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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



10882
Thucydides, The History Of The Peloponnesian War, 3.36


nanUpon the arrival of the prisoners with Salaethus, the Athenians at once put the latter to death, although he offered, among other things, to procure the withdrawal of the Peloponnesians from Plataea, which was still under siege; 2 and after deliberating as to what they should do with the former, in the fury of the moment determined to put to death not only the prisoners at Athens, but the whole adult male population of Mitylene, and to make slaves of the women and children. It was remarked that Mitylene had revolted without being, like the rest, subjected to the empire; and what above all swelled the wrath of the Athenians was the fact of the Peloponnesian fleet having ventured over to Ionia to her support, a fact which was held to argue a long-meditated rebellion. 3 They accordingly sent a trireme to communicate the decree to Paches, commanding him to lose no time in despatching the Mitylenians. 4 The morrow brought repentance with it and reflection on the horrid cruelty of a decree, which condemned a whole city to the fate merited only by the guilty. 5 This was no sooner perceived by the Mitylenian ambassadors at Athens and their Athenian supporters, than they moved the authorities to put the question again to the vote; which they the more easily consented to do, as they themselves plainly saw that most of the citizens wished some one to give them an opportunity for reconsidering the matter. 6 An assembly was therefore at once called, and after much expression of opinion upon both sides, Cleon, son of Cleaenetus, the same who had carried the former motion of putting the Mitylenians to death, the most violent man at Athens, and at that time by far the most powerful with the commons, came forward again and spoke as follows: -


nannan, Upon the arrival of the prisoners with Salaethus, the Athenians at once put the latter to death, although he offered, among other things, to procure the withdrawal of the Peloponnesians from Plataea, which was still under siege; ,and after deliberating as to what they should do with the former, in the fury of the moment determined to put to death not only the prisoners at Athens, but the whole adult male population of Mitylene, and to make slaves of the women and children. It was remarked that Mitylene had revolted without being, like the rest, subjected to the empire; and what above all swelled the wrath of the Athenians was the fact of the Peloponnesian fleet having ventured over to Ionia to her support, a fact which was held to argue a long-meditated rebellion. ,They accordingly sent a trireme to communicate the decree to Paches, commanding him to lose no time in despatching the Mitylenians. ,The morrow brought repentance with it and reflection on the horrid cruelty of a decree, which condemned a whole city to the fate merited only by the guilty. ,This was no sooner perceived by the Mitylenian ambassadors at Athens and their Athenian supporters, than they moved the authorities to put the question again to the vote; which they the more easily consented to do, as they themselves plainly saw that most of the citizens wished some one to give them an opportunity for reconsidering the matter. ,An assembly was therefore at once called, and after much expression of opinion upon both sides, Cleon, son of Cleaenetus, the same who had carried the former motion of putting the Mitylenians to death, the most violent man at Athens, and at that time by far the most powerful with the commons, came forward again and spoke as follows:—


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1. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 34 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)

2. Hebrew Bible, 2 Samuel, 15.2-15.6, 15.11 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

15.2. תְּמוֹל בּוֹאֶךָ וְהַיּוֹם אנועך [אֲנִיעֲךָ] עִמָּנוּ לָלֶכֶת וַאֲנִי הוֹלֵךְ עַל אֲשֶׁר־אֲנִי הוֹלֵךְ שׁוּב וְהָשֵׁב אֶת־אַחֶיךָ עִמָּךְ חֶסֶד וֶאֱמֶת׃ 15.2. וְהִשְׁכִּים אַבְשָׁלוֹם וְעָמַד עַל־יַד דֶּרֶךְ הַשָּׁעַר וַיְהִי כָּל־הָאִישׁ אֲשֶׁר־יִהְיֶה־לּוֹ־רִיב לָבוֹא אֶל־הַמֶּלֶךְ לַמִּשְׁפָּט וַיִּקְרָא אַבְשָׁלוֹם אֵלָיו וַיֹּאמֶר אֵי־מִזֶּה עִיר אַתָּה וַיֹּאמֶר מֵאַחַד שִׁבְטֵי־יִשְׂרָאֵל עַבְדֶּךָ׃ 15.3. וְדָוִד עֹלֶה בְמַעֲלֵה הַזֵּיתִים עֹלֶה וּבוֹכֶה וְרֹאשׁ לוֹ חָפוּי וְהוּא הֹלֵךְ יָחֵף וְכָל־הָעָם אֲשֶׁר־אִתּוֹ חָפוּ אִישׁ רֹאשׁוֹ וְעָלוּ עָלֹה וּבָכֹה׃ 15.3. וַיֹּאמֶר אֵלָיו אַבְשָׁלוֹם רְאֵה דְבָרֶךָ טוֹבִים וּנְכֹחִים וְשֹׁמֵעַ אֵין־לְךָ מֵאֵת הַמֶּלֶךְ׃ 15.4. וַיֹּאמֶר אַבְשָׁלוֹם מִי־יְשִׂמֵנִי שֹׁפֵט בָּאָרֶץ וְעָלַי יָבוֹא כָּל־אִישׁ אֲשֶׁר־יִהְיֶה־לּוֹ־רִיב וּמִשְׁפָּט וְהִצְדַּקְתִּיו׃ 15.5. וְהָיָה בִּקְרָב־אִישׁ לְהִשְׁתַּחֲוֺת לוֹ וְשָׁלַח אֶת־יָדוֹ וְהֶחֱזִיק לוֹ וְנָשַׁק לוֹ׃ 15.6. וַיַּעַשׂ אַבְשָׁלוֹם כַּדָּבָר הַזֶּה לְכָל־יִשְׂרָאֵל אֲשֶׁר־יָבֹאוּ לַמִּשְׁפָּט אֶל־הַמֶּלֶךְ וַיְגַנֵּב אַבְשָׁלוֹם אֶת־לֵב אַנְשֵׁי יִשְׂרָאֵל׃ 15.11. וְאֶת־אַבְשָׁלוֹם הָלְכוּ מָאתַיִם אִישׁ מִירוּשָׁלִַם קְרֻאִים וְהֹלְכִים לְתֻמָּם וְלֹא יָדְעוּ כָּל־דָּבָר׃ 15.2. And Avshalom rose up early, and stood beside the way of the gate: and when any man that had a controversy came to the king for judgment, then Avshalom called to him, and said, of what city art thou? And he would say, Thy servant is of such a one of the tribes of Yisra᾽el." 15.3. And Avshalom would say to him, See, thy pleas are good and right; but there is no man deputed of the king to hear thee." 15.4. Avshalom would say moreover, Oh that I were made judge in the land, and every man who has any suit or cause might come to me, and I would do him justice!" 15.5. And when any man came near to him to bow down to him, he put out his hand, and took him, and kissed him." 15.6. And in this manner did Avshalom to all Yisra᾽el that came to the king for judgment: so Avshalom stole the hearts of the men of Yisra᾽el." 15.11. And with Avshalom went two hundred men out of Yerushalayim, that were invited; and they went in their simplicity, and they knew nothing whatever."
3. Homer, Odyssey, 24.426-24.429 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)

4. Euripides, Trojan Women, 1001, 914-966, 983-1000 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

1000. did you ever raise, though Castor was still alive, a vigorous youth, and his brother also, not yet among the stars? Then when you had come to Troy , and the Argives were on your track, and the mortal combat had begun, whenever tidings came to you of
5. Herodotus, Histories, 1.31.4, 7.157-7.162 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

1.31.4. She was overjoyed at the feat and at the praise, so she stood before the image and prayed that the goddess might grant the best thing for man to her children Cleobis and Biton, who had given great honor to the goddess. 7.157. By these means Gelon had grown to greatness as a tyrant, and now, when the Greek envoys had come to Syracuse, they had audience with him and spoke as follows: “The Lacedaemonians and their allies have sent us to win your aid against the foreigner, for it cannot be, we think, that you have no knowledge of the Persian invader of Hellas, how he proposes to bridge the Hellespont and lead all the hosts of the east from Asia against us, making an open show of marching against Athens, but actually with intent to subdue all Hellas to his will. ,Now you are rich in power, and as lord of Sicily you rule what is not the least part of Hellas; therefore, we beg of you, send help to those who are going to free Hellas, and aid them in so doing. The uniting of all those of Greek stock entails the mustering of a mighty host able to meet our invaders in the field. If, however, some of us play false and others will not come to our aid, while the sound part of Hellas is but small, then it is to be feared that all Greek lands alike will be destroyed. ,Do not for a moment think that if the Persian defeats us in battle and subdues us, he will leave you unassailed, but rather look well to yourself before that day comes. Aid us, and you champion your own cause; in general a well-laid plan leads to a happy issue.” 7.158. This is what they said, and Gelon, speaking very vehemently, said in response to this: “Men of Hellas, it is with a self-seeking plea that you have dared to come here and invite me to be your ally against the foreigners; yet what of yourselves? ,When I was at odds with the Carchedonians, and asked you to be my comrades against a foreign army, and when I desired that you should avenge the slaying of Dorieus son of Anaxandrides on the men of Egesta, and when I promised to free those trading ports from which great advantage and profit have accrued to you,—then neither for my sake would you come to aid nor to avenge the slaying of Dorieus. Because of your position in these matters, all these lands lie beneath the foreigners' feet. ,Let that be; for all ended well, and our state was improved. But now that the war has come round to you in your turn, it is time for remembering Gelon! ,Despite the fact that you slighted me, I will not make an example of you; I am ready to send to your aid two hundred triremes, twenty thousand men-at-arms, two thousand horsemen, two thousand archers, two thousand slingers, and two thousand light-armed men to run with horsemen. I also pledge to furnish provisions for the whole Greek army until we have made an end of the war. ,All this, however, I promise on one condition, that I shall be general and leader of the Greeks against the foreigner. On no other condition will I come myself or send others.” 7.159. When Syagrus heard that, he could not contain himself; “In truth,” he cried, “loudly would Agamemnon son of Pelops lament, when hearing that the Spartans had been bereft of their command by Gelon and his Syracusans! No, rather, put the thought out of your minds that we will give up the command to you. If it is your will to aid Hellas, know that you must obey the Lacedaemonians; but if, as I think, you are too proud to obey, then send no aid.” 7.160. Thereupon Gelon, seeing how unfriendly Syagrus' words were, for the last time declared his opinion to them: “My Spartan friend, the hard words that a man hears are likely to arouse his anger; but for all the arrogant tenor of your speech you will not move me to make an unseemly answer. ,When you set such store by the command, it is but reasonable that it should be still more important to me since I am the leader of an army many times greater than yours and more ships by far. But seeing that your response to me is so haughty, we will make some concession in our original condition. It might be that you should command the army, and I the fleet; or if it is your pleasure to lead by sea, then I am ready to take charge of the army. With that you will surely be content, unless you want depart from here without such allies as we are.” 7.161. Such was Gelon's offer, and the Athenian envoy answered him before the Lacedaemonian could speak. “King of the Syracusans,” he said, “Hellas sends us to you to ask not for a leader but for an army. You however, say no word of sending an army without the condition of your being the leader of Hellas; it is the command alone that you desire. ,Now as long as you sought the leadership of the whole force, we Athenians were content to hold our peace, knowing that the Laconian was well able to answer for both of us; but since, failing to win the whole, you would gladly command the fleet, we want to let you know how the matter stands. Even if the Laconian should permit you to command it, we would not do so, for the command of the fleet, which the Lacedaemonians do not desire for themselves, is ours. If they should desire to lead it, we will not withstand them, but we will not allow anyone else to be admiral. ,It would be for nothing, then, that we possess the greatest number of seafaring men in Hellas, if we Athenians yield our command to Syracusans,—we who can demonstrate the longest lineage of all and who alone among the Greeks have never changed our place of habitation; of our stock too was the man of whom the poet Homer says that of all who came to Ilion, he was the best man in ordering and marshalling armies. We accordingly cannot be reproached for what we now say. ” 7.162. “My Athenian friend,” Gelon answered, “it would seem that you have many who lead, but none who will follow. Since, then, you will waive no claim but must have the whole, it is high time that you hasten home and tell your Hellas that her year has lost its spring.” ,The significance of this statement was that Gelon's army was the most notable part of the Greek army, just as the spring is the best part of the year. He accordingly compared Hellas deprived of alliance with him to a year bereft of its spring.
6. Plato, Timaeus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

7. Sophocles, Ajax, 501-505, 510-513, 500 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

8. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.1.1, 1.10.2, 1.22.1-1.22.2, 1.23.6, 1.24, 1.32-1.43, 1.44.2, 1.73-1.78, 1.89-1.117, 2.36.3, 2.37.3, 2.41.1, 2.47.3-2.47.54, 2.53.1, 2.59-2.65, 2.65.4-2.65.13, 3.1-3.35, 3.36.2, 3.36.4-3.36.6, 3.37-3.50, 3.37.1, 3.37.3-3.37.4, 3.38.2, 3.44.4, 3.49.1, 3.49.4, 3.52-3.68, 3.73, 3.81-3.84, 3.81.5, 3.82.2, 3.83.1, 4.17-4.21, 4.27, 4.41.4, 4.59-4.64, 4.65.4, 5.10.9, 5.14.1-5.14.2, 5.32.1, 5.43, 5.70, 5.84-5.113, 5.84.3, 5.116, 6.8-6.26, 6.31-6.32, 6.53, 6.92, 7.29, 8.27.2-8.27.3, 8.45-8.46, 8.86 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

1.1.1. Thucydides, an Athenian, wrote the history of the war between the Peloponnesians and the Athenians, beginning at the moment that it broke out, and believing that it would be a great war, and more worthy of relation than any that had preceded it. This belief was not without its grounds. The preparations of both the combatants were in every department in the last state of perfection; and he could see the rest of the Hellenic race taking sides in the quarrel; those who delayed doing so at once having it in contemplation. 1.10.2. For I suppose if Lacedaemon were to become desolate, and the temples and the foundations of the public buildings were left, that as time went on there would be a strong disposition with posterity to refuse to accept her fame as a true exponent of her power. And yet they occupy two-fifths of Peloponnese and lead the whole, not to speak of their numerous allies without. Still, as the city is neither built in a compact form nor adorned with magnificent temples and public edifices, but composed of villages after the old fashion of Hellas, there would be an impression of inadequacy. Whereas, if Athens were to suffer the same misfortune, I suppose that any inference from the appearance presented to the eye would make her power to have been twice as great as it is. 1.22.1. With reference to the speeches in this history, some were delivered before the war began, others while it was going on; some I heard myself, others I got from various quarters; it was in all cases difficult to carry them word for word in one's memory, so my habit has been to make the speakers say what was in my opinion demanded of them by the various occasions, of course adhering as closely as possible to the general sense of what they really said. 1.22.2. And with reference to the narrative of events, far from permitting myself to derive it from the first source that came to hand, I did not even trust my own impressions, but it rests partly on what I saw myself, partly on what others saw for me, the accuracy of the report being always tried by the most severe and detailed tests possible. 1.23.6. The real cause I consider to be the one which was formally most kept out of sight. The growth of the power of Athens, and the alarm which this inspired in Lacedaemon, made war inevitable. Still it is well to give the grounds alleged by either side, which led to the dissolution of the treaty and the breaking out of the war. 1.44.2. For it began now to be felt that the coming of the Peloponnesian war was only a question of time, and no one was willing to see a naval power of such magnitude as Corcyra sacrificed to Corinth ; though if they could let them weaken each other by mutual conflict, it would be no bad preparation for the struggle which Athens might one day have to wage with Corinth and the other naval powers. 2.36.3. Lastly, there are few parts of our dominions that have not been augmented by those of us here, who are still more or less in the vigor of life; while the mother country has been furnished by us with everything that can enable her to depend on her own resources whether for war or for peace. 2.37.3. But all this ease in our private relations does not make us lawless as citizens. Against this fear is our chief safeguard, teaching us to obey the magistrates and the laws, particularly such as regard the protection of the injured, whether they are actually on the statute book, or belong to that code which, although unwritten, yet cannot be broken without acknowledged disgrace. 2.41.1. In short, I say that as a city we are the school of Hellas ; while I doubt if the world can produce a man, who where he has only himself to depend upon, is equal to so many emergencies, and graced by so happy a versatility as the Athenian. 2.47.3. Not many days after their arrival in Attica the plague first began to show itself among the Athenians. It was said that it had broken out in many places previously in the neighborhood of Lemnos and elsewhere; but a pestilence of such extent and mortality was nowhere remembered. 2.47.4. Neither were the physicians at first of any service, ignorant as they were of the proper way to treat it, but they died themselves the most thickly, as they visited the sick most often; nor did any human art succeed any better. Supplications in the temples, divinations, and so forth were found equally futile, till the overwhelming nature of the disaster at last put a stop to them altogether. 2.53.1. Nor was this the only form of lawless extravagance which owed its origin to the plague. Men now coolly ventured on what they had formerly done in a corner, and not just as they pleased, seeing the rapid transitions produced by persons in prosperity suddenly dying and those who before had nothing succeeding to their property. 2.65.4. Not long afterwards, however, according to the way of the multitude, they again elected him general and committed all their affairs to his hands, having now become less sensitive to their private and domestic afflictions, and understanding that he was the best man of all for the public necessities. 2.65.5. For as long as he was at the head of the state during the peace, he pursued a moderate and conservative policy; and in his time its greatness was at its height. When the war broke out, here also he seems to have rightly gauged the power of his country. 2.65.6. He outlived its commencement two years and six months, and the correctness of his previsions respecting it became better known by his death. 2.65.7. He told them to wait quietly, to pay attention to their marine, to attempt no new conquests, and to expose the city to no hazards during the war, and doing this, promised them a favorable result. What they did was the very contrary, allowing private ambitions and private interests, in matters apparently quite foreign to the war, to lead them into projects unjust both to themselves and to their allies—projects whose success would only conduce to the honor and advantage of private persons, and whose failure entailed certain disaster on the country in the war. 2.65.8. The causes of this are not far to seek. Pericles indeed, by his rank, ability, and known integrity, was enabled to exercise an independent control over the multitude—in short, to lead them instead of being led by them; for as he never sought power by improper means, he was never compelled to flatter them, but, on the contrary, enjoyed so high an estimation that he could afford to anger them by contradiction. 2.65.9. Whenever he saw them unseasonably and insolently elated, he would with a word reduce them to alarm; on the other hand, if they fell victims to a panic, he could at once restore them to confidence. In short, what was nominally a democracy became in his hands government by the first citizen. 2.65.10. With his successors it was different. More on a level with one another, and each grasping at supremacy, they ended by committing even the conduct of state affairs to the whims of the multitude. 2.65.11. This, as might have been expected in a great and sovereign state, produced a host of blunders, and amongst them the Sicilian expedition; though this failed not so much through a miscalculation of the power of those against whom it was sent, as through a fault in the senders in not taking the best measures afterwards to assist those who had gone out, but choosing rather to occupy themselves with private cabals for the leadership of the commons, by which they not only paralyzed operations in the field, but also first introduced civil discord at home. 2.65.12. Yet after losing most of their fleet besides other forces in Sicily, and with faction already domit in the city, they could still for three years make head against their original adversaries, joined not only by the Sicilians, but also by their own allies nearly all in revolt, and at last by the king's son, Cyrus, who furnished the funds for the Peloponnesian navy. Nor did they finally succumb till they fell the victims of their own intestine disorders. 2.65.13. So superfluously abundant were the resources from which the genius of Pericles foresaw an easy triumph in the war over the unaided forces of the Peloponnesians. 3.36.2. and after deliberating as to what they should do with the former, in the fury of the moment determined to put to death not only the prisoners at Athens, but the whole adult male population of Mitylene, and to make slaves of the women and children. It was remarked that Mitylene had revolted without being, like the rest, subjected to the empire; and what above all swelled the wrath of the Athenians was the fact of the Peloponnesian fleet having ventured over to Ionia to her support, a fact which was held to argue a long-meditated rebellion. 3.36.4. The morrow brought repentance with it and reflection on the horrid cruelty of a decree, which condemned a whole city to the fate merited only by the guilty. 3.36.6. An assembly was therefore at once called, and after much expression of opinion upon both sides, Cleon, son of Cleaenetus, the same who had carried the former motion of putting the Mitylenians to death, the most violent man at Athens, and at that time by far the most powerful with the commons, came forward again and spoke as follows:— 3.37.3. The most alarming feature in the case is the constant change of measures with which we appear to be threatened, and our seeming ignorance of the fact that bad laws which are never changed are better for a city than good ones that have no authority; that unlearned loyalty is more serviceable than quick-witted insubordination; and that ordinary men usually manage public affairs better than their more gifted fellows. 3.37.4. The latter are always wanting to appear wiser than the laws, and to overrule every proposition brought forward, thinking that they cannot show their wit in more important matters, and by such behavior too often ruin their country; while those who mistrust their own cleverness are content to be less learned than the laws, and less able to pick holes in the speech of a good speaker; and being fair judges rather than rival athletes, generally conduct affairs successfully. 3.38.2. Such a man must plainly either have such confidence in his rhetoric as to adventure to prove that what has been once for all decided is still undetermined, or be bribed to try to delude us by elaborate sophisms. 3.44.4. And I require you not to reject my useful considerations for his specious ones: his speech may have the attraction of seeming the more just in your present temper against Mitylene ; but we are not in a court of justice, but in a political assembly; and the question is not justice, but how to make the Mitylenians useful to Athens . 3.49.1. Such were the words of Diodotus. The two opinions thus expressed were the ones that most directly contradicted each other; and the Athenians, notwithstanding their change of feeling, now proceeded to a division, in which the show of hands was almost equal, although the motion of Diodotus carried the day. 3.49.4. Luckily they met with no contrary wind, and the first ship making no haste upon so horrid an errand, while the second pressed on in the manner described, the first arrived so little before them, that Paches had only just had time to read the decree, and to prepare to execute the sentence, when the second put into port and prevented the massacre. The danger of Mitylene had indeed been great. 3.81.5. Death thus raged in every shape; and, as usually happens at such times, there was no length to which violence did not go; sons were killed by their fathers, and suppliants dragged from the altar or slain upon it; while some were even walled up in the temple of Dionysus and died there. 3.82.2. The sufferings which revolution entailed upon the cities were many and terrible, such as have occurred and always will occur, as long as the nature of mankind remains the same; though in a severer or milder form, and varying in their symptoms, according to the variety of the particular cases. In peace and prosperity states and individuals have better sentiments, because they do not find themselves suddenly confronted with imperious necessities; but war takes away the easy supply of daily wants, and so proves a rough master, that brings most men's characters to a level with their fortunes. 3.83.1. Thus every form of iniquity took root in the Hellenic countries by reason of the troubles. The ancient simplicity into which honor so largely entered was laughed down and disappeared; and society became divided into camps in which no man trusted his fellow. 4.41.4. The Athenians, however, kept grasping at more, and dismissed envoy after envoy without their having effected anything. Such was the history of the affair of Pylos . 4.65.4. So thoroughly had the present prosperity persuaded the citizens that nothing could withstand them, and that they could achieve what was possible and impracticable alike, with means ample or inadequate it mattered not. The secret of this was their general extraordinary success, which made them confuse their strength with their hopes. 5.10.9. The Athenian right made a better stand, and though Cleon, who from the first had no thought of fighting, at once fled and was overtaken and slain by a Myrcinian targeteer, his infantry forming in close order upon the hill twice or thrice repulsed the attacks of Clearidas, and did not finally give way until they were surrounded and routed by the missiles of the Myrcinian and Chalcidian horse and the targeteers. 5.14.1. Indeed it so happened that directly after the battle of Amphipolis and the retreat of Ramphias from Thessaly, both sides ceased to prosecute the war and turned their attention to peace. Athens had suffered severely at Delium, and again shortly afterwards at Amphipolis, and had no longer that confidence in her strength which had made her before refuse to treat, in the belief of ultimate victory which her success at the moment had inspired; 5.14.2. besides, she was afraid of her allies being tempted by her reverses to rebel more generally, and repented having let go the splendid opportunity for peace which the affair of Pylos had offered. 5.32.1. About the same time in this summer Athens succeeded in reducing Scione, put the adult males to death, and making slaves of the women and children, gave the land for the Plataeans to live in. She also brought back the Delians to Delos, moved by her misfortunes in the field and by the commands of the god at Delphi . 5.84.3. Cleomedes, son of Lycomedes, and Tisias, son of Tisimachus, the generals, encamping in their territory with the above armament, before doing any harm to their land, sent envoys to negotiate. These the Melians did not bring before the people, but bade them state the object of their mission to the magistrates and the few; upon which the Athenian envoys spoke as follows:—
9. Xenophon, Hellenica, 1.6.27, 1.7, 2.3.24-2.3.29 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

2.3.24. Then when Theramenes arrived, Critias arose and spoke as follows: Gentlemen of the Senate, if anyone among you thinks that more people than is fitting are being put to death, let him reflect that where governments are changed these things always take place; and it is inevitable that those who are changing the government here to an oligarchy should have most numerous enemies, both because the state is the most populous of the Greek states and because the commons have been bred up in a condition of freedom for the longest time. 2.3.25. Now we, believing that for men like ourselves and you democracy is a grievous form of government, and convinced that the commons would never become friendly to the Lacedaemonians, our preservers, while the aristocrats would continue ever faithful to them, for these reasons are establishing, with the approval of the Lacedaemonians, the present form of government. 2.3.26. And if we find anyone opposed to the oligarchy, so far as we have the power we put him out of the way; but in particular we consider it to be right that, if any one of our own number is harming this order of things, he should be punished. 2.3.27. Now in fact we find this man Theramenes trying, by what means he can, to destroy both ourselves and you. As proof that this is true you will discover, if you consider the matter, that no one finds more 404 B.C. fault with the present proceedings than Theramenes here, or offers more opposition when we wish to put some demagogue out of the way. Now if he had held these views from the beginning, he was, to be sure, an enemy, but nevertheless he would not justly be deemed a scoundrel. 2.3.28. In fact, however, he was the very man who took the initiative in the policy of establishing a cordial understanding with the Lacedaemonians; he was the very man who began the overthrow of the democracy, and who urged you most to inflict punishment upon those who were first brought before you for trial; but now, when you and we have manifestly become hateful to the democrats, he no longer approves of what is going on,—just so that he may get on the safe side again, and that we may be punished for what has been done. 2.3.29. Therefore he ought to be punished, not merely as an enemy, but also as a traitor both to you and to ourselves. And treason is a far more dreadful thing than war, inasmuch as it is harder to take precaution against the hidden than against the open danger, and a far more hateful thing, inasmuch as men make peace with enemies and become their trustful friends again, but if they catch a man playing the traitor, they never in any case make peace with that man or trust him thereafter.
10. Xenophon, Constitution of The Athenians, 1.4-1.9 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

11. Aristotle, Rhetoric, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

12. Demosthenes, Orations, 16.3 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

13. Polybius, Histories, 36.9 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)

36.9. 1.  Both about the Carthaginians when they were crushed by the Romans and about the affair of the pseudo-Philip many divergent accounts were current in Greece, at first on the subject of the conduct of Rome to Carthage and next concerning their treatment of the pseudo-Philip.,2.  As regards the former the judgements formed and the opinions held in Greece were far from uimous.,3.  There were some who approved the action of the Romans, saying that they had taken wise and statesmanlike measures in defence of their empire.,4.  For to destroy this source of perpetual menace, this city which had constantly disputed the supremacy with them and was still able to dispute it if it had the opportunity and thus to secure the dominion of their own country, was the act of intelligent and far-seeing men.,5.  Others took the opposite view, saying that far from maintaining the principles by which they had won their supremacy, they were little by little deserting it for a lust of domination like that of Athens and Sparta, starting indeed later than those states, but sure, as everything indicated, to arrive at the same end.,6.  For at first they had made war with every nation until they were victorious and until their adversaries had confessed that they must obey them and execute their orders.,7.  But now they had struck the first note of their new policy by their conduct to Perseus, in utterly exterminating the kingdom of Macedonia, and they had now completely revealed it by their decision concerning Carthage.,8.  For the Carthaginians had been guilty of no immediate offence to Rome, but the Romans had treated them with irremediable severity, although they had accepted all their conditions and consented to obey all their orders.,9.  Others said that the Romans were, generally speaking, a civilized people, and that their peculiar merit on which they prided themselves was that they conducted their wars in a simple and noble manner, employing neither night attacks nor ambushes, disapproving of every kind of deceit and fraud, and considering that nothing but direct and open attacks were legitimate for them.,10.  But in the present case, throughout the whole of their proceedings in regard to Carthage, they had used deceit and fraud, offering certain things one at a time and keeping others secret, until they cut off every hope the city had of help from her allies.,11.  This, they said, savoured more of a despot's intrigue than of the principles of a civilized state such as Rome, and could only be justly described as something very like impiety and treachery.,12.  And there were others who differed likewise from these latter critics. For, they said, if before the Carthaginians had committed themselves to the faith of Rome the Romans had proceeded in this manner, offering certain things one at a time and gradually disclosing others, they would of course have appeared to be guilty of the charge brought against them.,13.  But if, in fact, after the Carthaginians had of their own accord committed themselves to the faith of the Romans and given them liberty to treat them in any way they chose, the Romans, being thus authorized to act as it seemed good to them, gave the orders and imposed the terms on which they had decided, what took place did not bear any resemblance to an act of impiety and scarcely any to an act of treachery; in fact some said it was not even of the nature of an injustice.,14.  For every crime must naturally fall under one of these three classes, and what the Romans did belongs to neither of the three.,15.  For impiety is sin against the gods, against parents, or against the dead; treachery is the violation of sworn or written agreements; and injustice is what is done contrary to law and custom.,16.  of none of these three were the Romans guilty on the present occasion. Neither did they sin against the gods, against their parents, or against the dead, nor did they violate any sworn agreement or treaty; on the contrary they accused the Carthaginians of doing this.,17.  Nor, again, did they break any laws or customs or their personal faith. For having received from a people who consented willingly full authority to act as they wished, when this people refused to obey their orders they finally resorted to force.


Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
"historiography, classical" Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 198, 201, 203, 208, 211
"moralising, digressive" Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 208
"moralising, implicit" Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 208
"moralising, intertextual" Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201
"moralising, macro-level" Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201
"moralising, through pathos" Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 203
ability to handle good fortune Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201, 203, 211
ability to handle misfortune Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 208
absalom, josephus depiction of Feldman, Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered (2006) 453
achilles de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 215
advantage Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 70
aeneas de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 3
ajax, greater de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 218
alcibiades Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 211
anger Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 208
antiphon, anti-rhetoric Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 248
arginusae de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 218
aristotle, on deliberative rhetoric Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 70
aristotle de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 215
arrogance Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201
assembly, discursive parameters Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 70
athenian character Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 193
athenian empire Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 200
athens, mytilene, vote to execute men of Goldhill, The Christian Invention of Time: Temporality and the Literature of Late Antiquity (2022) 183
athens/athenians Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 32
athens de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 3, 218, 401
augustine of hippo, confessions Goldhill, The Christian Invention of Time: Temporality and the Literature of Late Antiquity (2022) 183
augustine of hippo, conversion of Goldhill, The Christian Invention of Time: Temporality and the Literature of Late Antiquity (2022) 183
augustine of hippo, life-writing of Goldhill, The Christian Invention of Time: Temporality and the Literature of Late Antiquity (2022) 183
battle of kerata de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 401
brutality Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 211
charicleia Repath and Whitmarsh, Reading Heliodorus' Aethiopica (2022) 232
claudius, roman emperor, expulsion of jews from rome by Feldman, Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered (2006) 452, 453
cleon Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 203, 211; Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 248; de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 215
conversion, christian life-writing focused on Goldhill, The Christian Invention of Time: Temporality and the Literature of Late Antiquity (2022) 183
conversion, language of Goldhill, Preposterous Poetics: The Politics and Aesthetics of Form in Late Antiquity (2020) 165
conversion, of augustine Goldhill, The Christian Invention of Time: Temporality and the Literature of Late Antiquity (2022) 183
conversion, repentance, focus on Goldhill, The Christian Invention of Time: Temporality and the Literature of Late Antiquity (2022) 183
corcyra Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 193
corinthians Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 193
correlation between action and result as a means of moralising Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 208
cowardice Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 211
cruelty Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 203
deception, association with rhetoric Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 248
democracy, athenian, thucydides depiction of Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 248
democracy de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 401
demosthenes de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 215
dido de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 3
dilemmas, moral Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 198
diodorus siculus Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 198
diodotus Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 248; Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 200
emotion, collective emotion de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 401
emotion, definition of de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 3
emotional restraint, psychology and/of de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 401
emotions, anger/rage de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 215, 218, 401
emotions, anger management de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 215, 218
emotions, joy de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 401
emotions as a destructive force Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 208
evaluative phrasing Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 208, 211
fear Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 208
focalization de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 401
gain Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 129
gorgias de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 3
greed Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 208
hecuba de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 218
hellenica oxyrhynchia, digressions in de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 401
hellenica oxyrhynchia de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 401
herodotus Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201; de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 401
historical causes, of the corinthian war de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 401
honour de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 3
humility Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 203
hydaspes Repath and Whitmarsh, Reading Heliodorus' Aethiopica (2022) 232
intertextuality Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201
justice, corrective Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 70
justice, distributive Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 70
juxtaposition, as a means of moralising Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 208
law, athenian. Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 178
life-writing and time, augustines confessions Goldhill, The Christian Invention of Time: Temporality and the Literature of Late Antiquity (2022) 183
life-writing and time, conversion, christian focus on Goldhill, The Christian Invention of Time: Temporality and the Literature of Late Antiquity (2022) 183
life-writing and time Goldhill, The Christian Invention of Time: Temporality and the Literature of Late Antiquity (2022) 183
life choices versus conversion, in classical writing, who am i/what am i, as beginning of Goldhill, The Christian Invention of Time: Temporality and the Literature of Late Antiquity (2022) 183
lyric poetry Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201
melos/melians Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 32
memory, collective de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 401
metafiction Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 248
metanoia Goldhill, Preposterous Poetics: The Politics and Aesthetics of Form in Late Antiquity (2020) 165; Goldhill, The Christian Invention of Time: Temporality and the Literature of Late Antiquity (2022) 183
myth and history, distinguishing, mytilene, athenian vote to execute men of Goldhill, The Christian Invention of Time: Temporality and the Literature of Late Antiquity (2022) 183
mytilene/mytilenaeans Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 32
mytilene de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 3, 215, 218, 401
mytilene debate Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201
mytilenean debate Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 178
narrative/narration passim, in forensic oratory de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 215
neuroscience, neuroscientists, neuroscientific de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 3
nock, arthur darby, conversion Goldhill, Preposterous Poetics: The Politics and Aesthetics of Form in Late Antiquity (2020) 165
oath-breaking Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 211
oroondates Repath and Whitmarsh, Reading Heliodorus' Aethiopica (2022) 232
overconfidence Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201, 203
pain/suffering de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 218
pathos (πάθος) de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 3
patterning Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201
piety Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 211
piraeus Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 149
plague Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 263
plataea Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 263
pleonexia Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 208
protagoras Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 178
punishment., as deterrence. Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 178
punishment., as rehabilitation Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 178
punishment., as retribution. Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 178
punishment. Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 178
reciprocity, and justice Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 121
reciprocity, balanced Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 121
reciprocity, generalised Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 121
reciprocity, negative Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 121
reciprocity Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 121
repentance, conversion, christian life-writing focused on Goldhill, The Christian Invention of Time: Temporality and the Literature of Late Antiquity (2022) 183
revenge de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 3
rhetoric, of anti-rhetoric Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 248
scione Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 32
scorn de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 215
self-seeking Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 208, 211
septuagint, metanoia not occurring in Goldhill, The Christian Invention of Time: Temporality and the Literature of Late Antiquity (2022) 183
sicilian debate Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 193
sicily Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 193
simplicity Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 208
sophocles de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 218
sparta/spartans Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 32
sparta de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 218, 401
speech, and narrative de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 215, 218
speech de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 3, 215
speeches Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 198, 203, 208
syracuse de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 218
theagenes Repath and Whitmarsh, Reading Heliodorus' Aethiopica (2022) 232
thucydides' Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 178
thucydides, melian dialogue Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 129
thucydides, mytilene, vote to execute men of Goldhill, The Christian Invention of Time: Temporality and the Literature of Late Antiquity (2022) 183
thucydides, mytilenean debate Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 70, 121
thucydides, on mytilenean debate Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 248
thucydides, political outlook Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 248
thucydides, son of melesias, authorial statements, judgementnan Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 252
thucydides, son of melesias, dramatic elements Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 263
thucydides, son of melesias, language Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 252
thucydides Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 198, 201, 203, 208, 211; Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 32; de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 218, 401
time Goldhill, The Christian Invention of Time: Temporality and the Literature of Late Antiquity (2022) 183
tragedy, and rhetoric Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 248
tragedy Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 201
truth Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 32
uncertainty of human life Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 203
xenophon de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 218