.9. and Parmashta, and Arisai, and Aridai, and Vaizatha," 9.10. the ten sons of Haman the son of Hammedatha, the Jews’enemy, slew they; but on the spoil they laid not their hand." 9.13. Then said Esther: ‘If it please the king, let it be granted to the Jews that are in Shushan to do to-morrow also according unto this day’s decree, and let Haman’s ten sons be hanged upon the gallows.’" 9.14. And the king commanded it so to be done; and a decree was given out in Shushan; and they hanged Haman’s ten sons."
2. Homer, Odyssey, 8.559-8.561, 24.426-24.429 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)

3. Aristophanes, Acharnians, 629-664, 628 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

628. ἐξ οὗ γε χοροῖσιν ἐφέστηκεν τρυγικοῖς ὁ διδάσκαλος ἡμῶν
4. Aristophanes, Knights, 505-550, 191 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

191. ἡ δημαγωγία γὰρ οὐ πρὸς μουσικοῦ
5. Aristophanes, Frogs, 676-705, 710, 718-733, 675 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

675. Μοῦσα χορῶν ἱερῶν: ἐπίβηθι καὶ ἔλθ' ἐπὶ τέρψιν ἀοιδᾶς ἐμᾶς
6. Euripides, Medea, 546-551, 579-583, 348 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

348. Mine is a nature anything but harsh; full oft by showing pity have I suffered shipwreck;
7. Euripides, Suppliant Women, 400-597, 741, 399 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

399. Who is the despot of this land? To whom must I announce
8. Euripides, Trojan Women, 1001, 914-966, 983-1000 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

1000. did you ever raise, though Castor was still alive, a vigorous youth, and his brother also, not yet among the stars? Then when you had come to Troy , and the Argives were on your track, and the mortal combat had begun, whenever tidings came to you of
9. Herodotus, Histories, 1.31.4, 1.32.8, 1.60, 1.143.2, 5.78, 5.97, 7.139, 7.157-7.162 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

1.31.4. She was overjoyed at the feat and at the praise, so she stood before the image and prayed that the goddess might grant the best thing for man to her children Cleobis and Biton, who had given great honor to the goddess. 1.32.8. It is impossible for one who is only human to obtain all these things at the same time, just as no land is self-sufficient in what it produces. Each country has one thing but lacks another; whichever has the most is the best. Just so no human being is self-sufficient; each person has one thing but lacks another. 1.60. But after a short time the partisans of Megacles and of Lycurgus made common cause and drove him out. In this way Pisistratus first got Athens and, as he had a sovereignty that was not yet firmly rooted, lost it. Presently his enemies who together had driven him out began to feud once more. ,Then Megacles, harassed by factional strife, sent a message to Pisistratus offering him his daughter to marry and the sovereign power besides. ,When this offer was accepted by Pisistratus, who agreed on these terms with Megacles, they devised a plan to bring Pisistratus back which, to my mind, was so exceptionally foolish that it is strange (since from old times the Hellenic stock has always been distinguished from foreign by its greater cleverness and its freedom from silly foolishness) that these men should devise such a plan to deceive Athenians, said to be the subtlest of the Greeks. ,There was in the Paeanian deme a woman called Phya, three fingers short of six feet, four inches in height, and otherwise, too, well-formed. This woman they equipped in full armor and put in a chariot, giving her all the paraphernalia to make the most impressive spectacle, and so drove into the city; heralds ran before them, and when they came into town proclaimed as they were instructed: ,“Athenians, give a hearty welcome to Pisistratus, whom Athena herself honors above all men and is bringing back to her own acropolis.” So the heralds went about proclaiming this; and immediately the report spread in the demes that Athena was bringing Pisistratus back, and the townsfolk, believing that the woman was the goddess herself, worshipped this human creature and welcomed Pisistratus. 5.78. So the Athenians grew in power and proved, not in one respect only but in all, that equality is a good thing. Evidence for this is the fact that while they were under tyrannical rulers, the Athenians were no better in war than any of their neighbors, yet once they got rid of their tyrants, they were by far the best of all. This, then, shows that while they were oppressed, they were, as men working for a master, cowardly, but when they were freed, each one was eager to achieve for himself. 5.97. It was when the Athenians had made their decision and were already on bad terms with Persia, that Aristagoras the Milesian, driven from Sparta by Cleomenes the Lacedaemonian, came to Athens, since that city was more powerful than any of the rest. Coming before the people, Aristagoras spoke to the same effect as at Sparta, of the good things of Asia, and how the Persians carried neither shield nor spear in war and could easily be overcome. ,This he said adding that the Milesians were settlers from Athens, whom it was only right to save seeing that they themselves were a very powerful people. There was nothing which he did not promise in the earnestness of his entreaty, till at last he prevailed upon them. It seems, then, that it is easier to deceive many than one, for he could not deceive Cleomenes of Lacedaemon, one single man, but thirty thousand Athenians he could. ,The Athenians, now persuaded, voted to send twenty ships to aid the Ionians, appointing for their admiral Melanthius, a citizen of Athens who had an unblemished reputation. These ships were the beginning of troubles for both Greeks and foreigners. 7.139. Here I am forced to declare an opinion which will be displeasing to most, but I will not refrain from saying what seems to me to be true. ,Had the Athenians been panic-struck by the threatened peril and left their own country, or had they not indeed left it but remained and surrendered themselves to Xerxes, none would have attempted to withstand the king by sea. What would have happened on land if no one had resisted the king by sea is easy enough to determine. ,Although the Peloponnesians had built not one but many walls across the Isthmus for their defense, they would nevertheless have been deserted by their allies (these having no choice or free will in the matter, but seeing their cities taken one by one by the foreign fleet), until at last they would have stood alone. They would then have put up quite a fight and perished nobly. ,Such would have been their fate. Perhaps, however, when they saw the rest of Hellas siding with the enemy, they would have made terms with Xerxes. In either case Hellas would have been subdued by the Persians, for I cannot see what advantage could accrue from the walls built across the isthmus, while the king was master of the seas. ,As it is, to say that the Athenians were the saviors of Hellas is to hit the truth. It was the Athenians who held the balance; whichever side they joined was sure to prevail. choosing that Greece should preserve her freedom, the Athenians roused to battle the other Greek states which had not yet gone over to the Persians and, after the gods, were responsible for driving the king off. ,Nor were they moved to desert Hellas by the threatening oracles which came from Delphi and sorely dismayed them, but they stood firm and had the courage to meet the invader of their country. 7.157. By these means Gelon had grown to greatness as a tyrant, and now, when the Greek envoys had come to Syracuse, they had audience with him and spoke as follows: “The Lacedaemonians and their allies have sent us to win your aid against the foreigner, for it cannot be, we think, that you have no knowledge of the Persian invader of Hellas, how he proposes to bridge the Hellespont and lead all the hosts of the east from Asia against us, making an open show of marching against Athens, but actually with intent to subdue all Hellas to his will. ,Now you are rich in power, and as lord of Sicily you rule what is not the least part of Hellas; therefore, we beg of you, send help to those who are going to free Hellas, and aid them in so doing. The uniting of all those of Greek stock entails the mustering of a mighty host able to meet our invaders in the field. If, however, some of us play false and others will not come to our aid, while the sound part of Hellas is but small, then it is to be feared that all Greek lands alike will be destroyed. ,Do not for a moment think that if the Persian defeats us in battle and subdues us, he will leave you unassailed, but rather look well to yourself before that day comes. Aid us, and you champion your own cause; in general a well-laid plan leads to a happy issue.” 7.158. This is what they said, and Gelon, speaking very vehemently, said in response to this: “Men of Hellas, it is with a self-seeking plea that you have dared to come here and invite me to be your ally against the foreigners; yet what of yourselves? ,When I was at odds with the Carchedonians, and asked you to be my comrades against a foreign army, and when I desired that you should avenge the slaying of Dorieus son of Anaxandrides on the men of Egesta, and when I promised to free those trading ports from which great advantage and profit have accrued to you,—then neither for my sake would you come to aid nor to avenge the slaying of Dorieus. Because of your position in these matters, all these lands lie beneath the foreigners' feet. ,Let that be; for all ended well, and our state was improved. But now that the war has come round to you in your turn, it is time for remembering Gelon! ,Despite the fact that you slighted me, I will not make an example of you; I am ready to send to your aid two hundred triremes, twenty thousand men-at-arms, two thousand horsemen, two thousand archers, two thousand slingers, and two thousand light-armed men to run with horsemen. I also pledge to furnish provisions for the whole Greek army until we have made an end of the war. ,All this, however, I promise on one condition, that I shall be general and leader of the Greeks against the foreigner. On no other condition will I come myself or send others.” 7.159. When Syagrus heard that, he could not contain himself; “In truth,” he cried, “loudly would Agamemnon son of Pelops lament, when hearing that the Spartans had been bereft of their command by Gelon and his Syracusans! No, rather, put the thought out of your minds that we will give up the command to you. If it is your will to aid Hellas, know that you must obey the Lacedaemonians; but if, as I think, you are too proud to obey, then send no aid.” 7.160. Thereupon Gelon, seeing how unfriendly Syagrus' words were, for the last time declared his opinion to them: “My Spartan friend, the hard words that a man hears are likely to arouse his anger; but for all the arrogant tenor of your speech you will not move me to make an unseemly answer. ,When you set such store by the command, it is but reasonable that it should be still more important to me since I am the leader of an army many times greater than yours and more ships by far. But seeing that your response to me is so haughty, we will make some concession in our original condition. It might be that you should command the army, and I the fleet; or if it is your pleasure to lead by sea, then I am ready to take charge of the army. With that you will surely be content, unless you want depart from here without such allies as we are.” 7.161. Such was Gelon's offer, and the Athenian envoy answered him before the Lacedaemonian could speak. “King of the Syracusans,” he said, “Hellas sends us to you to ask not for a leader but for an army. You however, say no word of sending an army without the condition of your being the leader of Hellas; it is the command alone that you desire. ,Now as long as you sought the leadership of the whole force, we Athenians were content to hold our peace, knowing that the Laconian was well able to answer for both of us; but since, failing to win the whole, you would gladly command the fleet, we want to let you know how the matter stands. Even if the Laconian should permit you to command it, we would not do so, for the command of the fleet, which the Lacedaemonians do not desire for themselves, is ours. If they should desire to lead it, we will not withstand them, but we will not allow anyone else to be admiral. ,It would be for nothing, then, that we possess the greatest number of seafaring men in Hellas, if we Athenians yield our command to Syracusans,—we who can demonstrate the longest lineage of all and who alone among the Greeks have never changed our place of habitation; of our stock too was the man of whom the poet Homer says that of all who came to Ilion, he was the best man in ordering and marshalling armies. We accordingly cannot be reproached for what we now say. ” 7.162. “My Athenian friend,” Gelon answered, “it would seem that you have many who lead, but none who will follow. Since, then, you will waive no claim but must have the whole, it is high time that you hasten home and tell your Hellas that her year has lost its spring.” ,The significance of this statement was that Gelon's army was the most notable part of the Greek army, just as the spring is the best part of the year. He accordingly compared Hellas deprived of alliance with him to a year bereft of its spring.
10. Isocrates, Orations, 4.93, 4.95-4.99, 8.82 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

11. Lysias, Orations, 2.20, 2.33-2.45, 2.56-2.57 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

12. Plato, Euthydemus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

13. Plato, Gorgias, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

500b. that there were certain industries, some of which extend only to pleasure, procuring that and no more, and ignorant of better and worse; while others know what is good and what bad. And I placed among those that are concerned with pleasure the habitude, not art, of cookery, and among those concerned with good the art of medicine. Now by the sanctity of friendship, Callicles, do not on your part indulge in jesting with me, or give me random answers against your conviction, or again, take what I say as though I were jesting. For you see
14. Plato, Laws, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

659b. For, rightly speaking, the judge sits not as a pupil, but rather as a teacher of the spectators, being ready to oppose those who offer them pleasure in a way that is unseemly or wrong; and that is what the present law of Sicily and Italy actually does: by entrusting the decision to the spectators, who award the prize by show of hands, not only has it corrupted the poet
15. Plato, Phaedrus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

276a. Socrates. Now tell me; is there not another kind of speech, or word, which shows itself to be the legitimate brother of this bastard one, both in the manner of its begetting and in its better and more powerful nature? Phaedrus. What is this word and how is it begotten, as you say? Socrates. The word which is written with intelligence in the mind of the learner, which is able to defend itself and knows to whom it should speak, and before whom to be silent. Phaedrus. You mean the living and breathing word of him who knows, of which the written word may justly be called the image.
16. Plato, Sophist, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

251c. but must call the good good, and a man man. I fancy, Theaetetus, you often run across people who take such matters seriously; sometimes they are elderly men whose poverty of intellect makes them admire such quibbles, and who think this is a perfect mine of wisdom they have discovered. Theaet. Certainly. Str. Then, to include in our discussion all those who have ever engaged in any talk whatsoever about being
17. Plato, Timaeus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

18. Sophocles, Ajax, 501-505, 510-513, 500 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

19. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.10.1-1.10.2, 1.21-1.22, 1.22.1, 1.32-1.43, 1.68-1.86, 1.73.2-1.73.74, 1.75.3, 1.76.2, 1.89-1.117, 1.120, 1.124, 2.22.1, 2.27, 2.36.2-2.36.3, 2.37-2.41, 2.37.3, 2.40.2-2.40.3, 2.41.1, 2.41.3, 2.47-2.53, 2.47.3-2.47.54, 2.51.3, 2.53.1, 2.59-2.65, 2.59.3, 2.63.2, 2.65.3-2.65.4, 2.65.7, 2.65.9-2.65.11, 3.1-3.36, 3.36.2, 3.36.4-3.36.6, 3.37.1, 3.37.3-3.37.4, 3.38-3.50, 3.38.2, 3.44.4, 3.49.1, 3.49.4, 3.52-3.68, 3.73, 3.81-3.84, 3.82.1, 3.82.3-3.82.8, 4.1, 4.17-4.20, 4.21.2-4.21.3, 4.27-4.28, 4.28.3, 4.41.3-4.41.4, 4.59-4.64, 4.65.4, 4.85-4.87, 4.92, 5.16.1, 5.26, 5.84-5.116, 6.8-6.26, 6.8.4, 6.31-6.32, 8.1.4, 8.27.2-8.27.3, 8.45-8.46 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

1.10.1. Now Mycenae may have been a small place, and many of the towns of that age may appear comparatively insignificant, but no exact observer would therefore feel justified in rejecting the estimate given by the poets and by tradition of the magnitude of the armament. 1.10.2. For I suppose if Lacedaemon were to become desolate, and the temples and the foundations of the public buildings were left, that as time went on there would be a strong disposition with posterity to refuse to accept her fame as a true exponent of her power. And yet they occupy two-fifths of Peloponnese and lead the whole, not to speak of their numerous allies without. Still, as the city is neither built in a compact form nor adorned with magnificent temples and public edifices, but composed of villages after the old fashion of Hellas, there would be an impression of inadequacy. Whereas, if Athens were to suffer the same misfortune, I suppose that any inference from the appearance presented to the eye would make her power to have been twice as great as it is. 1.22.1. With reference to the speeches in this history, some were delivered before the war began, others while it was going on; some I heard myself, others I got from various quarters; it was in all cases difficult to carry them word for word in one's memory, so my habit has been to make the speakers say what was in my opinion demanded of them by the various occasions, of course adhering as closely as possible to the general sense of what they really said. 1.73.2. We need not refer to remote antiquity: there we could appeal to the voice of tradition, but not to the experience of our audience. But to the Median war and contemporary history we must refer, although we are rather tired of continually bringing this subject forward. In our action during that war we ran great risk to obtain certain advantages: you had your share in the solid results, do not try to rob us of all share in the good that the glory may do us. 1.73.3. However, the story shall be told not so much to deprecate hostility as to testify against it, and to show, if you are so ill-advised as to enter into a struggle with Athens, what sort of an antagonist she is likely to prove. 1.73.4. We assert that at Marathon we were at the front, and faced the barbarian single-handed. That when he came the second time, unable to cope with him by land we went on board our ships with all our people, and joined in the action at Salamis . This prevented his taking the Peloponnesian states in detail, and ravaging them with his fleet; when the multitude of his vessels would have made any combination for self-defence impossible. 1.73.5. The best proof of this was furnished by the invader himself. Defeated at sea, he considered his power to be no longer what it had been, and retired as speedily as possible with the greater part of his army. 1.75.3. And the nature of the case first compelled us to advance our empire to its present height; fear being our principal motive, though honor and interest afterwards came in. 1.76.2. It follows that it was not a very wonderful action, or contrary to the common practice of mankind, if we did accept an empire that was offered to us, and refused to give it up under the pressure of three of the strongest motives, fear, honor, and interest. And it was not we who set the example, for it has always been the law that the weaker should be subject to the stronger. Besides, we believed ourselves to be worthy of our position, and so you thought us till now, when calculations of interest have made you take up the cry of justice—a consideration which no one ever yet brought forward to hinder his ambition when he had a chance of gaining anything by might. 2.22.1. He, meanwhile, seeing anger and infatuation just now in the ascendant, and confident of his wisdom in refusing a sally, would not call either assembly or meeting of the people, fearing the fatal results of a debate inspired by passion and not by prudence. Accordingly, he addressed himself to the defence of the city, and kept it as quiet as possible 2.36.2. And if our more remote ancestors deserve praise, much more do our own fathers, who added to their inheritance the empire which we now possess, and spared no pains to be able to leave their acquisitions to us of the present generation. 2.36.3. Lastly, there are few parts of our dominions that have not been augmented by those of us here, who are still more or less in the vigor of life; while the mother country has been furnished by us with everything that can enable her to depend on her own resources whether for war or for peace. 2.37.3. But all this ease in our private relations does not make us lawless as citizens. Against this fear is our chief safeguard, teaching us to obey the magistrates and the laws, particularly such as regard the protection of the injured, whether they are actually on the statute book, or belong to that code which, although unwritten, yet cannot be broken without acknowledged disgrace. 2.40.2. Our public men have, besides politics, their private affairs to attend to, and our ordinary citizens, though occupied with the pursuits of industry, are still fair judges of public matters; for, unlike any other nation, regarding him who takes no part in these duties not as unambitious but as useless, we Athenians are able to judge at all events if we cannot originate, and instead of looking on discussion as a stumbling-block in the way of action, we think it an indispensable preliminary to any wise action at all. 2.40.3. Again, in our enterprises we present the singular spectacle of daring and deliberation, each carried to its highest point, and both united in the same persons; although usually decision is the fruit of ignorance, hesitation of reflection. But the palm of courage will surely be adjudged most justly to those, who best know the difference between hardship and pleasure and yet are never tempted to shrink from danger. 2.41.1. In short, I say that as a city we are the school of Hellas ; while I doubt if the world can produce a man, who where he has only himself to depend upon, is equal to so many emergencies, and graced by so happy a versatility as the Athenian. 2.41.3. For Athens alone of her contemporaries is found when tested to be greater than her reputation, and alone gives no occasion to her assailants to blush at the antagonist by whom they have been worsted, or to her subjects to question her title by merit to rule. 2.47.3. Not many days after their arrival in Attica the plague first began to show itself among the Athenians. It was said that it had broken out in many places previously in the neighborhood of Lemnos and elsewhere; but a pestilence of such extent and mortality was nowhere remembered. 2.47.4. Neither were the physicians at first of any service, ignorant as they were of the proper way to treat it, but they died themselves the most thickly, as they visited the sick most often; nor did any human art succeed any better. Supplications in the temples, divinations, and so forth were found equally futile, till the overwhelming nature of the disaster at last put a stop to them altogether. 2.53.1. Nor was this the only form of lawless extravagance which owed its origin to the plague. Men now coolly ventured on what they had formerly done in a corner, and not just as they pleased, seeing the rapid transitions produced by persons in prosperity suddenly dying and those who before had nothing succeeding to their property. 2.59.3. When he saw them exasperated at the present turn of affairs and acting exactly as he had anticipated, he called an assembly, being (it must be remembered) still general, with the double object of restoring confidence and of leading them from these angry feelings to a calmer and more hopeful state of mind. He accordingly came forward and spoke as follows: 2.63.2. Besides, to recede is no longer possible, if indeed any of you in the alarm of the moment has become enamored of the honesty of such an unambitious part. For what you hold is, to speak somewhat plainly, a tyranny; to take it perhaps was wrong, but to let it go is unsafe. 2.65.3. In fact, the public feeling against him did not subside until he had been fined. 2.65.4. Not long afterwards, however, according to the way of the multitude, they again elected him general and committed all their affairs to his hands, having now become less sensitive to their private and domestic afflictions, and understanding that he was the best man of all for the public necessities. 2.65.7. He told them to wait quietly, to pay attention to their marine, to attempt no new conquests, and to expose the city to no hazards during the war, and doing this, promised them a favorable result. What they did was the very contrary, allowing private ambitions and private interests, in matters apparently quite foreign to the war, to lead them into projects unjust both to themselves and to their allies—projects whose success would only conduce to the honor and advantage of private persons, and whose failure entailed certain disaster on the country in the war. 2.65.9. Whenever he saw them unseasonably and insolently elated, he would with a word reduce them to alarm; on the other hand, if they fell victims to a panic, he could at once restore them to confidence. In short, what was nominally a democracy became in his hands government by the first citizen. 2.65.10. With his successors it was different. More on a level with one another, and each grasping at supremacy, they ended by committing even the conduct of state affairs to the whims of the multitude. 2.65.11. This, as might have been expected in a great and sovereign state, produced a host of blunders, and amongst them the Sicilian expedition; though this failed not so much through a miscalculation of the power of those against whom it was sent, as through a fault in the senders in not taking the best measures afterwards to assist those who had gone out, but choosing rather to occupy themselves with private cabals for the leadership of the commons, by which they not only paralyzed operations in the field, but also first introduced civil discord at home. 3.36.2. and after deliberating as to what they should do with the former, in the fury of the moment determined to put to death not only the prisoners at Athens, but the whole adult male population of Mitylene, and to make slaves of the women and children. It was remarked that Mitylene had revolted without being, like the rest, subjected to the empire; and what above all swelled the wrath of the Athenians was the fact of the Peloponnesian fleet having ventured over to Ionia to her support, a fact which was held to argue a long-meditated rebellion. 3.36.4. The morrow brought repentance with it and reflection on the horrid cruelty of a decree, which condemned a whole city to the fate merited only by the guilty. 3.36.6. An assembly was therefore at once called, and after much expression of opinion upon both sides, Cleon, son of Cleaenetus, the same who had carried the former motion of putting the Mitylenians to death, the most violent man at Athens, and at that time by far the most powerful with the commons, came forward again and spoke as follows:— 3.37.3. The most alarming feature in the case is the constant change of measures with which we appear to be threatened, and our seeming ignorance of the fact that bad laws which are never changed are better for a city than good ones that have no authority; that unlearned loyalty is more serviceable than quick-witted insubordination; and that ordinary men usually manage public affairs better than their more gifted fellows. 3.37.4. The latter are always wanting to appear wiser than the laws, and to overrule every proposition brought forward, thinking that they cannot show their wit in more important matters, and by such behavior too often ruin their country; while those who mistrust their own cleverness are content to be less learned than the laws, and less able to pick holes in the speech of a good speaker; and being fair judges rather than rival athletes, generally conduct affairs successfully. 3.38.2. Such a man must plainly either have such confidence in his rhetoric as to adventure to prove that what has been once for all decided is still undetermined, or be bribed to try to delude us by elaborate sophisms. 3.44.4. And I require you not to reject my useful considerations for his specious ones: his speech may have the attraction of seeming the more just in your present temper against Mitylene ; but we are not in a court of justice, but in a political assembly; and the question is not justice, but how to make the Mitylenians useful to Athens . 3.49.1. Such were the words of Diodotus. The two opinions thus expressed were the ones that most directly contradicted each other; and the Athenians, notwithstanding their change of feeling, now proceeded to a division, in which the show of hands was almost equal, although the motion of Diodotus carried the day. 3.49.4. Luckily they met with no contrary wind, and the first ship making no haste upon so horrid an errand, while the second pressed on in the manner described, the first arrived so little before them, that Paches had only just had time to read the decree, and to prepare to execute the sentence, when the second put into port and prevented the massacre. The danger of Mitylene had indeed been great. 3.82.1. So bloody was the march of the revolution, and the impression which it made was the greater as it was one of the first to occur. Later on, one may say, the whole Hellenic world was convulsed; struggles being everywhere made by the popular chiefs to bring in the Athenians, and by the oligarchs to introduce the Lacedaemonians. In peace there would have been neither the pretext nor the wish to make such an invitation; but in war, with an alliance always at the command of either faction for the hurt of their adversaries and their own corresponding advantage, opportunities for bringing in the foreigner were never wanting to the revolutionary parties. 3.82.3. Revolution thus ran its course from city to city, and the places which it arrived at last, from having heard what had been done before carried to a still greater excess the refinement of their inventions, as manifested in the cunning of their enterprises and the atrocity of their reprisals. 3.82.4. Words had to change their ordinary meaning and to take that which was now given them. Reckless audacity came to be considered the courage of a loyal ally; prudent hesitation, specious cowardice; moderation was held to be a cloak for unmanliness; ability to see all sides of a question inaptness to act on any. Frantic violence, became the attribute of manliness; cautious plotting, a justifiable means of self-defence. 3.82.5. The advocate of extreme measures was always trustworthy; his opponent a man to be suspected. To succeed in a plot was to have a shrewd head, to divine a plot a still shrewder; but to try to provide against having to do either was to break up your party and to be afraid of your adversaries. In fine, to forestall an intending criminal, or to suggest the idea of a crime where it was wanting, was equally commended 3.82.6. until even blood became a weaker tie than party, from the superior readiness of those united by the latter to dare everything without reserve; for such associations had not in view the blessings derivable from established institutions but were formed by ambition for their overthrow; and the confidence of their members in each other rested less on any religious sanction than upon complicity in crime. 3.82.7. The fair proposals of an adversary were met with jealous precautions by the stronger of the two, and not with a generous confidence. Revenge also was held of more account than self-preservation. Oaths of reconciliation, being only proffered on either side to meet an immediate difficulty, only held good so long as no other weapon was at hand; but when opportunity offered, he who first ventured to seize it and to take his enemy off his guard, thought this perfidious vengeance sweeter than an open one, since, considerations of safety apart, success by treachery won him the palm of superior intelligence. Indeed it is generally the case that men are readier to call rogues clever than simpletons honest, and are as ashamed of being the second as they are proud of being the first. 3.82.8. The cause of all these evils was the lust for power arising from greed and ambition; and from these passions proceeded the violence of parties once engaged in contention. The leaders in the cities, each provided with the fairest professions, on the one side with the cry of political equality of the people, on the other of a moderate aristocracy, sought prizes for themselves in those public interests which they pretended to cherish, and, recoiling from no means in their struggles for ascendancy, engaged in the direct excesses; in their acts of vengeance they went to even greater lengths, not stopping at what justice or the good of the state demanded, but making the party caprice of the moment their only standard, and invoking with equal readiness the condemnation of an unjust verdict or the authority of the strong arm to glut the animosities of the hour. Thus religion was in honor with neither party; but the use of fair phrases to arrive at guilty ends was in high reputation. Meanwhile the moderate part of the citizens perished between the two, either for not joining in the quarrel, or because envy would not suffer them to escape. 4.21.2. The Athenians, however, having the men on the island, thought that the treaty would be ready for them whenever they chose to make it, and grasped at something further. 4.21.3. Foremost to encourage them in this policy was Cleon, son of Cleaenetus, a popular leader of the time and very powerful with the multitude, who persuaded them to answer as follows: First, the men in the island must surrender themselves and their arms and be brought to Athens . Next; the Lacedaemonians must restore Nisaea, Pegae, Troezen, and Achaia, all places acquired not by arms, but by the previous convention, under which they had been ceded by Athens herself at a moment of disaster, when a truce was more necessary to her than at present. This done they might take back their men, and make a truce for as long as both parties might agree. 4.41.3. The Lacedaemonians, hitherto without experience of incursions or a warfare of the kind, finding the Helots deserting, and fearing the march of revolution in their country, began to be seriously uneasy, and in spite of their unwillingness to betray this to the Athenians began to send envoys to Athens, and tried to recover Pylos and the prisoners. 4.41.4. The Athenians, however, kept grasping at more, and dismissed envoy after envoy without their having effected anything. Such was the history of the affair of Pylos . 4.65.4. So thoroughly had the present prosperity persuaded the citizens that nothing could withstand them, and that they could achieve what was possible and impracticable alike, with means ample or inadequate it mattered not. The secret of this was their general extraordinary success, which made them confuse their strength with their hopes. 5.16.1. Now, however, after the Athenian defeat at Amphipolis, and the death of Cleon and Brasidas, who had been the two principal opponents of peace on either side—the latter from the success and honor which war gave him, the former because he thought that, if tranquillity were restored, his crimes would be more open to detection and his slanders less credited—the foremost candidates for power in either city, Pleistoanax, son of Pausanias, king of Lacedaemon, and Nicias, son of Niceratus, the most fortunate general of his time, each desired peace more ardently than ever. Nicias, while still happy and honored, wished to secure his good fortune, to obtain a present release from trouble for himself and his countrymen, and hand down to posterity a name as an ever-successful statesman, and thought the way to do this was to keep out of danger and commit himself as little as possible to fortune, and that peace alone made this keeping out of danger possible. Pleistoanax, again, was assailed by his enemies for his restoration, and regularly held up by them to the prejudice of his countrymen, upon every reverse that befell them, as though his unjust restoration were the cause; 6.8.4. and Nicias, who had been chosen to the command against his will, and who thought that the state was not well advised, but upon a slight and specious pretext was aspiring to the conquest of the whole of Sicily, a great matter to achieve, came forward in the hope of diverting the Athenians from the enterprise, and gave them the following counsel:— 8.1.4. In short, as is the way of a democracy, in the panic of the moment they were ready to be as prudent as possible. These resolves were at once carried into effect.
20. Xenophon, Hellenica, 1.6.27, 1.7, 2.3.24-2.3.29 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

2.3.24. Then when Theramenes arrived, Critias arose and spoke as follows: Gentlemen of the Senate, if anyone among you thinks that more people than is fitting are being put to death, let him reflect that where governments are changed these things always take place; and it is inevitable that those who are changing the government here to an oligarchy should have most numerous enemies, both because the state is the most populous of the Greek states and because the commons have been bred up in a condition of freedom for the longest time. 2.3.25. Now we, believing that for men like ourselves and you democracy is a grievous form of government, and convinced that the commons would never become friendly to the Lacedaemonians, our preservers, while the aristocrats would continue ever faithful to them, for these reasons are establishing, with the approval of the Lacedaemonians, the present form of government. 2.3.26. And if we find anyone opposed to the oligarchy, so far as we have the power we put him out of the way; but in particular we consider it to be right that, if any one of our own number is harming this order of things, he should be punished. 2.3.27. Now in fact we find this man Theramenes trying, by what means he can, to destroy both ourselves and you. As proof that this is true you will discover, if you consider the matter, that no one finds more 404 B.C. fault with the present proceedings than Theramenes here, or offers more opposition when we wish to put some demagogue out of the way. Now if he had held these views from the beginning, he was, to be sure, an enemy, but nevertheless he would not justly be deemed a scoundrel. 2.3.28. In fact, however, he was the very man who took the initiative in the policy of establishing a cordial understanding with the Lacedaemonians; he was the very man who began the overthrow of the democracy, and who urged you most to inflict punishment upon those who were first brought before you for trial; but now, when you and we have manifestly become hateful to the democrats, he no longer approves of what is going on,—just so that he may get on the safe side again, and that we may be punished for what has been done. 2.3.29. Therefore he ought to be punished, not merely as an enemy, but also as a traitor both to you and to ourselves. And treason is a far more dreadful thing than war, inasmuch as it is harder to take precaution against the hidden than against the open danger, and a far more hateful thing, inasmuch as men make peace with enemies and become their trustful friends again, but if they catch a man playing the traitor, they never in any case make peace with that man or trust him thereafter.
21. Xenophon, Constitution of The Athenians, 1.4-1.9, 2.18 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

22. Aeschines, Letters, 2.115, 3.107-3.109 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

23. Aristotle, Rhetoric, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

24. Demosthenes, Orations, 3.24, 16.3, 19.337, 60.10 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

25. Theocritus, Idylls, 1.65, 16.96 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)

26. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 5.2-5.4, 5.4.7, 11.26.5-11.26.6, 14.65-14.70, 16.10.3, 16.20.6 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

5.2. 2.  Its circumference is some four thousand three hundred and sixty stades; for of its three sides, that extending from Pelorias to Lilybaeum is one thousand seven hundred stades, that from Lilybaeum to Pachynus in the territory of Syracuse is a thousand five hundred, and the remaining side is one thousand one hundred and forty stades.,3.  The Siceliotae who dwell in the island have received the tradition from their ancestors, the report having ever been handed down successively from earliest time by one generation to the next, that the island is sacred to Demeter and Corê; although there are certain poets who recount the myth that at the marriage of Pluton and Persephonê Zeus gave this island as a wedding present to the bride.,4.  That the ancient inhabitants of Sicily, the Sicani, were indigenous, is stated by the best authorities among historians, also that the goddesses we have mentioned first made their appearance on this island, and that it was the first, because of the fertility of the soil, to bring forth the fruit of the corn, facts to which the most renowned of the poets also bears witness when he writes: But all these things grow there for them unsown And e'en untilled, both wheat and barley, yea, And vines, which yield such wine as fine grapes give, And rain of Zeus gives increase unto them. Indeed, in the plain of Leontini, we are told, and throughout many other parts of Sicily the wheat men call "wild" grows even to this day.,5.  And, speaking generally, before the corn was discovered, if one were to raise the question, what manner of land it was of the inhabited earth where the fruits we have mentioned appeared for the first time, the meed of honour may reasonably be accorded to the richest land; and in keeping with what we have stated, it is also to be observed that the goddesses who made this discovery are those who receive the highest honours among the Siceliotae. 5.3. 1.  Again, the fact that the Rape of Corê took place in Sicily is, men say, proof most evident that the goddesses made this island their favourite retreat because it was cherished by them before all others.,2.  And the Rape of Corê, the myth relates, took place in the meadows in the territory of Enna. The spot lies near the city, a place of striking beauty for its violets and every other kind of flower and worthy of the goddess. And the story is told that, because of the sweet odour of the flowers growing there, trained hunting dogs are unable to hold the trail, because their natural sense of smell is balked. And the meadow we have mentioned is level in the centre and well watered throughout, but on its periphery it rises high and falls off with precipitous cliffs on every side. And it is conceived of as lying in the very centre of the island, which is the reason why certain writers call it the navel of Sicily.,3.  Near to it also are sacred groves, surrounded by marshy flats, and a huge grotto which contains a chasm which leads down into the earth and opens to the north, and through it, the myth relates, Pluton, coming out with his chariot, effected the Rape of Corê. And the violets, we are told, and the rest of the flowers which supply the sweet odour continue to bloom, to one's amazement, throughout the entire year, and so the whole aspect of the place is one of flowers and delight.,4.  And both Athena and Artemis, the myth goes on to say, who had made the same choice of maidenhood as had Corê and were reared together with her, joined with her in gathering the flowers, and all of them together wove the robe for their father Zeus. And because of the time they had spent together and their intimacy they all loved this island above any other, and each one of them received for her portion a territory, Athena receiving hers in the region of Himera, where the Nymphs, to please Athena, caused the springs of warm water to gush forth on the occasion of the visit of Heracles to the island, and the natives consecrated a city to her and a plot of ground which to this day is called Athena's.,5.  And Artemis received from the gods the island at Syracuse which was named after her, by both the oracles and men, Ortygia. On this island likewise these Nymphs, to please Artemis, caused a great fountain to gush forth to which was given the name Arethusa.,6.  And not only in ancient times did this fountain contain large fish in great numbers, but also in our own day we find these fish still there, considered to be holy and not to be touched by men; and on many occasions, when certain men have eaten them amid stress of war, the deity has shown a striking sign, and has visited with great sufferings such as dared to take them for food. of these matters we shall give an exact account in connection with the appropriate period of time. 5.4. 1.  Like the two goddesses whom we have mentioned Corê, we are told, received as her portion the meadows round about Enna; but a great fountain was made sacred to her in the territory of Syracuse and given the name Cyanê or "Azure Fount.",2.  For the myth relates that it was near Syracuse that Pluton effected the Rape of Corê and took her away in his chariot, and that after cleaving the earth asunder he himself descended into Hades, taking along with him the bride whom he had seized, and that he caused the fountain named Cyanê to gush forth, near which the Syracusans each year hold a notable festive gathering; and private individuals offer the lesser victims, but when the ceremony is on behalf of the community, bulls are plunged in the pool, this manner of sacrifice having been commanded by Heracles on the occasion when he made the circuit of all Sicily, while driving off the cattle of Geryones.,3.  After the Rape of Corê, the myth does on to recount, Demeter, being unable to find her daughter, kindled torches in the craters of Mt. Aetna and visited many parts of the inhabited world, and upon the men who received her with the greatest favour she conferred briefs, rewarding them with the gift of the fruit of the wheat.,4.  And since a more kindly welcome was extended the goddess by the Athenians than by any other people, they were the first after the Siceliotae to be given the fruit of the wheat; and in return for this gift the citizens of that city in assembly honoured the goddess above all others with the establishment both of most notable sacrifices and of the mysteries of Eleusis, which, by reason of their very great antiquity and sanctity, have come to be famous among all mankind. From the Athenians many peoples received a portion of the gracious gift of the corn, and they in turn, sharing the gift of the seed with their neighbours, in this way caused all the inhabited world to abound with it.,5.  And the inhabitants of Sicily, since by reason of the intimate relationship of Demeter and Corê with them they were the first to share in the corn after its discovery, instituted to each one of the goddesses sacrifices and festive gatherings, which they named after them, and by the time chosen for these made acknowledgement of the gifts which had been conferred upon them.,6.  In the case of Corê, for instance, they established the celebration of her return at about the time when the fruit of the corn was found to come to maturity, and they celebrate this sacrifice and festive gathering with such strictness of observance and such zeal as we should reasonably expect those men to show who are returning thanks for having been selected before all mankind for the greatest possible gift;,7.  but in the case of Demeter they preferred that time for the sacrifice when the sowing of the corn is first begun, and for a period of ten days they hold a festive gathering which bears the name of this goddess and is most magnificent by reason of the brilliance of their preparation for it, while in the observance of it they imitate the ancient manner of life. And it is their custom during these days to indulge in coarse language as they associate one with another, the reason being that by such coarseness the goddess, grieved though she was at the Rape of Corê, burst into laughter. 5.4.7.  but in the case of Demeter they preferred that time for the sacrifice when the sowing of the corn is first begun, and for a period of ten days they hold a festive gathering which bears the name of this goddess and is most magnificent by reason of the brilliance of their preparation for it, while in the observance of it they imitate the ancient manner of life. And it is their custom during these days to indulge in coarse language as they associate one with another, the reason being that by such coarseness the goddess, grieved though she was at the Rape of Corê, burst into laughter. 11.26.5.  And he was already on the point of setting out to sea, when certain men from Corinth put in at Syracuse and brought the news that the Greeks had won the sea-battle at Salamis and that Xerxes and a part of his armament had retreated from Europe. Consequently he stopped his preparations for departure, while welcoming the enthusiasm of the soldiers; and then he called them to an assembly, issuing orders for each man to appear fully armed. As for himself, he came to the assembly not only with no arms but not even wearing a tunic and clad only in a cloak, and stepping forward he rendered an account of his whole life and of all he had done for the Syracusans; 11.26.6.  and when the throng shouted its approval at each action he mentioned and showed especially its amazement that he had given himself unarmed into the hands of any who might wish to slay him, so far was he from being a victim of vengeance as a tyrant that they united in acclaiming him with one voice Benefactor and Saviour and King. 14.65. 1.  "Although Dionysius has introduced some falsehoods, the last statement he made was true: that he would speedily put an end to the war. He could accomplish this if he were no longer our commander — for he has often been defeated — but had returned to the citizens the freedom their fathers enjoyed.,2.  As things are, no one of us faces battle with good courage so long as victory differs not a whit from defeat; for if conquered, we shall have to obey the commands of the Carthaginians, and if conquerors, to have in Dionysius a harsher master than they would be. For even should the Carthaginians defeat us in war, they would only impose a fixed tribute and would not prevent us from governing the city in accordance with our ancient laws; but this man has plundered our temples, has taken the property of private citizens together with the lives of their owners, and pays a wage to servants to secure the enslavement of their masters. Such horrors as attend the storming of cities are perpetrated by him in time of peace, yet he promises to put an end to the war with the Carthaginians.,3.  But it behooves us, fellow citizens, to put an end not only to the Phoenician war but to the tyrant within our walls. For the acropolis, which is guarded by the weapons of slaves, is a hostile redoubt in our city; the multitude of mercenaries has been gathered to hold the Syracusans in slavery; and he lords it over the city, not like a magistrate dispensing justice on equal terms, but like a dictator who by policy makes all decisions for his own advantage. For the time being the enemy possess a small portion of our territory, but Dionysius has devastated it all and given it to those who join in increasing his tyranny.,4.  "How long, then, are we to be patient though we suffer such abuses as brave men endure to die rather than to experience them? In battle against the Carthaginians we bravely face the final sacrifice, but against a harsh tyrant, in behalf of freedom and our fatherland, even in speech we no longer dare to raise our voices; we face in battle so many myriads of the enemy, but we stand in shivering fear of a single ruler, who has not the manliness of a superior slave. 14.66. 1.  "Surely no one would think of comparing Dionysius with Gelon of old. For Gelon, by reason of his own high character, together with the Syracusans and the rest of the Sicilian Greeks, set free the whole of Sicily, whereas this man, who found the cities free, has delivered all the rest of them over to the lordship of the enemy and has himself enslaved his native state.,2.  Gelon fought so far forward in behalf of Sicily that he never let his allies in the cities even catch sight of the enemy, whereas this man, after fleeing from Motyê through the entire length of the island, has cooped himself up within our walls, full of confidence against his fellow citizens, but unable to bear even the sight of the enemy.,3.  As a consequence Gelon, by reason both of his high character and of his great deeds, received the leadership by the free will not only of the Syracusans but also of the Sicilian Greeks, while, as for this man whose generalship has led to the destruction of his allies and the enslavement of his fellow citizens, how can he escape the just hatred of all? For not only is he unworthy of leadership but, if justice were done, would die ten thousand deaths.,4.  Because of him Gela and Camarina were subdued, Messenê lies in total ruin, twenty thousand allies are perished in a sea-battle, and, in a word, we have been enclosed in one city and all the other Greek cities throughout Sicily have been destroyed. For in addition to his other malefactions he sold into slavery Naxos and Catanê; he has completely destroyed cities that were allies, cities whose existence was opportune.,5.  With the Carthaginians he has fought two battles and has come out vanquished in each. Yet when he was entrusted with a generalship by the citizens but one time, he speedily robbed them of their freedom, slaying those who spoke openly on behalf of the laws and exiling the more wealthy; he gave the wives of the banished in marriage to slaves and to a motley throng; he put the weapons of citizens in the hands of barbarians and foreigners. And these deeds, O Zeus and all the gods, were the work of a public clerk, of a desperate man. 14.67. 1.  "Where, then, is the Syracusans' love of freedom? Where the deeds of our ancestors? I say nothing of the three hundred thousand Carthaginians who were totally destroyed at Himera; I pass by the overthrow of the tyrants who followed Gelon. But only yesterday, as it were, when the Athenians attacked Syracuse with such great armaments, our fathers left not a man free to carry back word of the disaster.,2.  And shall we, who have such great examples of our fathers' valour, take orders from Dionysius, especially when we have weapons in our hands? Surely some divine providence has gathered us here, with allies about us and weapons in our hands, for the purpose of recovering our freedom, and it is within our power this day to play the part of brave men and rid ourselves with one accord of our heavy yoke.,3.  For hitherto, while we were disarmed and without allies and guarded by a multitude of mercenaries, we have, I dare say, yielded to the pressure of circumstances; but now, since we have arms in our hands and allies to give us aid as well as bear witness of our bravery, let us not yield but make it clear that it was circumstances, not cowardice, that made us submit to slavery.,4.  Are we not ashamed that we should have as commander in our wars the man who has plundered the temples of our city and that we choose as representative in such important matters a person to whom no man of good sense would entrust the management of his private affairs? And though all other peoples in times of war, because of the great perils they face, observe with the greatest care their obligations to the gods, do we expect that a man of such notorious impiety will put an end to the war? 14.68. 1.  "In fact, if a man cares to put a finer point on it, he will find that Dionysius is as wary of peace as he is of war. For he believes that, as matters stand, the Syracusans, because of their fear of the enemy, will not attempt anything against him, but that once the Carthaginians have been defeated they will claim their freedom, since they will have weapons in their hands and will be proudly conscious of their deeds.,2.  Indeed this is the reason, in my opinion, why in the first war he betrayed Gela and Camarina and made these cities desolate, and why in his negotiations he agreed that most of the Greek cities should be given over to the enemy.,3.  After this he broke faith in time of peace with Naxos and Catanê and sold the inhabitants into slavery, razing one to the ground and giving the other to the Campanians from Italy to dwell in.,4.  And when, after the destruction of these peoples, the rest of Sicily made many attempts to overthrow his tyranny, he again declared war upon the Carthaginians; for his scruple against breaking his agreement in violation of the oaths he had taken was not so great as his fear of the surviving concentrations of the Sicilian Greeks. "Moreover, it is obvious that he has been at all times on the alert to effect their destruction.,5.  First of all at Panormus, when the enemy were disembarking and were in bad physical condition after the stormy passage, he could have offered battle, but did not choose to do. After that he stood idly by and sent no help to Messenê, a city strategically situated and of great size, but allowed it to be razed, not only in order that the greatest possible number of Sicilian Greeks should perish, but also that the Carthaginians might intercept the reinforcements from Italy and the fleets from the Peloponnesus.,6.  Last of all, he joined battle offshore at Catanê, careless of the advantage of pitching battle near the city, where the vanquished could find safety in their own harbours. After the battle, when strong winds sprang up and the Carthaginians were forced to haul their fleet up on land, he had a most favourable opportunity for victory;,7.  for the land forces of the enemy had not yet arrived and the violent storm was driving the enemy's ships on the shore. At that time, if we had all attacked on land, the only outcomes left the enemy would have been, either to be captured with ease, if they left their ships, or to strew the coast with wreckage, if they matched their strength against the waves. 14.69. 1.  "But to lodge accusations against Dionysius at greater length among Syracusans is, I should judge, not necessary. For if men who have suffered in very deed such irretrievable ruin are not roused to rage, will they, forsooth, be moved by words to wreak vengeance upon him — men too who have seen his behaviour as the worst of citizens, the harshest of tyrants, the most ignoble of all generals?,2.  For as often as we have stood in line of battle under his command, so often have we been defeated, whereas but just now, when we fought independently, we defeated with a few ships the enemy's entire force. We should, therefore, seek out another leader, to avoid fighting under a general who has pillaged the shrines of the gods and so finding ourselves engaged in a war against the gods;,3.  for it is manifest that heaven opposes those who have selected the worst enemy of religion to be their commander. Noting that when he is present our armies in full force suffer defeat, whereas, when he is absent, even a small detachment is sufficient to defeat the Carthaginians, should not all men see in this the visible presence of the gods?,4.  Therefore, fellow citizens, if he is willing to lay down his office of his own accord, let us allow him to leave the city with his possessions; but if he does not choose to do so, we have at the present moment the fairest opportunity to assert our freedom. We are all gathered together; we have weapons in our hands; we have allies about us, not only the Greeks from Italy but also those from the Peloponnesus.,5.  The chief command must be given, according to the laws, either to citizens, or to the Corinthians who dwell in our mother-city, or to the Spartans who are the first power in Greece. 14.70. 1.  After this speech by Theodorus the Syracusans were in high spirits and kept their eyes fixed on their allies; and when Pharacidas the Lacedaemonian, the admiral of the allies, stepped up to the platform, all expected that he would take the lead for liberty.,2.  But he was on friendly terms with the tyrant and declared that the Lacedaemonians had dispatched him to aid the Syracusans and Dionysius against the Carthaginians, not to overthrow the rule of Dionysius. At this statement so contrary to expectation the mercenaries flocked about Dionysius, and the Syracusans in dismay made no move, although they called down many curses on the Spartans.,3.  For on a previous occasion Aretes the Lacedaemonian, at the time that he was asserting the right of the Syracusans to freedom, had betrayed them, and now at this time Pharacidas vetoed the movement of the Syracusans. For the moment Dionysius was in great fear and dissolved the assembly, but later he won the favour of the multitude by kindly words, honouring some of them with gifts and inviting some to general banquets.,4.  After the Carthaginians had seized the suburb and pillaged the temple of Demeter and Corê, a plague struck the army. Over and above the disaster sent by influence of the city, there were contributing causes: that myriads of people were gathered together, that it was the time of year which is most productive of plagues, and that the particular summer had brought unusually hot water.,5.  It also seems likely that the place itself was responsible for the excessive extent of the disaster; for on a former occasion the Athenians too, who occupied the same camp, had perished in great numbers from the plague, since the terrain was marshy and in a hollow.,6.  First, before sunrise, because of the cold from the breeze over the waters, their bodies were struck with chills, but in the middle of the day the heat was stifling, as must be the case when so great a multitude is gathered together in a narrow place. 16.10.3.  Dion distributed the five thousand suits of armour to such of the Syracusans as were unarmed, and equipped the rest as well as he could with weapons that came to hand. Then having brought them all to a general assembly, he disclosed that he had come for the liberation of the Greeks of Sicily, and he urged them to elect as generals those men who were well qualified to effect the restoration of their independence and the dissolution of the entire tyranny. The crowd as with one voice cried out that it chose Dion and his brother Megacles as generals with absolute power. 16.20.6.  An assembly was summoned, and the people, as an expression of their gratitude to him, elected Dion general with absolute power and accorded him honours suited to a hero, and Dion in harmony with his former conduct generously absolved all his personal enemies of the charges outstanding against them and having reassured the populace brought them to a state of general harmony. The Syracusans with universal praises and with elaborate testimonials of approval honoured their benefactor as the one and only saviour of their native land. Such was the condition of affairs in Sicily.
27. Strabo, Geography, 6.1.5 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

6.1.5. The next city after Laus belongs to Brettium, and is named Temesa, though the men of today call it Tempsa; it was founded by the Ausones, but later on was settled also by the Aitolians under the leadership of Thoas; but the Aitolians were ejected by the Brettii, and then the Brettii were crushed by Hannibal and by the Romans. Near Temesa, and thickly shaded with wild olive trees, is the hero-sanctuary of Polites, one of the companions of Odysseus, who was treacherously slain by the barbarians, and for that reason became so exceedingly wroth against the country that, in accordance with an oracle, the people of the neighborhood collected tribute for him; and hence, also, the popular saying applied to those who are merciless, that they are beset by the hero of Temesa. But when the Epizephyrian Locrians captured the city, Euthymus, the pugilist, so the story goes, entered the lists against Polites, defeated him in the fight and forced him to release the natives from the tribute. People say that Homer has in mind this Temesa, not the Tamassus in Cyprus (the name is spelled both ways), when he says to Temesa, in quest of copper. And in fact copper mines are to be seen in the neighborhood, although now they have been abandoned. Near Temesa is Terina, which Hannibal destroyed, because he was unable to guard it, at the time when he had taken refuge in Brettium itself. Then comes Consentia, the metropolis of the Brettii; and a little above this city is Pandosia, a strong fortress, near which Alexander the Molossian was killed. He, too, was deceived by the oracle at Dodona, which bade him be on his guard against Acheron and Pandosia; for places which bore these names were pointed out to him in Thesprotia, but he came to his end here in Brettium. Now the fortress has three summits, and the River Acheron flows past it. And there was another oracle that helped to deceive him: Three-hilled Pandosia, much people shalt thou kill one day; for he thought that the oracle clearly meant the destruction of the enemy, not of his own people. It is said that Pandosia was once the capital of the Oinotrian Kings. After Consentia comes Hipponium, which was founded by the Locrians. Later on, the Brettii were in possession of Hipponium, but the Romans took it away from them and changed its name to Vibo Valentia. And because the country round about Hipponium has luxuriant meadows abounding in flowers, people have believed that Kore used to come hither from Sicily to gather flowers; and consequently it has become the custom among the women of Hipponium to gather flowers and to weave them into garlands, so that on festival days it is disgraceful to wear bought garlands. Hipponium has also a naval station, which was built long ago by Agathocles, the tyrant of the Siciliotes, when he made himself master of the city. Thence one sails to the Harbor of Heracles, which is the point where the headlands of Italy near the Strait begin to turn towards the west. And on this voyage one passes Medma, a city of the same Locrians aforementioned, which has the same name as a great fountain there, and possesses a naval station near by, called Emporium. Near it is also the Metaurus River, and a mooring-place bearing the same name. off this coast lie the islands of the Liparaei, at a distance of two hundred stadia from the Strait. According to some, they are the islands of Aeolus, of whom the Poet makes mention in the Odyssey. They are seven in number and are all within view both from Sicily and from the continent near Medma. But I shall tell about them when I discuss Sicily. After the Metaurus River comes a second Metaurus. Next after this river comes Scyllaion, a lofty rock which forms a peninsula, its isthmus being low and affording access to ships on both sides. This isthmus Anaxilaus, the tyrant of the Rhegini, fortified against the Tyrrheni, building a naval station there, and thus deprived the pirates of their passage through the strait. For Caenys, too, is near by, being two hundred and fifty stadia distant from Medma; it is the last cape, and with the cape on the Sicilian side, Pelorias, forms the narrows of the Strait. Cape Pelorias is one of the three capes that make the island triangular, and it bends towards the summer sunrise, just as Caenys bends towards the west, each one thus turning away from the other in the opposite direction. Now the length of the narrow passage of the Strait from Caenys as far as the Poseidonium, or the Columna Rheginorum, is about six stadia, while the shortest passage across is slightly more; and the distance is one hundred stadia from the Columna to Rhegium, where the Strait begins to widen out, as one proceeds towards the east, towards the outer sea, the sea which is called the Sicilian Sea.
28. Plutarch, Demetrius, 34 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

29. Plutarch, Demosthenes, 2, 1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

30. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

31. Chariton, Chaereas And Callirhoe, 1.1.12 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

32. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 6.27 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

6.27. Being asked where in Greece he saw good men, he replied, Good men nowhere, but good boys at Lacedaemon. When one day he was gravely discoursing and nobody attended to him, he began whistling, and as people clustered about him, he reproached them with coming in all seriousness to hear nonsense, but slowly and contemptuously when the theme was serious. He would say that men strive in digging and kicking to outdo one another, but no one strives to become a good man and true.


Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
"historiography, classical" Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201
"moralising, intertextual" Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201
"moralising, macro-level" Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201
ability to handle good fortune Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201
achilles de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 215
advantage Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 70
aegina Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 4
aelius aristides Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 2
aeneas de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 3
ajax, greater de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 218
allegory Seaford, Tragedy, Ritual and Money in Ancient Greece: Selected Essays (2018) 105
altar, of the twelve gods Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 4
antiphon, anti-rhetoric Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 248
apollo Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 2
appian Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 2
architecture Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 2, 4, 5, 6, 7
arginusae de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 218
aristagoras of miletus Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 312
aristophanes Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 311
aristotle, on deliberative rhetoric Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 70
aristotle de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 215
arrogance Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201
artemis lyaia Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 65
artist Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 2
asia, greeks (ionians) of Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 312
assemblies Lloyd, The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science (1989) 97
assembly, discursive parameters Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 70
asty/ἄστυ\u200e Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 3, 4, 6
athenian, the, in platos laws Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 6
athenian character Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 193
athenian empire Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 200, 482, 535
athens, as tyranny Seaford, Tragedy, Ritual and Money in Ancient Greece: Selected Essays (2018) 105
athens, athenians Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6
athens Ammann et al., Collective Violence and Memory in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 75, 76; Lloyd, The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science (1989) 97; Papaioannou Serafim and Demetriou, The Ancient Art of Persuasion across Genres and Topics (2019) 92; de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 3, 218, 401
athens and athenians, attitudes of, toward asiatics Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 312
athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 311, 312
athens and athenians, in persian war era Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 311
audience Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 1, 2; Lloyd, The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science (1989) 97
audiences Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 65
autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 66
autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, theatrical self-presentation by Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 66
autonomy Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 1
autopsy Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 3, 6, 7
battle of kerata de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 401
becoming Lloyd, The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science (1989) 97
books Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 7
brasidas Papaioannou Serafim and Demetriou, The Ancient Art of Persuasion across Genres and Topics (2019) 92
building programme, public buildings Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 4, 5, 7
callipolis Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 6
cassius dio Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 2
cato, younger, cephalus, house of Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 6
charicleia Repath and Whitmarsh, Reading Heliodorus' Aethiopica (2022) 232
chorus Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 5
citizen Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 3, 5, 7
city-state Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 3
cleon Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 248; Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 458, 535; de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 215
cleophon Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 206
clinias Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 6
cnossus Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 6
comedy Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 65
community Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 3, 4, 6
competition Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 1; Lloyd, The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science (1989) 97
corcyra Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 193
corcyraeans Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 161
corinthians Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 193
cyrene Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 4
debate Papaioannou Serafim and Demetriou, The Ancient Art of Persuasion across Genres and Topics (2019) 92
deception, association with rhetoric Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 248
deictic Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 5
deinomenids Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 65
delos, league of Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 312
delphi Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 2, 4; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 311
demeter and kore, in sicily Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 65
demetrius poliorcetes (the besieger) Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 66
democracy, athenian, thucydides depiction of Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 248
democracy de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 401
demosthenes de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 215
destruction Ammann et al., Collective Violence and Memory in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 75, 76
dewald, carolyn Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 312
dialogue Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 1
dido de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 3
dio of prusa Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 1, 2
diodotus Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 248; Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 200, 458, 482
diogenes the cynic Lloyd, The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science (1989) 97
diognetos the whale Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 66
dionysia (festival)\n, at athens (great) Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 66
dionysius ii of syracuse Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 66
dionysus, in sicily Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 65
dissoi logoi Pucci, Euripides' Revolution Under Cover: An Essay (2016) 23
dithyramb Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 4
diÿllus Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 312
elite, ideological agency Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 64
emotion, collective emotion de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 401
emotion, definition of de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 3
emotional restraint, psychology and/of de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 401
emotions, anger/rage de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 215, 218, 401
emotions, anger management de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 215, 218
emotions, joy de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 401
encomium Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 4
environment, artistic Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 1
environment, built Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 3, 6
environment, natural Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 1
erudition Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 6, 7
euripides Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 311
experience Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 1, 7
festival, bendis Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 6
focalization de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 401
fornara, charles w. Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 312
freedom Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 64
funeral oration, catalogue of exploits Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 64
gain Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 129
games, olympic Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 1
games, pan-hellenic Lloyd, The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science (1989) 97
gelon i of syracuse Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 66
generals Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 2
genocide Ammann et al., Collective Violence and Memory in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 75, 76
geographical, geography Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 4
glory Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 2, 4, 6
gorgias de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 3
greece Ammann et al., Collective Violence and Memory in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 76
guide Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 7
hecuba de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 218
hegemony, spartan Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 5
hellenica oxyrhynchia, digressions in de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 401
hellenica oxyrhynchia de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 401
herodotus, and the athenian audience Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 311, 312
herodotus, date of Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 312
herodotus, historical perspective of Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 311, 312
herodotus Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201; Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 197; de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 401
hieron ii of syracuse, and agriculture Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 65
hieron ii of syracuse, syrakosia Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 65
hippocratic writers Lloyd, The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science (1989) 97
historical causes, of the corinthian war de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 401
history Lloyd, The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science (1989) 97
homer Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 4
honor Ammann et al., Collective Violence and Memory in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 75
honour de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 3
humaneness, and altruism Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 64
humaneness Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 64
hydaspes Repath and Whitmarsh, Reading Heliodorus' Aethiopica (2022) 232
iconography, athenian Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 2, 5
ideal, idealism Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 6, 7
ideology, constructive function Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 64
ideology, normative aspect Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 64
imagination Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 6, 7
imperialism, athenian attitudes to Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 64
imperialism, athenian empire Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 64
institution Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 1, 3, 4
intertextuality Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201
ionian revolt Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 312
justice, corrective Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 70
justice, distributive Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 70
kleon Seaford, Tragedy, Ritual and Money in Ancient Greece: Selected Essays (2018) 105
knox, b. Seaford, Tragedy, Ritual and Money in Ancient Greece: Selected Essays (2018) 105
kosmopolites, architectural Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 4, 5
kosmopolites, cultural Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 4, 7
kosmopolites, intellectual Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 7
kosmopolites, natural Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 3
kosmopolites, religious Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 7
language, rhetoric Pucci, Euripides' Revolution Under Cover: An Essay (2016) 23
law, international Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 404
legitimacy Ammann et al., Collective Violence and Memory in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 75, 76
library Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 3, 7
loraux, n., on ideology Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 64
lucian Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 2
lycurgus Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 2
lyric poetry Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201
macedon, macedonian Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 1
macedonia Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 535
maenads Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 65
magnesia, ideal city Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 6
marathon (battle of) Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 64
material evidence Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 3, 4, 6
medea, rhetoric and sophia in Pucci, Euripides' Revolution Under Cover: An Essay (2016) 23
melian dialogue Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 404
melos Ammann et al., Collective Violence and Memory in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 75
memory, collective de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 401
memory, visual Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 7
men of action Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 2
metafiction Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 248
military Ammann et al., Collective Violence and Memory in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 76
mycenae Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 5, 6
myth, mythical, mythological Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 2, 7
mytilene Ammann et al., Collective Violence and Memory in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 75; de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 3, 215, 218, 401
mytilene debate Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201
mytilenean debate Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 404
narrative/narration passim, in forensic oratory de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 215
narrative Ammann et al., Collective Violence and Memory in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 75, 76; Papaioannou Serafim and Demetriou, The Ancient Art of Persuasion across Genres and Topics (2019) 92
neuroscience, neuroscientists, neuroscientific de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 3
nicias Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 458, 535
olympia Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 1
oracles, delphic Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 311
oracles, interpreted by athenians Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 311
orator, role in ideological practice Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 64
oroondates Repath and Whitmarsh, Reading Heliodorus' Aethiopica (2022) 232
overconfidence Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201
pain/suffering de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 218
painting Lloyd, The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science (1989) 97
paradigm Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 2, 4, 7
pathos (πάθος) de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 3
patterning Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201
pausanias, periegete Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 1, 2
peisistratus and peisistratids Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 312
peloponnese Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 311
peloponnesian war Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 311, 312
pepaideumenoi Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 1
pericles Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 311, 312; Papaioannou Serafim and Demetriou, The Ancient Art of Persuasion across Genres and Topics (2019) 92
persia Ammann et al., Collective Violence and Memory in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 75
persia and persians, war with greeks Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 311
persian wars Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 4
philip ii of macedon Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 535
piety Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 2
pindar Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 4, 5
piraeus Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 6; Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 149
plague Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 197, 263
plataea Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 263
plato Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 4, 6; Lloyd, The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science (1989) 97; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 311
pleistoanax Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 458
poetry, epic Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 4
poetry, hymnic Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 4
poets Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 5, 6
polemarchus, cephalus son Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 6
political theory, and law. Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 404
power Ammann et al., Collective Violence and Memory in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 76
proxenia Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 4
rebellion (rebel) Ammann et al., Collective Violence and Memory in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 75
reciprocity, and justice Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 121
reciprocity, balanced Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 121
reciprocity, generalised Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 121
reciprocity, negative Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 121
reciprocity Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 121
religion Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 1, 2, 7
representation Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 7
revenge Ammann et al., Collective Violence and Memory in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 75; de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 3
rhetoric, of anti-rhetoric Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 248
rhetoric Pucci, Euripides' Revolution Under Cover: An Essay (2016) 23
roman Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 2
rome, city Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 2, 3
rome, political power Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 1
rome Ammann et al., Collective Violence and Memory in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 76
sanctuary Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 6
satyrs Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 65
scorn de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 215
sicilian debate Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 193, 206
sicilian expedition Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 197, 205, 458, 535
sicily Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 193, 205
society Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 3
socrates Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 6; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 311
solon Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 197
sophia, wisdom rhetoric and' Pucci, Euripides' Revolution Under Cover: An Essay (2016) 23
sophists, sophistic movement Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 482
sophists Lloyd, The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science (1989) 97
sophocles de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 218
sparta, spartan Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 1, 2, 5, 6
sparta de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 218, 401
sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 312
sparta and spartans Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 312
speech, and narrative de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 215, 218
speech de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 3, 215
speeches Papaioannou Serafim and Demetriou, The Ancient Art of Persuasion across Genres and Topics (2019) 92
state funeral for the war dead, discursive parameters Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 64
statue, pindar Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 4
status Ammann et al., Collective Violence and Memory in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 75, 76
story Ammann et al., Collective Violence and Memory in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 75
structures, physical Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 3, 4, 6
structures, political Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 1
syracuse, syracusan Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 4
syracuse de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 218
syracuse\n, demeter pyrphoros, sanctuary of Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 65
syracuse\n, grotto delle nymphe Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 65
teutiaplus Papaioannou Serafim and Demetriou, The Ancient Art of Persuasion across Genres and Topics (2019) 92
theagenes Repath and Whitmarsh, Reading Heliodorus' Aethiopica (2022) 232
thebes Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 2, 4
thomas, rosalind Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 312
threat of violence Ammann et al., Collective Violence and Memory in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 75, 76
thucydides, and herodotus Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 311
thucydides, melian dialogue Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 129
thucydides, mytilenean debate Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 70, 121
thucydides, on mytilenean debate Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 248
thucydides, on persians Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 311
thucydides, on spartans Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 311
thucydides, political outlook Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 248
thucydides, son of melesias, chance Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 535
thucydides, son of melesias, dramatic elements Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 263
thucydides Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 5, 6; Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 404; Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201; Lloyd, The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science (1989) 97; Papaioannou Serafim and Demetriou, The Ancient Art of Persuasion across Genres and Topics (2019) 92; de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 218, 401
topography, topographical Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 2, 4, 7
tradition Lloyd, The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science (1989) 97
tragedy, allegory in Seaford, Tragedy, Ritual and Money in Ancient Greece: Selected Essays (2018) 105
tragedy, and rhetoric Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 248
tragedy Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201
travel Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 1, 2, 4, 7
troy Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 5
tyranny, greek attitudes towards Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 312
visible Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 5
walls, city Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 2, 6
wilamowitz-moellendorff, ulrich von Pucci, Euripides' Revolution Under Cover: An Essay (2016) 23
wisdom Lloyd, The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science (1989) 97
women Papaioannou Serafim and Demetriou, The Ancient Art of Persuasion across Genres and Topics (2019) 92
xenophon de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 218
xerxes Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 311