Home About Network of subjects Linked subjects heatmap Book indices included Search by subject Search by reference Browse subjects Browse texts

Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



10882
Thucydides, The History Of The Peloponnesian War, 2.68


nanAbout the same time towards the close of the summer, the Ambraciot forces, with a number of barbarians that they had raised, marched against the Amphilochian Argos and the rest of that country. 2 The origin of their enmity against the Argives was this. 3 This Argos and the rest of Amphilochia were colonized by Amphilochus, son of Amphiaraus. Dissatisfied with the state of affairs at home on his return thither after the Trojan War, he built this city in the Ambracian Gulf, and named it Argos after his own country. 4 This was the largest town in Amphilochia, and its inhabitants the most powerful. 5 Under the pressure of misfortune many generations afterwards, they called in the Ambraciots, their neighbors on the Amphilochian border, to join their colony; and it was by this union with the Ambraciots that they learnt their present Hellenic speech, the rest of the Amphilochians being barbarians. 6 After a time the Ambraciots expelled the Argives and held the city themselves. 7 Upon this the Amphilochians gave themselves over to the Acarnanians; and the two together called the Athenians, who sent them Phormio as general and thirty ships; upon whose arrival they took Argos by storm, and made slaves of the Ambraciots; and the Amphilochians and Acarnanians inhabited the town in common. 8 After this began the alliance between the Athenians and Acarnanians. 9 The enmity of the Ambraciots against the Argives thus commenced with the enslavement of their citizens; and afterwards during the war they collected this armament among themselves and the Chaonians, and other of the neighboring barbarians. Arrived before Argos, they became masters of the country; but not being successful in their attacks upon the town, returned home and dispersed among their different peoples.


nannan, About the same time towards the close of the summer, the Ambraciot forces, with a number of barbarians that they had raised, marched against the Amphilochian Argos and the rest of that country. , The origin of their enmity against the Argives was this. ,This Argos and the rest of Amphilochia were colonized by Amphilochus, son of Amphiaraus. Dissatisfied with the state of affairs at home on his return thither after the Trojan war, he built this city in the Ambracian gulf, and named it Argos after his own country. ,This was the largest town in Amphilochia, and its inhabitants the most powerful. ,Under the pressure of misfortune many generations afterwards, they called in the Ambraciots, their neighbors on the Amphilochian border, to join their colony; and it was by this union with the Ambraciots that they learnt their present Hellenic speech, the rest of the Amphilochians being barbarians. , After a time the Ambraciots expelled the Argives and held the city themselves. ,Upon this the Amphilochians gave themselves over to the Acarnanians; and the two together called the Athenians, who sent them Phormio as general and thirty ships; upon whose arrival they took Argos by storm, and made slaves of the Ambraciots; and the Amphilochians and Acarnanians inhabited the town in common. , After this began the alliance between the Athenians and Acarnanians. ,The enmity of the Ambraciots against the Argives thus commenced with the enslavement of their citizens; and afterwards during the war they collected this armament among themselves and the Chaonians, and other of the neighboring barbarians. Arrived before Argos, they became masters of the country; but not being successful in their attacks upon the town, returned home and dispersed among their different peoples.


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

18 results
1. Homer, Iliad, 2.494, 2.557 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)

2.494. /and a voice unwearying, and though the heart within me were of bronze, did not the Muses of Olympus, daughters of Zeus that beareth the aegis, call to my mind all them that came beneath Ilios. Now will I tell the captains of the ships and the ships in their order.of the Boeotians Peneleos and Leïtus were captains 2.557. /Only Nestor could vie with him, for he was the elder. And with him there followed fifty black ships.And Aias led from Salamis twelve ships, and stationed them where the battalions of the Athenians stood.And they that held Argos and Tiryns, famed for its walls
2. Homer, Odyssey, 15.248 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)

3. Pindar, Olympian Odes, 6 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

4. Euripides, Suppliant Women, 382, 399-584, 381 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

381. (to a herald.) Forasmuch as with this thy art thou hast ever served the stat£ and me by carrying my proclamations far and wide, so now cross Asopus and the waters of Ismenus, and declare this message to the haughty king of the Cadmeans:
5. Herodotus, Histories, 8.27.3, 8.144, 9.37 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

8.27.3. When the Phocians were besieged on Parnassus, they had with them the diviner Tellias of Elis; Tellias devised a stratagem for them: he covered six hundred of the bravest Phocians with gypsum, themselves and their armor, and led them to attack the Thessalians by night, bidding them slay whomever they should see not whitened. 8.144. Such was their answer to Alexander, but to the Spartan envoys they said, “It was most human that the Lacedaemonians should fear our making an agreement with the barbarian. We think that it is an ignoble thing to be afraid, especially since we know the Athenian temper to be such that there is nowhere on earth such store of gold or such territory of surpassing fairness and excellence that the gift of it should win us to take the Persian part and enslave Hellas. ,For there are many great reasons why we should not do this, even if we so desired; first and foremost, the burning and destruction of the adornments and temples of our gods, whom we are constrained to avenge to the utmost rather than make pacts with the perpetrator of these things, and next the kinship of all Greeks in blood and speech, and the shrines of gods and the sacrifices that we have in common, and the likeness of our way of life, to all of which it would not befit the Athenians to be false. ,Know this now, if you knew it not before, that as long as one Athenian is left alive we will make no agreement with Xerxes. Nevertheless we thank you for your forethought concerning us, in that you have so provided for our wasted state that you offer to nourish our households. ,For your part, you have given us full measure of kindness, yet for ourselves, we will make shift to endure as best we may, and not be burdensome to you. But now, seeing that this is so, send your army with all speed, ,for as we guess, the barbarian will be upon us and invade our country in no long time as soon as the message comes to him that we will do nothing that he requires of us; therefore, before he comes into Attica, now is the time for us to march first into Boeotia.” At this reply of the Athenians the envoys returned back to Sparta. 9.37. Mardonius' sacrifices also foretold an unfavorable outcome if he should be zealous to attack first, and good if he should but defend himself. He too used the Greek manner of sacrifice, and Hegesistratus of Elis was his diviner, the most notable of the sons of Tellias. This man had been put in prison and condemned to die by the Spartans for the great harm which he had done them. ,Being in such bad shape inasmuch as he was in peril of his life and was likely to be very grievously maltreated before his death, he did something which was almost beyond belief; made fast in iron-bound stocks, he got an iron weapon which was brought in some way into his prison, and straightway conceived a plan of such courage as we have never known; reckoning how best the rest of it might get free, he cut off his own foot at the instep. ,This done, he tunneled through the wall out of the way of the guards who kept watch over him, and so escaped to Tegea. All night he journeyed, and all day he hid and lay hidden in the woods, till on the third night he came to Tegea, while all the people of Lacedaemon sought him. The latter were greatly amazed when they saw the half of his foot which had been cut off and lying there but not were unable to find the man himself. ,This, then, is the way in which he escaped the Lacedaemonians and took refuge in Tegea, which at that time was unfriendly to Lacedaemon. After he was healed and had made himself a foot of wood, he declared himself an open enemy of the Lacedaemonians. Yet the enmity which he bore them brought him no good at the last, for they caught him at his divinations in Zacynthus and killed him.
6. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.22.1-1.22.3, 1.23.1, 1.24.1, 1.89-1.118, 1.97.2, 2.15, 2.20-2.23, 2.29.3, 2.52-2.53, 2.57-2.65, 2.67, 2.71-2.77, 2.97, 3.104, 4.77, 4.89-4.101 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

1.22.1. With reference to the speeches in this history, some were delivered before the war began, others while it was going on; some I heard myself, others I got from various quarters; it was in all cases difficult to carry them word for word in one's memory, so my habit has been to make the speakers say what was in my opinion demanded of them by the various occasions, of course adhering as closely as possible to the general sense of what they really said. 1.22.2. And with reference to the narrative of events, far from permitting myself to derive it from the first source that came to hand, I did not even trust my own impressions, but it rests partly on what I saw myself, partly on what others saw for me, the accuracy of the report being always tried by the most severe and detailed tests possible. 1.22.3. My conclusions have cost me some labour from the want of coincidence between accounts of the same occurrences by different eye-witnesses, arising sometimes from imperfect memory, sometimes from undue partiality for one side or the other. 1.23.1. The Median war, the greatest achievement of past times, yet found a speedy decision in two actions by sea and two by land. The Peloponnesian war was prolonged to an immense length, and long as it was it was short without parallel for the misfortunes that it brought upon Hellas . 1.24.1. The city of Epidamnus stands on the right of the entrance of the Ionic gulf. Its vicinity is inhabited by the Taulantians, an Illyrian people. 1.97.2. My excuse for relating these events, and for venturing on this digression, is that this passage of history has been omitted by all my predecessors, who have confined themselves either to Hellenic history before the Median war, or to the Median war itself. Hellanicus, it is true, did touch on these events in his Athenian history; but he is somewhat concise and not accurate in his dates. Besides, the history of these events contains an explanation of the growth of the Athenian empire. 2.29.3. This Teres is in no way related to Tereus who married Pandion's daughter Procne from Athens ; nor indeed did they belong to the same part of Thrace . Tereus lived in Daulis, part of what is now called Phocis, but which at that time was inhabited by Thracians. It was in this land that the women perpetrated the outrage upon Itys; and many of the poets when they mention the nightingale call it the Daulian bird. Besides, Pandion in contracting an alliance for his daughter would consider the advantages of mutual assistance, and would naturally prefer a match at the above moderate distance to the journey of many days which separates Athens from the Odrysians. Again the names are different; and this Teres was king of the Odrysians, the first by the way who attained to any power.
7. Aristotle, Rhetoric, 1.15 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

8. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 1.89 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

1.89. 1.  Such, then, are the facts concerning the origin of the Romans which I have been able to discover a reading very diligently many works written by both Greek and Roman authors. Hence, from now on let the reader forever renounce the views of those who make Rome a retreat of barbarians, fugitives and vagabonds, and let him confidently affirm it to be a Greek city, — which will be easy when he shows that it is at once the most hospitable and friendly of all cities, and when he bears in mind that the Aborigines were Oenotrians, and these in turn Arcadians,,2.  and remembers those who joined with them in their settlement, the Pelasgians who were Argives by descent and came into Italy from Thessaly; and recalls, moreover, the arrival of Evander and the Arcadians, who settled round the Palatine hill, after the Aborigines had granted the place to them; and also the Peloponnesians, who, coming along with Hercules, settled upon the Saturnian hill; and, last of all, those who left the Troad and were intermixed with the earlier settlers. For one will find no nation that is more ancient or more Greek than these.,3.  But the admixtures of the barbarians with the Romans, by which the city forgot many of its ancient institutions, happened at a later time. And it may well seem a cause of wonder to many who reflect on the natural course of events that Rome did not become entirely barbarized after receiving the Opicans, the Marsians, the Samnites, the Tyrrhenians, the Bruttians and many thousands of Umbrians, Ligurians, Iberians and Gauls, besides innumerable other nations, some of whom came from Italy itself and some from other regions and differed from one another both in their language and habits; for their very ways of life, diverse as they were and thrown into turmoil by such dissoce, might have been expected to cause many innovations in the ancient order of the city.,4.  For many others by living among barbarians have in a short time forgotten all their Greek heritage, so that they neither speak the Greek language nor observe the customs of the Greeks nor acknowledge the same gods nor have the same equitable laws (by which most of all the spirit of the Greeks differs from that of the barbarians) nor agree with them in anything else whatever that relates to the ordinary intercourse of life. Those Achaeans who are settled near the Euxine sea are a sufficient proof of my contention; for, though originally Eleans, of a nation the most Greek of any, they are now the most savage of all barbarians.
9. Strabo, Geography, 9.1.10, 14.5.16 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

9.1.10. At the present time the island is held by the Athenians, although in early times there was strife between them and the Megarians for its possession. Some say that it was Peisistratus, others Solon, who inserted in the Catalogue of Ships immediately after the verse, and Aias brought twelve ships from Salamis, the verse, and, bringing them, halted them where the battalions of the Athenians were stationed, and then used the poet as a witness that the island had belonged to the Athenians from the beginning. But the critics do not accept this interpretation, because many of the verses bear witness to the contrary. For why is Aias found in the last place in the ship-camp, not with the Athenians, but with the Thessalians under Protesilaus? Here were the ships of Aias and Protesilaus. And in the Visitation of the troops, Agamemnon found Menestheus the charioteer, son of Peteos, standing still; and about him were the Athenians, masters of the battle-cry. And near by stood Odysseus of many wiles, and about him, at his side, the ranks of the Cephallenians. And back again to Aias and the Salaminians, he came to the Aiantes, and near them, Idomeneus on the other side, not Menestheus. The Athenians, then, are reputed to have cited alleged testimony of this kind from Homer, and the Megarians to have replied with the following parody: Aias brought ships from Salamis, from Polichne, from Aegeirussa, from Nisaea, and from Tripodes; these four are Megarian places, and, of these, Tripodes is called Tripodiscium, near which the present marketplace of the Megarians is situated. 14.5.16. After the Cydnus River one comes to the Pyramus River, which flows from Cataonia, a river which I have mentioned before. According to Artemidorus, the distance thence to Soli in a straight voyage is five hundred stadia. Near by, also, is Mallos, situated on a height, founded by Amphilochus and Mopsus, the latter the son of Apollo and Manto, concerning whom many myths are told. And indeed I, too, have mentioned them in my account of Calchas and of the quarrel between Calchas and Mopsus about their powers of divination. For some writers transfer this quarrel, Sophocles, for example, to Cilicia, which he, following the custom of tragic poets, calls Pamphylia, just as he calls Lycia Caria and Troy and Lydia Phrygia. And Sophocles, among others, tells us that Calchas died there. But, according to the myth, the contest concerned, not only the power of divination, but also the sovereignty; for they say that Mopsus and Amphilochus went from Troy and founded Mallos, and that Amphilochus then went away to Argos, and, being dissatisfied with affairs there, returned to Mallos, but that, being excluded from a share in the government there, he fought a duel with Mopsus, and that both fell in the duel and were buried in places that were not in sight of one another. And today their tombs are to be seen in the neighborhood of Magarsa near the Pyramus River. This was the birthplace of Crates the grammarian, of whom Panaetius is said to have been a pupil.
10. Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, 3.7.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

3.7.7. δηλώσαντες δὲ τῇ μητρὶ ταῦτα, τόν τε ὅρμον καὶ τὸν πέπλον ἐλθόντες εἰς Δελφοὺς ἀνέθεντο κατὰ πρόσταξιν Ἀχελῴου. πορευθέντες δὲ εἰς τὴν Ἤπειρον συναθροίζουσιν οἰκήτορας καὶ κτίζουσιν Ἀκαρνανίαν. Εὐριπίδης δέ φησιν Ἀλκμαίωνα κατὰ τὸν τῆς μανίας χρόνον ἐκ Μαντοῦς Τειρεσίου παῖδας δύο γεννῆσαι, Ἀμφίλοχον καὶ θυγατέρα Τισιφόνην, κομίσαντα δὲ εἰς Κόρινθον τὰ βρέφη δοῦναι τρέφειν Κορινθίων βασιλεῖ Κρέοντι, καὶ τὴν μὲν Τισιφόνην διενεγκοῦσαν εὐμορφίᾳ ὑπὸ τῆς Κρέοντος γυναικὸς ἀπεμποληθῆναι, δεδοικυίας μὴ Κρέων αὐτὴν γαμετὴν ποιήσηται. τὸν δὲ Ἀλκμαίωνα ἀγοράσαντα ταύτην ἔχειν οὐκ εἰδότα τὴν ἑαυτοῦ θυγατέρα θεράπαιναν, παραγενόμενον δὲ εἰς Κόρινθον ἐπὶ τὴν τῶν τέκνων ἀπαίτησιν καὶ τὸν υἱὸν κομίσασθαι. καὶ Ἀμφίλοχος κατὰ χρησμοὺς Ἀπόλλωνος Ἀμφιλοχικὸν Ἄργος ᾤκισεν. 1 --
11. Plutarch, Solon, 10 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

12. Clement of Alexandria, Exhortation To The Greeks, 4.49.1 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

13. Lucian, Slander, 17 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

17. At Alexander's court there was no more fatal imputation than that of refusing worship and adoration to Hephaestion. Alexander had been so fond of him that to appoint him a God after his death was, for such a worker of marvels, nothing out of the way. The various cities at once built temples to him, holy ground was consecrated, altars, offerings and festivals instituted to this new divinity; if a man would be believed, he must swear by Hephaestion. For smiling at these proceedings, or showing the slightest lack of reverence, the penalty was death. The flatterers cherished, fanned, and put the bellows to this childish fancy of Alexander's; they had visions and manifestations of Hephaestion to relate; they invented cures and attributed oracles to him; they did not stop short of doing sacrifice to this God of Help and Protection. Alexander was delighted, and ended by believing in it all; it gratified his vanity to think that he was now not only a God's son, but a God maker. It would be interesting to know how many of his friends in those days found that what the new divinity did for them was to supply a charge of irreverence on which they might be dismissed and deprived of the King's favour.
14. Lucian, Parliament of The Gods, 13, 8, 12 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

15. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.34.3, 1.35.3, 2.20.5, 3.11.6-3.11.10, 3.15.8, 5.17.7, 9.39, 10.10.4 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

1.34.3. The altar shows parts. One part is to Heracles, Zeus, and Apollo Healer, another is given up to heroes and to wives of heroes, the third is to Hestia and Hermes and Amphiaraus and the children of Amphilochus. But Alcmaeon, because of his treatment of Eriphyle, is honored neither in the temple of Amphiaraus nor yet with Amphilochus. The fourth portion of the altar is to Aphrodite and Panacea, and further to Iaso, Health and Athena Healer. The fifth is dedicated to the nymphs and to Pan, and to the rivers Achelous and Cephisus. The Athenians too have an altar to Amphilochus in the city, and there is at Mallus in Cilicia an oracle of his which is the most trustworthy of my day. 1.35.3. There are still the remains of a market-place, a temple of Ajax and his statue in ebony. Even at the present day the Athenians pay honors to Ajax himself and to Eurysaces, for there is an altar of Eurysaces also at Athens . In Salamis is shown a stone not far from the harbor, on which they say that Telamon sat when he gazed at the ship in which his children were sailing away to Aulis to take part in the joint expedition of the Greeks. 2.20.5. A little farther on is a sanctuary of the Seasons. On coming back from here you see statues of Polyneices, the son of Oedipus, and of all the chieftains who with him were killed in battle at the wall of Thebes . These men Aeschylus has reduced to the number of seven only, although there were more chiefs than this in the expedition, from Argos, from Messene, with some even from Arcadia . But the Argives have adopted the number seven from the drama of Aeschylus, and near to their statues are the statues of those who took Thebes : Aegialeus, son of Adrastus; Promachus, son of Parthenopaeus, son of Talaus; Polydorus, son of Hippomedon; Thersander; Alcmaeon and Amphilochus, the sons of Amphiaraus; Diomedes, and Sthenelus. Among their company were also Euryalus, son of Mecisteus, and Adrastus and Timeas, sons of Polyneices. 3.11.6. Tisamenus belonged to the family of the Iamidae at Elis, and an oracle was given to him that he should win five most famous contests. So he trained for the pentathlon at Olympia, but came away defeated. And yet he was first in two events, beating Hieronymus of Andros in running and in jumping. But when he lost the wrestling bout to this competitor, and so missed the prize, he understood what the oracle meant, that the god granted him to win five contests in war by his divinations. 3.11.7. The Lacedaemonians, hearing of the oracle the Pythian priestess had given to Tisamenus, persuaded him to migrate from Elis and to be state-diviner at Sparta . And Tisamenus won them five contests in war. 479 B.C. The first was at Plataea against the Persians; the second was at Tegea, when the Lacedaemonians had engaged the Tegeans and Argives; the third was at Dipaea, an Arcadian town in Maenalia, when all the Arcadians except the Mantineans were arrayed against them. 3.11.8. His fourth contest was against the Helots who had rebelled and left the Isthmus for Ithome . 464 B.C. Not all the Helots revolted, only the Messenian element, which separated itself off from the old Helots. These events I shall relate presently. On the occasion I mention the Lacedaemonians allowed the rebels to depart under a truce, in accordance with the advice of Tisamenus and of the oracle at Delphi . The last time Tisamenus divined for them was at Tanagra, an engagement taking place with the Argives and Athenians. 457 B.C. 3.11.9. Such I learned was the history of Tisamenus. On their market-place the Spartans have images of Apollo Pythaeus, of Artemis and of Leto. The whole of this region is called Choros (Dancing), because at the Gymnopaediae, a festival which the Lacedaemonians take more seriously than any other, the lads perform dances in honor of Apollo. Not far from them is a sanctuary of Earth and of Zeus of the Market-place, another of Athena of the Market-place and of Poseidon surnamed Securer, and likewise one of Apollo and of Hera. 3.11.10. There is also dedicated a colossal statue of the Spartan People. The Lacedaemonians have also a sanctuary of the Fates, by which is the grave of Orestes, son of Agamemnon. For when the bones of Orestes were brought from Tegea in accordance with an oracle they were buried here. Beside the grave of Orestes is a statue of Polydorus, son of Alcamenes, a king who rose to such honor that the magistrates seal with his likeness everything that requires sealing. 3.15.8. In this fashion, and with such a belief have these cities set up the wooden images. In Sparta is a lounge called Painted, and by it hero-shrines of Cadmus the son of Agenor, and of his descendants Oeolycus, son of Theras, and Aegeus, son of Oeolycus. They are said to have been made by Maesis, Laeas and Europas, sons of Hyraeus, son of Aegeus. They made for Amphilochus too his hero-shrine, because their ancestor Tisamenus had for his mother Demonassa, the sister of Amphilochus. 5.17.7. Oenomaus is chasing Pelops, who is holding Hippodameia. Each of them has two horses, but those of Pelops have wings. Next is wrought the house of Amphiaraus, and baby Amphilochus is being carried by some old woman or other. In front of the house stands Eriphyle with the necklace, and by her are her daughters Eurydice and Demonassa, and the boy Alcmaeon naked. 10.10.4. These are works of Hypatodorus and Aristogeiton, who made them, as the Argives themselves say, from the spoils of the victory which they and their Athenian allies won over the Lacedaemonians at Oenoe in Argive territory. 463-458 B.C From spoils of the same action, it seems to me, the Argives set up statues of those whom the Greeks call the Epigoni. For there stand statues of these also, Sthenelus, Alcmaeon, who I think was honored before Amphilochus on account of his age, Promachus also, Thersander, Aegialeus and Diomedes. Between Diomedes and Aegialeus is Euryalus.
16. Tatian, Oration To The Greeks, 10 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

17. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 1.48 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

1.48. And lest it should be thought that he had acquired Salamis by force only and not of right, he opened certain graves and showed that the dead were buried with their faces to the east, as was the custom of burial among the Athenians; further, that the tombs themselves faced the east, and that the inscriptions graven upon them named the deceased by their demes, which is a style peculiar to Athens. Some authors assert that in Homer's catalogue of the ships after the line:Ajax twelve ships from Salamis commands,Solon inserted one of his own:And fixed their station next the Athenian bands.
18. Philostratus, Pictures, 2.33 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)



Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
agias Johnston, Ancient Greek Divination (2008) 110
aiantis tribe, and ajax Jouanna, Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context (2018) 677
alexander of abonouteichos Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
altars Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
ambrakia Eidinow, Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks (2007) 272
amphiaraus Johnston, Ancient Greek Divination (2008) 110
amphilochus Johnston, Ancient Greek Divination (2008) 110; Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
antinous Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
apollo, as father of manteis Johnston, Ancient Greek Divination (2008) 110
apollonius of tyana Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
apotheosis Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
arcadians Eidinow, Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks (2007) 272
archeology Jouanna, Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context (2018) 677
archidamos Eidinow, Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks (2007) 272
areopagos, sicilian expedition Eidinow, Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks (2007) 272
argos Eidinow, Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks (2007) 272
ascesis, ascetism Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
athenian empire Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 51
athenodorus of tarsus Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
athens, and ajax Jouanna, Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context (2018) 677
athens Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
augustus Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
barbarians Lieu, Christian Identity in the Jewish and Graeco-Roman World (2004) 106
citizenship Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
city, civic life context/religion Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
cult, mysteries, rituals, foundation Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
cult, mysteries, rituals, relic Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
cult, mysteries, rituals, worship Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
cynics, cynic views Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
death, mortality Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
death Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
deification Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
desires, attitude towards Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
diogenes Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
dionysiac festival Eidinow, Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks (2007) 272
education, teachers Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
egypt Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
emperor, roman Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
ethnography, graeco-roman Lieu, Christian Identity in the Jewish and Graeco-Roman World (2004) 106
ganymede Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
goetes, religious charlatans/fraud Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
goetes Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
hades Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
hadrian Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
hector (troika) Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
hellanicus, atthis Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 51
hellanicus Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 51
hephaestion Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
heracles, as patron deity Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
heracles Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
hero cult Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
herodotus, digressions Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 51
herodotus, proem Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 51
herodotus, sources Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 51
herodotus Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
imitation Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
kinship Lieu, Christian Identity in the Jewish and Graeco-Roman World (2004) 106
kleomenes of sparta Eidinow, Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks (2007) 272
kylon Eidinow, Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks (2007) 272
language Lieu, Christian Identity in the Jewish and Graeco-Roman World (2004) 106
mantis, becoming a mantis Johnston, Ancient Greek Divination (2008) 110
mantis, guild/family membership of manteis' Johnston, Ancient Greek Divination (2008) 110
mantis Johnston, Ancient Greek Divination (2008) 110
manto Johnston, Ancient Greek Divination (2008) 110
melampus, melampids Johnston, Ancient Greek Divination (2008) 110
menippos of gadara Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
mopsus Johnston, Ancient Greek Divination (2008) 110
olympia Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
oracles Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
pausanias Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
philoctetes Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
polydama (olympia) Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
polyidus Johnston, Ancient Greek Divination (2008) 110
power, physical strength Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
prophets, prophecy Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
protesilaos (chersonnes) Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
scythians Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
sitalkes Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 51
sparta, consults dodona oracle Eidinow, Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks (2007) 272
tellias, telliadae Johnston, Ancient Greek Divination (2008) 110
thasos Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
theagenes of thasos Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
theoclymenus Johnston, Ancient Greek Divination (2008) 110
thestor Johnston, Ancient Greek Divination (2008) 110
tiresias Johnston, Ancient Greek Divination (2008) 110
tisamenus Johnston, Ancient Greek Divination (2008) 110
trophonius Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187
zeus Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 187