Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database

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Thucydides, The History Of The Peloponnesian War, 3.37
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1. Homer, Odyssey, 8.559-8.561, 24.426-24.429 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
2. Aristophanes, Acharnians, 629-664, 628 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) 628. ἐξ οὗ γε χοροῖσιν ἐφέστηκεν τρυγικοῖς ὁ διδάσκαλος ἡμῶν
3. Aristophanes, Knights, 506-550, 505 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) 505. ὦ παντοίας ἤδη Μούσης
4. Aristophanes, Frogs, 686-705, 718-733, 675 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) 675. Μοῦσα χορῶν ἱερῶν: ἐπίβηθι καὶ ἔλθ' ἐπὶ τέρψιν ἀοιδᾶς ἐμᾶς
5. Euripides, Medea, 547-551, 579-583, 546 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
6. Euripides, Suppliant Women, 400-597, 741, 399 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) 399. Who is the despot of this land? To whom must I announce
7. Euripides, Trojan Women, 1001, 914-966, 983-1000 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) 1000. did you ever raise, though Castor was still alive, a vigorous youth, and his brother also, not yet among the stars? Then when you had come to Troy , and the Argives were on your track, and the mortal combat had begun, whenever tidings came to you of
8. Herodotus, Histories, 1.31.4, 1.60, 1.143.2, 5.78, 5.97, 7.139, 7.157-7.162 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) 1.31.4. She was overjoyed at the feat and at the praise, so she stood before the image and prayed that the goddess might grant the best thing for man to her children Cleobis and Biton, who had given great honor to the goddess. 1.60. But after a short time the partisans of Megacles and of Lycurgus made common cause and drove him out. In this way Pisistratus first got Athens and, as he had a sovereignty that was not yet firmly rooted, lost it. Presently his enemies who together had driven him out began to feud once more. ,Then Megacles, harassed by factional strife, sent a message to Pisistratus offering him his daughter to marry and the sovereign power besides. ,When this offer was accepted by Pisistratus, who agreed on these terms with Megacles, they devised a plan to bring Pisistratus back which, to my mind, was so exceptionally foolish that it is strange (since from old times the Hellenic stock has always been distinguished from foreign by its greater cleverness and its freedom from silly foolishness) that these men should devise such a plan to deceive Athenians, said to be the subtlest of the Greeks. ,There was in the Paeanian deme a woman called Phya, three fingers short of six feet, four inches in height, and otherwise, too, well-formed. This woman they equipped in full armor and put in a chariot, giving her all the paraphernalia to make the most impressive spectacle, and so drove into the city; heralds ran before them, and when they came into town proclaimed as they were instructed: ,“Athenians, give a hearty welcome to Pisistratus, whom Athena herself honors above all men and is bringing back to her own acropolis.” So the heralds went about proclaiming this; and immediately the report spread in the demes that Athena was bringing Pisistratus back, and the townsfolk, believing that the woman was the goddess herself, worshipped this human creature and welcomed Pisistratus. 5.78. So the Athenians grew in power and proved, not in one respect only but in all, that equality is a good thing. Evidence for this is the fact that while they were under tyrannical rulers, the Athenians were no better in war than any of their neighbors, yet once they got rid of their tyrants, they were by far the best of all. This, then, shows that while they were oppressed, they were, as men working for a master, cowardly, but when they were freed, each one was eager to achieve for himself. 5.97. It was when the Athenians had made their decision and were already on bad terms with Persia, that Aristagoras the Milesian, driven from Sparta by Cleomenes the Lacedaemonian, came to Athens, since that city was more powerful than any of the rest. Coming before the people, Aristagoras spoke to the same effect as at Sparta, of the good things of Asia, and how the Persians carried neither shield nor spear in war and could easily be overcome. ,This he said adding that the Milesians were settlers from Athens, whom it was only right to save seeing that they themselves were a very powerful people. There was nothing which he did not promise in the earnestness of his entreaty, till at last he prevailed upon them. It seems, then, that it is easier to deceive many than one, for he could not deceive Cleomenes of Lacedaemon, one single man, but thirty thousand Athenians he could. ,The Athenians, now persuaded, voted to send twenty ships to aid the Ionians, appointing for their admiral Melanthius, a citizen of Athens who had an unblemished reputation. These ships were the beginning of troubles for both Greeks and foreigners. 7.139. Here I am forced to declare an opinion which will be displeasing to most, but I will not refrain from saying what seems to me to be true. ,Had the Athenians been panic-struck by the threatened peril and left their own country, or had they not indeed left it but remained and surrendered themselves to Xerxes, none would have attempted to withstand the king by sea. What would have happened on land if no one had resisted the king by sea is easy enough to determine. ,Although the Peloponnesians had built not one but many walls across the Isthmus for their defense, they would nevertheless have been deserted by their allies (these having no choice or free will in the matter, but seeing their cities taken one by one by the foreign fleet), until at last they would have stood alone. They would then have put up quite a fight and perished nobly. ,Such would have been their fate. Perhaps, however, when they saw the rest of Hellas siding with the enemy, they would have made terms with Xerxes. In either case Hellas would have been subdued by the Persians, for I cannot see what advantage could accrue from the walls built across the isthmus, while the king was master of the seas. ,As it is, to say that the Athenians were the saviors of Hellas is to hit the truth. It was the Athenians who held the balance; whichever side they joined was sure to prevail. choosing that Greece should preserve her freedom, the Athenians roused to battle the other Greek states which had not yet gone over to the Persians and, after the gods, were responsible for driving the king off. ,Nor were they moved to desert Hellas by the threatening oracles which came from Delphi and sorely dismayed them, but they stood firm and had the courage to meet the invader of their country. 7.157. By these means Gelon had grown to greatness as a tyrant, and now, when the Greek envoys had come to Syracuse, they had audience with him and spoke as follows: “The Lacedaemonians and their allies have sent us to win your aid against the foreigner, for it cannot be, we think, that you have no knowledge of the Persian invader of Hellas, how he proposes to bridge the Hellespont and lead all the hosts of the east from Asia against us, making an open show of marching against Athens, but actually with intent to subdue all Hellas to his will. ,Now you are rich in power, and as lord of Sicily you rule what is not the least part of Hellas; therefore, we beg of you, send help to those who are going to free Hellas, and aid them in so doing. The uniting of all those of Greek stock entails the mustering of a mighty host able to meet our invaders in the field. If, however, some of us play false and others will not come to our aid, while the sound part of Hellas is but small, then it is to be feared that all Greek lands alike will be destroyed. ,Do not for a moment think that if the Persian defeats us in battle and subdues us, he will leave you unassailed, but rather look well to yourself before that day comes. Aid us, and you champion your own cause; in general a well-laid plan leads to a happy issue.” 7.158. This is what they said, and Gelon, speaking very vehemently, said in response to this: “Men of Hellas, it is with a self-seeking plea that you have dared to come here and invite me to be your ally against the foreigners; yet what of yourselves? ,When I was at odds with the Carchedonians, and asked you to be my comrades against a foreign army, and when I desired that you should avenge the slaying of Dorieus son of Anaxandrides on the men of Egesta, and when I promised to free those trading ports from which great advantage and profit have accrued to you,—then neither for my sake would you come to aid nor to avenge the slaying of Dorieus. Because of your position in these matters, all these lands lie beneath the foreigners' feet. ,Let that be; for all ended well, and our state was improved. But now that the war has come round to you in your turn, it is time for remembering Gelon! ,Despite the fact that you slighted me, I will not make an example of you; I am ready to send to your aid two hundred triremes, twenty thousand men-at-arms, two thousand horsemen, two thousand archers, two thousand slingers, and two thousand light-armed men to run with horsemen. I also pledge to furnish provisions for the whole Greek army until we have made an end of the war. ,All this, however, I promise on one condition, that I shall be general and leader of the Greeks against the foreigner. On no other condition will I come myself or send others.” 7.159. When Syagrus heard that, he could not contain himself; “In truth,” he cried, “loudly would Agamemnon son of Pelops lament, when hearing that the Spartans had been bereft of their command by Gelon and his Syracusans! No, rather, put the thought out of your minds that we will give up the command to you. If it is your will to aid Hellas, know that you must obey the Lacedaemonians; but if, as I think, you are too proud to obey, then send no aid.” 7.160. Thereupon Gelon, seeing how unfriendly Syagrus' words were, for the last time declared his opinion to them: “My Spartan friend, the hard words that a man hears are likely to arouse his anger; but for all the arrogant tenor of your speech you will not move me to make an unseemly answer. ,When you set such store by the command, it is but reasonable that it should be still more important to me since I am the leader of an army many times greater than yours and more ships by far. But seeing that your response to me is so haughty, we will make some concession in our original condition. It might be that you should command the army, and I the fleet; or if it is your pleasure to lead by sea, then I am ready to take charge of the army. With that you will surely be content, unless you want depart from here without such allies as we are.” 7.161. Such was Gelon's offer, and the Athenian envoy answered him before the Lacedaemonian could speak. “King of the Syracusans,” he said, “Hellas sends us to you to ask not for a leader but for an army. You however, say no word of sending an army without the condition of your being the leader of Hellas; it is the command alone that you desire. ,Now as long as you sought the leadership of the whole force, we Athenians were content to hold our peace, knowing that the Laconian was well able to answer for both of us; but since, failing to win the whole, you would gladly command the fleet, we want to let you know how the matter stands. Even if the Laconian should permit you to command it, we would not do so, for the command of the fleet, which the Lacedaemonians do not desire for themselves, is ours. If they should desire to lead it, we will not withstand them, but we will not allow anyone else to be admiral. ,It would be for nothing, then, that we possess the greatest number of seafaring men in Hellas, if we Athenians yield our command to Syracusans,—we who can demonstrate the longest lineage of all and who alone among the Greeks have never changed our place of habitation; of our stock too was the man of whom the poet Homer says that of all who came to Ilion, he was the best man in ordering and marshalling armies. We accordingly cannot be reproached for what we now say. ” 7.162. “My Athenian friend,” Gelon answered, “it would seem that you have many who lead, but none who will follow. Since, then, you will waive no claim but must have the whole, it is high time that you hasten home and tell your Hellas that her year has lost its spring.” ,The significance of this statement was that Gelon's army was the most notable part of the Greek army, just as the spring is the best part of the year. He accordingly compared Hellas deprived of alliance with him to a year bereft of its spring.
9. Isocrates, Orations, 4.96, 8.82 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
10. Plato, Laws, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) 659b. For, rightly speaking, the judge sits not as a pupil, but rather as a teacher of the spectators, being ready to oppose those who offer them pleasure in a way that is unseemly or wrong; and that is what the present law of Sicily and Italy actually does: by entrusting the decision to the spectators, who award the prize by show of hands, not only has it corrupted the poet
11. Plato, Timaeus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
12. Sophocles, Ajax, 501-505, 510-513, 500 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
13. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.10.2, 1.21-1.22, 1.73-1.78, 1.73.2-1.73.74, 1.89-1.117, 2.36.2-2.36.3, 2.37-2.41, 2.41.3, 2.59-2.65, 2.63.2, 3.2-3.3, 3.7-3.8, 3.13, 3.29-3.36, 3.36.6, 3.38-3.50, 3.38.2, 3.44.4, 4.17-4.20, 4.65.4, 5.84-5.116, 6.10-6.11, 6.17-6.18, 6.31-6.32 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) 1.10.2. For I suppose if Lacedaemon were to become desolate, and the temples and the foundations of the public buildings were left, that as time went on there would be a strong disposition with posterity to refuse to accept her fame as a true exponent of her power. And yet they occupy two-fifths of Peloponnese and lead the whole, not to speak of their numerous allies without. Still, as the city is neither built in a compact form nor adorned with magnificent temples and public edifices, but composed of villages after the old fashion of Hellas, there would be an impression of inadequacy. Whereas, if Athens were to suffer the same misfortune, I suppose that any inference from the appearance presented to the eye would make her power to have been twice as great as it is. 1.73.2. We need not refer to remote antiquity: there we could appeal to the voice of tradition, but not to the experience of our audience. But to the Median war and contemporary history we must refer, although we are rather tired of continually bringing this subject forward. In our action during that war we ran great risk to obtain certain advantages: you had your share in the solid results, do not try to rob us of all share in the good that the glory may do us. 1.73.3. However, the story shall be told not so much to deprecate hostility as to testify against it, and to show, if you are so ill-advised as to enter into a struggle with Athens, what sort of an antagonist she is likely to prove. 1.73.4. We assert that at Marathon we were at the front, and faced the barbarian single-handed. That when he came the second time, unable to cope with him by land we went on board our ships with all our people, and joined in the action at Salamis . This prevented his taking the Peloponnesian states in detail, and ravaging them with his fleet; when the multitude of his vessels would have made any combination for self-defence impossible. 1.73.5. The best proof of this was furnished by the invader himself. Defeated at sea, he considered his power to be no longer what it had been, and retired as speedily as possible with the greater part of his army. 2.36.2. And if our more remote ancestors deserve praise, much more do our own fathers, who added to their inheritance the empire which we now possess, and spared no pains to be able to leave their acquisitions to us of the present generation. 2.36.3. Lastly, there are few parts of our dominions that have not been augmented by those of us here, who are still more or less in the vigor of life; while the mother country has been furnished by us with everything that can enable her to depend on her own resources whether for war or for peace. 2.41.3. For Athens alone of her contemporaries is found when tested to be greater than her reputation, and alone gives no occasion to her assailants to blush at the antagonist by whom they have been worsted, or to her subjects to question her title by merit to rule. 2.63.2. Besides, to recede is no longer possible, if indeed any of you in the alarm of the moment has become enamored of the honesty of such an unambitious part. For what you hold is, to speak somewhat plainly, a tyranny; to take it perhaps was wrong, but to let it go is unsafe. 3.36.6. An assembly was therefore at once called, and after much expression of opinion upon both sides, Cleon, son of Cleaenetus, the same who had carried the former motion of putting the Mitylenians to death, the most violent man at Athens, and at that time by far the most powerful with the commons, came forward again and spoke as follows:— 3.38.2. Such a man must plainly either have such confidence in his rhetoric as to adventure to prove that what has been once for all decided is still undetermined, or be bribed to try to delude us by elaborate sophisms. 3.44.4. And I require you not to reject my useful considerations for his specious ones: his speech may have the attraction of seeming the more just in your present temper against Mitylene ; but we are not in a court of justice, but in a political assembly; and the question is not justice, but how to make the Mitylenians useful to Athens . 4.65.4. So thoroughly had the present prosperity persuaded the citizens that nothing could withstand them, and that they could achieve what was possible and impracticable alike, with means ample or inadequate it mattered not. The secret of this was their general extraordinary success, which made them confuse their strength with their hopes.
14. Xenophon, Hellenica, 1.7, 2.3.24-2.3.29 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) 2.3.24. Then when Theramenes arrived, Critias arose and spoke as follows: Gentlemen of the Senate, if anyone among you thinks that more people than is fitting are being put to death, let him reflect that where governments are changed these things always take place; and it is inevitable that those who are changing the government here to an oligarchy should have most numerous enemies, both because the state is the most populous of the Greek states and because the commons have been bred up in a condition of freedom for the longest time. 2.3.25. Now we, believing that for men like ourselves and you democracy is a grievous form of government, and convinced that the commons would never become friendly to the Lacedaemonians, our preservers, while the aristocrats would continue ever faithful to them, for these reasons are establishing, with the approval of the Lacedaemonians, the present form of government. 2.3.26. And if we find anyone opposed to the oligarchy, so far as we have the power we put him out of the way; but in particular we consider it to be right that, if any one of our own number is harming this order of things, he should be punished. 2.3.27. Now in fact we find this man Theramenes trying, by what means he can, to destroy both ourselves and you. As proof that this is true you will discover, if you consider the matter, that no one finds more 404 B.C. fault with the present proceedings than Theramenes here, or offers more opposition when we wish to put some demagogue out of the way. Now if he had held these views from the beginning, he was, to be sure, an enemy, but nevertheless he would not justly be deemed a scoundrel. 2.3.28. In fact, however, he was the very man who took the initiative in the policy of establishing a cordial understanding with the Lacedaemonians; he was the very man who began the overthrow of the democracy, and who urged you most to inflict punishment upon those who were first brought before you for trial; but now, when you and we have manifestly become hateful to the democrats, he no longer approves of what is going on,—just so that he may get on the safe side again, and that we may be punished for what has been done. 2.3.29. Therefore he ought to be punished, not merely as an enemy, but also as a traitor both to you and to ourselves. And treason is a far more dreadful thing than war, inasmuch as it is harder to take precaution against the hidden than against the open danger, and a far more hateful thing, inasmuch as men make peace with enemies and become their trustful friends again, but if they catch a man playing the traitor, they never in any case make peace with that man or trust him thereafter.
15. Aristotle, Rhetoric, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
16. Theocritus, Idylls, 1.65 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
17. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 5.2-5.4, 11.26.5-11.26.6, 14.65-14.70, 16.10.3, 16.20.6 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) 5.2. 2.  Its circumference is some four thousand three hundred and sixty stades; for of its three sides, that extending from Pelorias to Lilybaeum is one thousand seven hundred stades, that from Lilybaeum to Pachynus in the territory of Syracuse is a thousand five hundred, and the remaining side is one thousand one hundred and forty stades.,3.  The Siceliotae who dwell in the island have received the tradition from their ancestors, the report having ever been handed down successively from earliest time by one generation to the next, that the island is sacred to Demeter and Corê; although there are certain poets who recount the myth that at the marriage of Pluton and Persephonê Zeus gave this island as a wedding present to the bride.,4.  That the ancient inhabitants of Sicily, the Sicani, were indigenous, is stated by the best authorities among historians, also that the goddesses we have mentioned first made their appearance on this island, and that it was the first, because of the fertility of the soil, to bring forth the fruit of the corn, facts to which the most renowned of the poets also bears witness when he writes: But all these things grow there for them unsown And e'en untilled, both wheat and barley, yea, And vines, which yield such wine as fine grapes give, And rain of Zeus gives increase unto them. Indeed, in the plain of Leontini, we are told, and throughout many other parts of Sicily the wheat men call "wild" grows even to this day.,5.  And, speaking generally, before the corn was discovered, if one were to raise the question, what manner of land it was of the inhabited earth where the fruits we have mentioned appeared for the first time, the meed of honour may reasonably be accorded to the richest land; and in keeping with what we have stated, it is also to be observed that the goddesses who made this discovery are those who receive the highest honours among the Siceliotae. 5.3. 1.  Again, the fact that the Rape of Corê took place in Sicily is, men say, proof most evident that the goddesses made this island their favourite retreat because it was cherished by them before all others.,2.  And the Rape of Corê, the myth relates, took place in the meadows in the territory of Enna. The spot lies near the city, a place of striking beauty for its violets and every other kind of flower and worthy of the goddess. And the story is told that, because of the sweet odour of the flowers growing there, trained hunting dogs are unable to hold the trail, because their natural sense of smell is balked. And the meadow we have mentioned is level in the centre and well watered throughout, but on its periphery it rises high and falls off with precipitous cliffs on every side. And it is conceived of as lying in the very centre of the island, which is the reason why certain writers call it the navel of Sicily.,3.  Near to it also are sacred groves, surrounded by marshy flats, and a huge grotto which contains a chasm which leads down into the earth and opens to the north, and through it, the myth relates, Pluton, coming out with his chariot, effected the Rape of Corê. And the violets, we are told, and the rest of the flowers which supply the sweet odour continue to bloom, to one's amazement, throughout the entire year, and so the whole aspect of the place is one of flowers and delight.,4.  And both Athena and Artemis, the myth goes on to say, who had made the same choice of maidenhood as had Corê and were reared together with her, joined with her in gathering the flowers, and all of them together wove the robe for their father Zeus. And because of the time they had spent together and their intimacy they all loved this island above any other, and each one of them received for her portion a territory, Athena receiving hers in the region of Himera, where the Nymphs, to please Athena, caused the springs of warm water to gush forth on the occasion of the visit of Heracles to the island, and the natives consecrated a city to her and a plot of ground which to this day is called Athena's.,5.  And Artemis received from the gods the island at Syracuse which was named after her, by both the oracles and men, Ortygia. On this island likewise these Nymphs, to please Artemis, caused a great fountain to gush forth to which was given the name Arethusa.,6.  And not only in ancient times did this fountain contain large fish in great numbers, but also in our own day we find these fish still there, considered to be holy and not to be touched by men; and on many occasions, when certain men have eaten them amid stress of war, the deity has shown a striking sign, and has visited with great sufferings such as dared to take them for food. of these matters we shall give an exact account in connection with the appropriate period of time. 5.4. 1.  Like the two goddesses whom we have mentioned Corê, we are told, received as her portion the meadows round about Enna; but a great fountain was made sacred to her in the territory of Syracuse and given the name Cyanê or "Azure Fount.",2.  For the myth relates that it was near Syracuse that Pluton effected the Rape of Corê and took her away in his chariot, and that after cleaving the earth asunder he himself descended into Hades, taking along with him the bride whom he had seized, and that he caused the fountain named Cyanê to gush forth, near which the Syracusans each year hold a notable festive gathering; and private individuals offer the lesser victims, but when the ceremony is on behalf of the community, bulls are plunged in the pool, this manner of sacrifice having been commanded by Heracles on the occasion when he made the circuit of all Sicily, while driving off the cattle of Geryones.,3.  After the Rape of Corê, the myth does on to recount, Demeter, being unable to find her daughter, kindled torches in the craters of Mt. Aetna and visited many parts of the inhabited world, and upon the men who received her with the greatest favour she conferred briefs, rewarding them with the gift of the fruit of the wheat.,4.  And since a more kindly welcome was extended the goddess by the Athenians than by any other people, they were the first after the Siceliotae to be given the fruit of the wheat; and in return for this gift the citizens of that city in assembly honoured the goddess above all others with the establishment both of most notable sacrifices and of the mysteries of Eleusis, which, by reason of their very great antiquity and sanctity, have come to be famous among all mankind. From the Athenians many peoples received a portion of the gracious gift of the corn, and they in turn, sharing the gift of the seed with their neighbours, in this way caused all the inhabited world to abound with it.,5.  And the inhabitants of Sicily, since by reason of the intimate relationship of Demeter and Corê with them they were the first to share in the corn after its discovery, instituted to each one of the goddesses sacrifices and festive gatherings, which they named after them, and by the time chosen for these made acknowledgement of the gifts which had been conferred upon them.,6.  In the case of Corê, for instance, they established the celebration of her return at about the time when the fruit of the corn was found to come to maturity, and they celebrate this sacrifice and festive gathering with such strictness of observance and such zeal as we should reasonably expect those men to show who are returning thanks for having been selected before all mankind for the greatest possible gift;,7.  but in the case of Demeter they preferred that time for the sacrifice when the sowing of the corn is first begun, and for a period of ten days they hold a festive gathering which bears the name of this goddess and is most magnificent by reason of the brilliance of their preparation for it, while in the observance of it they imitate the ancient manner of life. And it is their custom during these days to indulge in coarse language as they associate one with another, the reason being that by such coarseness the goddess, grieved though she was at the Rape of Corê, burst into laughter. 11.26.5.  And he was already on the point of setting out to sea, when certain men from Corinth put in at Syracuse and brought the news that the Greeks had won the sea-battle at Salamis and that Xerxes and a part of his armament had retreated from Europe. Consequently he stopped his preparations for departure, while welcoming the enthusiasm of the soldiers; and then he called them to an assembly, issuing orders for each man to appear fully armed. As for himself, he came to the assembly not only with no arms but not even wearing a tunic and clad only in a cloak, and stepping forward he rendered an account of his whole life and of all he had done for the Syracusans; 11.26.6.  and when the throng shouted its approval at each action he mentioned and showed especially its amazement that he had given himself unarmed into the hands of any who might wish to slay him, so far was he from being a victim of vengeance as a tyrant that they united in acclaiming him with one voice Benefactor and Saviour and King. 14.65. 1.  "Although Dionysius has introduced some falsehoods, the last statement he made was true: that he would speedily put an end to the war. He could accomplish this if he were no longer our commander — for he has often been defeated — but had returned to the citizens the freedom their fathers enjoyed.,2.  As things are, no one of us faces battle with good courage so long as victory differs not a whit from defeat; for if conquered, we shall have to obey the commands of the Carthaginians, and if conquerors, to have in Dionysius a harsher master than they would be. For even should the Carthaginians defeat us in war, they would only impose a fixed tribute and would not prevent us from governing the city in accordance with our ancient laws; but this man has plundered our temples, has taken the property of private citizens together with the lives of their owners, and pays a wage to servants to secure the enslavement of their masters. Such horrors as attend the storming of cities are perpetrated by him in time of peace, yet he promises to put an end to the war with the Carthaginians.,3.  But it behooves us, fellow citizens, to put an end not only to the Phoenician war but to the tyrant within our walls. For the acropolis, which is guarded by the weapons of slaves, is a hostile redoubt in our city; the multitude of mercenaries has been gathered to hold the Syracusans in slavery; and he lords it over the city, not like a magistrate dispensing justice on equal terms, but like a dictator who by policy makes all decisions for his own advantage. For the time being the enemy possess a small portion of our territory, but Dionysius has devastated it all and given it to those who join in increasing his tyranny.,4.  "How long, then, are we to be patient though we suffer such abuses as brave men endure to die rather than to experience them? In battle against the Carthaginians we bravely face the final sacrifice, but against a harsh tyrant, in behalf of freedom and our fatherland, even in speech we no longer dare to raise our voices; we face in battle so many myriads of the enemy, but we stand in shivering fear of a single ruler, who has not the manliness of a superior slave. 14.66. 1.  "Surely no one would think of comparing Dionysius with Gelon of old. For Gelon, by reason of his own high character, together with the Syracusans and the rest of the Sicilian Greeks, set free the whole of Sicily, whereas this man, who found the cities free, has delivered all the rest of them over to the lordship of the enemy and has himself enslaved his native state.,2.  Gelon fought so far forward in behalf of Sicily that he never let his allies in the cities even catch sight of the enemy, whereas this man, after fleeing from Motyê through the entire length of the island, has cooped himself up within our walls, full of confidence against his fellow citizens, but unable to bear even the sight of the enemy.,3.  As a consequence Gelon, by reason both of his high character and of his great deeds, received the leadership by the free will not only of the Syracusans but also of the Sicilian Greeks, while, as for this man whose generalship has led to the destruction of his allies and the enslavement of his fellow citizens, how can he escape the just hatred of all? For not only is he unworthy of leadership but, if justice were done, would die ten thousand deaths.,4.  Because of him Gela and Camarina were subdued, Messenê lies in total ruin, twenty thousand allies are perished in a sea-battle, and, in a word, we have been enclosed in one city and all the other Greek cities throughout Sicily have been destroyed. For in addition to his other malefactions he sold into slavery Naxos and Catanê; he has completely destroyed cities that were allies, cities whose existence was opportune.,5.  With the Carthaginians he has fought two battles and has come out vanquished in each. Yet when he was entrusted with a generalship by the citizens but one time, he speedily robbed them of their freedom, slaying those who spoke openly on behalf of the laws and exiling the more wealthy; he gave the wives of the banished in marriage to slaves and to a motley throng; he put the weapons of citizens in the hands of barbarians and foreigners. And these deeds, O Zeus and all the gods, were the work of a public clerk, of a desperate man. 14.67. 1.  "Where, then, is the Syracusans' love of freedom? Where the deeds of our ancestors? I say nothing of the three hundred thousand Carthaginians who were totally destroyed at Himera; I pass by the overthrow of the tyrants who followed Gelon. But only yesterday, as it were, when the Athenians attacked Syracuse with such great armaments, our fathers left not a man free to carry back word of the disaster.,2.  And shall we, who have such great examples of our fathers' valour, take orders from Dionysius, especially when we have weapons in our hands? Surely some divine providence has gathered us here, with allies about us and weapons in our hands, for the purpose of recovering our freedom, and it is within our power this day to play the part of brave men and rid ourselves with one accord of our heavy yoke.,3.  For hitherto, while we were disarmed and without allies and guarded by a multitude of mercenaries, we have, I dare say, yielded to the pressure of circumstances; but now, since we have arms in our hands and allies to give us aid as well as bear witness of our bravery, let us not yield but make it clear that it was circumstances, not cowardice, that made us submit to slavery.,4.  Are we not ashamed that we should have as commander in our wars the man who has plundered the temples of our city and that we choose as representative in such important matters a person to whom no man of good sense would entrust the management of his private affairs? And though all other peoples in times of war, because of the great perils they face, observe with the greatest care their obligations to the gods, do we expect that a man of such notorious impiety will put an end to the war? 14.68. 1.  "In fact, if a man cares to put a finer point on it, he will find that Dionysius is as wary of peace as he is of war. For he believes that, as matters stand, the Syracusans, because of their fear of the enemy, will not attempt anything against him, but that once the Carthaginians have been defeated they will claim their freedom, since they will have weapons in their hands and will be proudly conscious of their deeds.,2.  Indeed this is the reason, in my opinion, why in the first war he betrayed Gela and Camarina and made these cities desolate, and why in his negotiations he agreed that most of the Greek cities should be given over to the enemy.,3.  After this he broke faith in time of peace with Naxos and Catanê and sold the inhabitants into slavery, razing one to the ground and giving the other to the Campanians from Italy to dwell in.,4.  And when, after the destruction of these peoples, the rest of Sicily made many attempts to overthrow his tyranny, he again declared war upon the Carthaginians; for his scruple against breaking his agreement in violation of the oaths he had taken was not so great as his fear of the surviving concentrations of the Sicilian Greeks. "Moreover, it is obvious that he has been at all times on the alert to effect their destruction.,5.  First of all at Panormus, when the enemy were disembarking and were in bad physical condition after the stormy passage, he could have offered battle, but did not choose to do. After that he stood idly by and sent no help to Messenê, a city strategically situated and of great size, but allowed it to be razed, not only in order that the greatest possible number of Sicilian Greeks should perish, but also that the Carthaginians might intercept the reinforcements from Italy and the fleets from the Peloponnesus.,6.  Last of all, he joined battle offshore at Catanê, careless of the advantage of pitching battle near the city, where the vanquished could find safety in their own harbours. After the battle, when strong winds sprang up and the Carthaginians were forced to haul their fleet up on land, he had a most favourable opportunity for victory;,7.  for the land forces of the enemy had not yet arrived and the violent storm was driving the enemy's ships on the shore. At that time, if we had all attacked on land, the only outcomes left the enemy would have been, either to be captured with ease, if they left their ships, or to strew the coast with wreckage, if they matched their strength against the waves. 14.69. 1.  "But to lodge accusations against Dionysius at greater length among Syracusans is, I should judge, not necessary. For if men who have suffered in very deed such irretrievable ruin are not roused to rage, will they, forsooth, be moved by words to wreak vengeance upon him — men too who have seen his behaviour as the worst of citizens, the harshest of tyrants, the most ignoble of all generals?,2.  For as often as we have stood in line of battle under his command, so often have we been defeated, whereas but just now, when we fought independently, we defeated with a few ships the enemy's entire force. We should, therefore, seek out another leader, to avoid fighting under a general who has pillaged the shrines of the gods and so finding ourselves engaged in a war against the gods;,3.  for it is manifest that heaven opposes those who have selected the worst enemy of religion to be their commander. Noting that when he is present our armies in full force suffer defeat, whereas, when he is absent, even a small detachment is sufficient to defeat the Carthaginians, should not all men see in this the visible presence of the gods?,4.  Therefore, fellow citizens, if he is willing to lay down his office of his own accord, let us allow him to leave the city with his possessions; but if he does not choose to do so, we have at the present moment the fairest opportunity to assert our freedom. We are all gathered together; we have weapons in our hands; we have allies about us, not only the Greeks from Italy but also those from the Peloponnesus.,5.  The chief command must be given, according to the laws, either to citizens, or to the Corinthians who dwell in our mother-city, or to the Spartans who are the first power in Greece. 14.70. 1.  After this speech by Theodorus the Syracusans were in high spirits and kept their eyes fixed on their allies; and when Pharacidas the Lacedaemonian, the admiral of the allies, stepped up to the platform, all expected that he would take the lead for liberty.,2.  But he was on friendly terms with the tyrant and declared that the Lacedaemonians had dispatched him to aid the Syracusans and Dionysius against the Carthaginians, not to overthrow the rule of Dionysius. At this statement so contrary to expectation the mercenaries flocked about Dionysius, and the Syracusans in dismay made no move, although they called down many curses on the Spartans.,3.  For on a previous occasion Aretes the Lacedaemonian, at the time that he was asserting the right of the Syracusans to freedom, had betrayed them, and now at this time Pharacidas vetoed the movement of the Syracusans. For the moment Dionysius was in great fear and dissolved the assembly, but later he won the favour of the multitude by kindly words, honouring some of them with gifts and inviting some to general banquets.,4.  After the Carthaginians had seized the suburb and pillaged the temple of Demeter and Corê, a plague struck the army. Over and above the disaster sent by influence of the city, there were contributing causes: that myriads of people were gathered together, that it was the time of year which is most productive of plagues, and that the particular summer had brought unusually hot water.,5.  It also seems likely that the place itself was responsible for the excessive extent of the disaster; for on a former occasion the Athenians too, who occupied the same camp, had perished in great numbers from the plague, since the terrain was marshy and in a hollow.,6.  First, before sunrise, because of the cold from the breeze over the waters, their bodies were struck with chills, but in the middle of the day the heat was stifling, as must be the case when so great a multitude is gathered together in a narrow place. 16.10.3.  Dion distributed the five thousand suits of armour to such of the Syracusans as were unarmed, and equipped the rest as well as he could with weapons that came to hand. Then having brought them all to a general assembly, he disclosed that he had come for the liberation of the Greeks of Sicily, and he urged them to elect as generals those men who were well qualified to effect the restoration of their independence and the dissolution of the entire tyranny. The crowd as with one voice cried out that it chose Dion and his brother Megacles as generals with absolute power. 16.20.6.  An assembly was summoned, and the people, as an expression of their gratitude to him, elected Dion general with absolute power and accorded him honours suited to a hero, and Dion in harmony with his former conduct generously absolved all his personal enemies of the charges outstanding against them and having reassured the populace brought them to a state of general harmony. The Syracusans with universal praises and with elaborate testimonials of approval honoured their benefactor as the one and only saviour of their native land. Such was the condition of affairs in Sicily.
18. Plutarch, Demetrius, 34 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
19. Plutarch, Demosthenes, 2, 1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
20. Chariton, Chaereas And Callirhoe, 1.1.12 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
21. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 6.27 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) 6.27. Being asked where in Greece he saw good men, he replied, Good men nowhere, but good boys at Lacedaemon. When one day he was gravely discoursing and nobody attended to him, he began whistling, and as people clustered about him, he reproached them with coming in all seriousness to hear nonsense, but slowly and contemptuously when the theme was serious. He would say that men strive in digging and kicking to outdo one another, but no one strives to become a good man and true.
22. Demosthenes, Orations, 3.24, 16.3, 19.337, 60.10
23. Lysias, Orations, 2.20, 2.33, 2.42, 2.44
24. Strabo, Geography, 6.1.5 6.1.5. The next city after Laus belongs to Brettium, and is named Temesa, though the men of today call it Tempsa; it was founded by the Ausones, but later on was settled also by the Aitolians under the leadership of Thoas; but the Aitolians were ejected by the Brettii, and then the Brettii were crushed by Hannibal and by the Romans. Near Temesa, and thickly shaded with wild olive trees, is the hero-sanctuary of Polites, one of the companions of Odysseus, who was treacherously slain by the barbarians, and for that reason became so exceedingly wroth against the country that, in accordance with an oracle, the people of the neighborhood collected tribute for him; and hence, also, the popular saying applied to those who are merciless, that they are beset by the hero of Temesa. But when the Epizephyrian Locrians captured the city, Euthymus, the pugilist, so the story goes, entered the lists against Polites, defeated him in the fight and forced him to release the natives from the tribute. People say that Homer has in mind this Temesa, not the Tamassus in Cyprus (the name is spelled both ways), when he says to Temesa, in quest of copper. And in fact copper mines are to be seen in the neighborhood, although now they have been abandoned. Near Temesa is Terina, which Hannibal destroyed, because he was unable to guard it, at the time when he had taken refuge in Brettium itself. Then comes Consentia, the metropolis of the Brettii; and a little above this city is Pandosia, a strong fortress, near which Alexander the Molossian was killed. He, too, was deceived by the oracle at Dodona, which bade him be on his guard against Acheron and Pandosia; for places which bore these names were pointed out to him in Thesprotia, but he came to his end here in Brettium. Now the fortress has three summits, and the River Acheron flows past it. And there was another oracle that helped to deceive him: Three-hilled Pandosia, much people shalt thou kill one day; for he thought that the oracle clearly meant the destruction of the enemy, not of his own people. It is said that Pandosia was once the capital of the Oinotrian Kings. After Consentia comes Hipponium, which was founded by the Locrians. Later on, the Brettii were in possession of Hipponium, but the Romans took it away from them and changed its name to Vibo Valentia. And because the country round about Hipponium has luxuriant meadows abounding in flowers, people have believed that Kore used to come hither from Sicily to gather flowers; and consequently it has become the custom among the women of Hipponium to gather flowers and to weave them into garlands, so that on festival days it is disgraceful to wear bought garlands. Hipponium has also a naval station, which was built long ago by Agathocles, the tyrant of the Siciliotes, when he made himself master of the city. Thence one sails to the Harbor of Heracles, which is the point where the headlands of Italy near the Strait begin to turn towards the west. And on this voyage one passes Medma, a city of the same Locrians aforementioned, which has the same name as a great fountain there, and possesses a naval station near by, called Emporium. Near it is also the Metaurus River, and a mooring-place bearing the same name. off this coast lie the islands of the Liparaei, at a distance of two hundred stadia from the Strait. According to some, they are the islands of Aeolus, of whom the Poet makes mention in the Odyssey. They are seven in number and are all within view both from Sicily and from the continent near Medma. But I shall tell about them when I discuss Sicily. After the Metaurus River comes a second Metaurus. Next after this river comes Scyllaion, a lofty rock which forms a peninsula, its isthmus being low and affording access to ships on both sides. This isthmus Anaxilaus, the tyrant of the Rhegini, fortified against the Tyrrheni, building a naval station there, and thus deprived the pirates of their passage through the strait. For Caenys, too, is near by, being two hundred and fifty stadia distant from Medma; it is the last cape, and with the cape on the Sicilian side, Pelorias, forms the narrows of the Strait. Cape Pelorias is one of the three capes that make the island triangular, and it bends towards the summer sunrise, just as Caenys bends towards the west, each one thus turning away from the other in the opposite direction. Now the length of the narrow passage of the Strait from Caenys as far as the Poseidonium, or the Columna Rheginorum, is about six stadia, while the shortest passage across is slightly more; and the distance is one hundred stadia from the Columna to Rhegium, where the Strait begins to widen out, as one proceeds towards the east, towards the outer sea, the sea which is called the Sicilian Sea.

Subjects of this text:

subject	book bibliographic info
"historiography,classical"	Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 201
"moralising,intertextual"	Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 201
"moralising,macro-level"	Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 201
ability to handle good fortune	Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 201
achilles	de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster (2022), Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond, 215
advantage	Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 70
aegina	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 4
aelius aristides	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 2
aeneas	de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster (2022), Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond, 3
ajax,greater	de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster (2022), Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond, 218
allegory	Seaford (2018), Tragedy, Ritual and Money in Ancient Greece: Selected Essays, 105
altar,of the twelve gods	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 4
antiphon,anti-rhetoric	Hesk (2000), Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens, 248
apollo	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 2
appian	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 2
architecture	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 2, 4, 5, 6, 7
arginusae	de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster (2022), Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond, 218
aristagoras of miletus	Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 312
aristophanes	Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 311
aristotle,on deliberative rhetoric	Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 70
aristotle	de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster (2022), Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond, 215
arrogance	Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 201
artemis lyaia	Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 65
artist	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 2
asia,greeks (ionians) of	Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 312
assemblies	Lloyd (1989), The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science, 97
assembly,discursive parameters	Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 70
asty/ἄστυ\u200e	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 3, 4, 6
athenian,the,in platos laws	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 6
athens,as tyranny	Seaford (2018), Tragedy, Ritual and Money in Ancient Greece: Selected Essays, 105
athens,athenians	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6
athens	Lloyd (1989), The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science, 97; de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster (2022), Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond, 3, 218, 401
athens and athenians,attitudes of,toward asiatics	Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 312
athens and athenians,in peloponnesian war era	Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 311, 312
athens and athenians,in persian war era	Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 311
audience	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 1, 2; Lloyd (1989), The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science, 97
audiences	Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 65
autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus,monarchy,satyrplay,tragedy,tyrants\n,and theatre	Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 66
autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus,monarchy,satyrplay,tragedy,tyrants\n,theatrical self-presentation by	Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 66
autonomy	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 1
autopsy	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 3, 6, 7
battle of kerata	de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster (2022), Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond, 401
becoming	Lloyd (1989), The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science, 97
books	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 7
building programme,public buildings	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 4, 5, 7
callipolis	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 6
cassius dio	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 2
cato,younger,cephalus,house of	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 6
charicleia	Repath and Whitmarsh (2022), Reading Heliodorus' Aethiopica, 232
chorus	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 5
citizen	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 3, 5, 7
city-state	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 3
cleon	Hesk (2000), Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens, 248; de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster (2022), Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond, 215
clinias	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 6
cnossus	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 6
comedy	Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 65
community	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 3, 4, 6
competition	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 1; Lloyd (1989), The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science, 97
cyrene	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 4
deception,association with rhetoric	Hesk (2000), Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens, 248
deictic	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 5
deinomenids	Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 65
delos,league of	Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 312
delphi	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 2, 4; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 311
demeter and kore,in sicily	Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 65
demetrius poliorcetes (the besieger)	Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 66
democracy,athenian,thucydides depiction of	Hesk (2000), Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens, 248
democracy	de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster (2022), Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond, 401
demosthenes	de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster (2022), Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond, 215
dewald,carolyn	Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 312
dialogue	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 1
dido	de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster (2022), Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond, 3
dio of prusa	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 1, 2
diodotus	Hesk (2000), Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens, 248
diogenes the cynic	Lloyd (1989), The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science, 97
diognetos the whale	Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 66
dionysia (festival)\n,at athens (great)	Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 66
dionysius ii of syracuse	Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 66
dionysus,in sicily	Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 65
dissoi logoi	Pucci (2016), Euripides' Revolution Under Cover: An Essay, 23
dithyramb	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 4
diÿllus	Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 312
elite,ideological agency	Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 64
emotion,collective emotion	de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster (2022), Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond, 401
emotion,definition of	de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster (2022), Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond, 3
emotional restraint,psychology and/of	de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster (2022), Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond, 401
emotions,anger/rage	de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster (2022), Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond, 215, 218, 401
emotions,anger management	de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster (2022), Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond, 215, 218
emotions,joy	de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster (2022), Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond, 401
encomium	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 4
environment,artistic	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 1
environment,built	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 3, 6
environment,natural	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 1
erudition	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 6, 7
euripides	Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 311
experience	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 1, 7
festival,bendis	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 6
focalization	de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster (2022), Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond, 401
fornara,charles w.	Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 312
freedom	Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 64
funeral oration,catalogue of exploits	Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 64
gain	Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 129
games,olympic	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 1
games,pan-hellenic	Lloyd (1989), The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science, 97
gelon i of syracuse	Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 66
generals	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 2
geographical,geography	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 4
glory	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 2, 4, 6
gorgias	de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster (2022), Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond, 3
guide	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 7
hecuba	de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster (2022), Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond, 218
hegemony,spartan	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 5
hellenica oxyrhynchia,digressions in	de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster (2022), Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond, 401
hellenica oxyrhynchia	de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster (2022), Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond, 401
herodotus,and the athenian audience	Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 311, 312
herodotus,date of	Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 312
herodotus,historical perspective of	Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 311, 312
herodotus	Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 201; de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster (2022), Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond, 401
hieron ii of syracuse,and agriculture	Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 65
hieron ii of syracuse,syrakosia	Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 65
hippocratic writers	Lloyd (1989), The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science, 97
historical causes,of the corinthian war	de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster (2022), Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond, 401
history	Lloyd (1989), The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science, 97
homer	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 4
honour	de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster (2022), Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond, 3
humaneness,and altruism	Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 64
humaneness	Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 64
hydaspes	Repath and Whitmarsh (2022), Reading Heliodorus' Aethiopica, 232
iconography,athenian	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 2, 5
ideal,idealism	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 6, 7
ideology,constructive function	Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 64
ideology,normative aspect	Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 64
imagination	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 6, 7
imperialism,athenian attitudes to	Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 64
imperialism,athenian empire	Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 64
institution	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 1, 3, 4
intertextuality	Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 201
ionian revolt	Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 312
justice,corrective	Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 70
justice,distributive	Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 70
kleon	Seaford (2018), Tragedy, Ritual and Money in Ancient Greece: Selected Essays, 105
knox,b.	Seaford (2018), Tragedy, Ritual and Money in Ancient Greece: Selected Essays, 105
kosmopolites,architectural	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 4, 5
kosmopolites,cultural	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 4, 7
kosmopolites,intellectual	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 7
kosmopolites,natural	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 3
kosmopolites,religious	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 7
language,rhetoric	Pucci (2016), Euripides' Revolution Under Cover: An Essay, 23
law,international	Gagarin and Cohen (2005), The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law, 404
library	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 3, 7
loraux,n.,on ideology	Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 64
lucian	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 2
lycurgus	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 2
lyric poetry	Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 201
macedon,macedonian	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 1
maenads	Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 65
magnesia,ideal city	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 6
marathon (battle of)	Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 64
material evidence	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 3, 4, 6
medea,rhetoric and sophia in	Pucci (2016), Euripides' Revolution Under Cover: An Essay, 23
melian dialogue	Gagarin and Cohen (2005), The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law, 404
memory,collective	de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster (2022), Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond, 401
memory,visual	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 7
men of action	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 2
metafiction	Hesk (2000), Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens, 248
mycenae	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 5, 6
myth,mythical,mythological	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 2, 7
mytilene	de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster (2022), Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond, 3, 215, 218, 401
mytilene debate	Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 201
mytilenean debate	Gagarin and Cohen (2005), The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law, 404
narrative/narration passim,in forensic oratory	de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster (2022), Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond, 215
neuroscience,neuroscientists,neuroscientific	de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster (2022), Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond, 3
olympia	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 1
oracles,delphic	Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 311
oracles,interpreted by athenians	Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 311
orator,role in ideological practice	Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 64
oroondates	Repath and Whitmarsh (2022), Reading Heliodorus' Aethiopica, 232
overconfidence	Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 201
pain/suffering	de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster (2022), Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond, 218
painting	Lloyd (1989), The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science, 97
paradigm	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 2, 4, 7
pathos (πάθος)	de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster (2022), Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond, 3
patterning	Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 201
pausanias,periegete	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 1, 2
peisistratus and peisistratids	Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 312
peloponnese	Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 311
peloponnesian war	Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 311, 312
pepaideumenoi	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 1
pericles	Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 311, 312
persia and persians,war with greeks	Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 311
persian wars	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 4
piety	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 2
pindar	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 4, 5
piraeus	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 6
plato	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 4, 6; Lloyd (1989), The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science, 97; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 311
poetry,epic	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 4
poetry,hymnic	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 4
poets	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 5, 6
polemarchus,cephalus son	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 6
political theory,and law.	Gagarin and Cohen (2005), The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law, 404
proxenia	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 4
reciprocity,and justice	Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 121
reciprocity,balanced	Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 121
reciprocity,generalised	Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 121
reciprocity,negative	Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 121
reciprocity	Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 121
religion	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 1, 2, 7
representation	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 7
revenge	de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster (2022), Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond, 3
rhetoric,of anti-rhetoric	Hesk (2000), Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens, 248
rhetoric	Pucci (2016), Euripides' Revolution Under Cover: An Essay, 23
roman	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 2
rome,city	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 2, 3
rome,political power	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 1
sanctuary	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 6
satyrs	Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 65
scorn	de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster (2022), Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond, 215
society	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 3
socrates	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 6; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 311
sophia,wisdom rhetoric and'	Pucci (2016), Euripides' Revolution Under Cover: An Essay, 23
sophists	Lloyd (1989), The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science, 97
sophocles	de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster (2022), Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond, 218
sparta,spartan	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 1, 2, 5, 6
sparta	de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster (2022), Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond, 218, 401
sparta and spartans,in peloponnesian war	Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 312
sparta and spartans	Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 312
speech,and narrative	de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster (2022), Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond, 215, 218
speech	de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster (2022), Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond, 3, 215
state funeral for the war dead,discursive parameters	Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 64
statue,pindar	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 4
structures,physical	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 3, 4, 6
structures,political	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 1
syracuse,syracusan	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 4
syracuse	de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster (2022), Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond, 218
syracuse\n,demeter pyrphoros,sanctuary of	Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 65
syracuse\n,grotto delle nymphe	Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 65
theagenes	Repath and Whitmarsh (2022), Reading Heliodorus' Aethiopica, 232
thebes	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 2, 4
thomas,rosalind	Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 312
thucydides,and herodotus	Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 311
thucydides,melian dialogue	Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 129
thucydides,mytilenean debate	Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 70, 121
thucydides,on mytilenean debate	Hesk (2000), Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens, 248
thucydides,on persians	Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 311
thucydides,on spartans	Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 311
thucydides,political outlook	Hesk (2000), Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens, 248
thucydides	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 5, 6; Gagarin and Cohen (2005), The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law, 404; Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 201; Lloyd (1989), The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science, 97; de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster (2022), Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond, 218, 401
topography,topographical	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 2, 4, 7
tradition	Lloyd (1989), The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science, 97
tragedy,allegory in	Seaford (2018), Tragedy, Ritual and Money in Ancient Greece: Selected Essays, 105
tragedy,and rhetoric	Hesk (2000), Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens, 248
tragedy	Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 201
travel	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 1, 2, 4, 7
troy	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 5
tyranny,greek attitudes towards	Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 312
visible	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 5
walls,city	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 2, 6
wilamowitz-moellendorff,ulrich von	Pucci (2016), Euripides' Revolution Under Cover: An Essay, 23
wisdom	Lloyd (1989), The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science, 97
xenophon	de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster (2022), Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond, 218
xerxes	Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 311
zeus,cave of	Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 6