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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



10882
Thucydides, The History Of The Peloponnesian War, 2.47-2.55


nanSuch was the funeral that took place during this winter, with which the first year of the war came to an end. 2 In the first days of summer the Lacedaemonians and their allies, with two-thirds of their forces as before, invaded Attica, under the command of Archidamus, son of Zeuxidamus, king of Lacedaemon, and sat down and laid waste the country. 3 Not many days after their arrival in Attica the plague first began to show itself among the Athenians. It was said that it had broken out in many places previously in the neighborhood of Lemnos and elsewhere; but a pestilence of such extent and mortality was nowhere remembered. 4 Neither were the physicians at first of any service, ignorant as they were of the proper way to treat it, but they died themselves the most thickly, as they visited the sick most often; nor did any human art succeed any better. Supplications in the sanctuaries, oracles, and so forth were found equally futile, till the overwhelming nature of the disaster at last put a stop to them altogether.


nannan, Such was the funeral that took place during this winter, with which the first year of the war came to an end. ,In the first days of summer the Lacedaemonians and their allies, with two-thirds of their forces as before, invaded Attica, under the command of Archidamus, son of Zeuxidamus, king of Lacedaemon, and sat down and laid waste the country. , Not many days after their arrival in Attica the plague first began to show itself among the Athenians. It was said that it had broken out in many places previously in the neighborhood of Lemnos and elsewhere; but a pestilence of such extent and mortality was nowhere remembered. ,Neither were the physicians at first of any service, ignorant as they were of the proper way to treat it, but they died themselves the most thickly, as they visited the sick most often; nor did any human art succeed any better. Supplications in the temples, divinations, and so forth were found equally futile, till the overwhelming nature of the disaster at last put a stop to them altogether.


nanIt first began, it is said, in the parts of Ethiopia above Egypt, and thence descended into Egypt and Libya and into most of the king's country. 2 Suddenly falling upon Athens, it first attacked the population in Piraeus, — which was the occasion of their saying that the Peloponnesians had poisoned the reservoirs, there being as yet no wells there — and afterwards appeared in the upper city, when the deaths became much more frequent. 3 All speculation as to its origin and its causes, if causes can be found adequate to produce so great a disturbance, I leave to other writers, whether lay or professional; for myself, I shall simply set down its nature, and explain the symptoms by which perhaps it may be recognized by the student, if it should ever break out again. This I can the better do, as I had the disease myself, and watched its operation in the case of others.


nannan, It first began, it is said, in the parts of Ethiopia above Egypt, and thence descended into Egypt and Libya and into most of the king's country. ,Suddenly falling upon Athens, it first attacked the population in Piraeus,—which was the occasion of their saying that the Peloponnesians had poisoned the reservoirs, there being as yet no wells there—and afterwards appeared in the upper city, when the deaths became much more frequent. ,All speculation as to its origin and its causes, if causes can be found adequate to produce so great a disturbance, I leave to other writers, whether lay or professional; for myself, I shall simply set down its nature, and explain the symptoms by which perhaps it may be recognized by the student, if it should ever break out again. This I can the better do, as I had the disease myself, and watched its operation in the case of others.


nanThat year then is admitted to have been otherwise unprecedentedly free from sickness; and such few cases as occurred, all determined in this. 2 As a rule, however, there was no ostensible cause; but people in good health were all of a sudden attacked by violent heats in the head, and redness and inflammation in the eyes, the inward parts, such as the throat or tongue, becoming bloody and emitting an unnatural and fetid breath. 3 These symptoms were followed by sneezing and hoarseness, after which the pain soon reached the chest, and produced a hard cough. When it fixed in the stomach, it upset it; and discharges of bile of every kind named by physicians ensued, accompanied by very great distress. 4 In most cases also an ineffectual retching followed, producing violent spasms, which in some cases ceased soon after, in others much later. 5 Externally the body was not very hot to the touch, nor pale in its appearance, but reddish, livid, and breaking out into small pustules and ulcers. But internally it burned so that the patient could not bear to have on him clothing or linen even of the very lightest description; or indeed to be otherwise than stark naked. What they would have liked best would have been to throw themselves into cold water; as indeed was done by some of the neglected sick, who plunged into the rain-tanks in their agonies of unquenchable thirst; though it made no difference whether they drank little or much. 6 Besides this, the miserable feeling of not being able to rest or sleep never ceased to torment them. The body meanwhile did not waste away so long as the distemper was at its height, but held out to a marvel against its ravages; so that when they succumbed, as in most cases, on the seventh or eighth day to the internal inflammation, they had still some strength in them. But if they passed this stage, and the disease descended further into the bowels, inducing a violent ulceration there accompanied by severe diarrhea, this brought on a weakness which was generally fatal. 7 For the disorder first settled in the head, ran its course from thence through the whole of the body, and even where it did not prove mortal, it still left its mark on the extremities; 8 for it settled in the privy parts, the fingers and the toes, and many escaped with the loss of these, some too with that of their eyes. Others again were seized with an entire loss of memory on their first recovery, and did not know either themselves or their friends.


nannan, That year then is admitted to have been otherwise unprecedentedly free from sickness; and such few cases as occurred, all determined in this. ,As a rule, however, there was no ostensible cause; but people in good health were all of a sudden attacked by violent heats in the head, and redness and inflammation in the eyes, the inward parts, such as the throat or tongue, becoming bloody and emitting an unnatural and fetid breath. ,These symptoms were followed by sneezing and hoarseness, after which the pain soon reached the chest, and produced a hard cough. When it fixed in the stomach, it upset it; and discharges of bile of every kind named by physicians ensued, accompanied by very great distress. ,In most cases also an ineffectual retching followed, producing violent spasms, which in some cases ceased soon after, in others much later. ,Externally the body was not very hot to the touch, nor pale in its appearance, but reddish, livid, and breaking out into small pustules and ulcers. But internally it burned so that the patient could not bear to have on him clothing or linen even of the very lightest description; or indeed to be otherwise than stark naked. What they would have liked best would have been to throw themselves into cold water; as indeed was done by some of the neglected sick, who plunged into the rain-tanks in their agonies of unquenchable thirst; though it made no difference whether they drank little or much. ,Besides this, the miserable feeling of not being able to rest or sleep never ceased to torment them. The body meanwhile did not waste away so long as the distemper was at its height, but held out to a marvel against its ravages; so that when they succumbed, as in most cases, on the seventh or eighth day to the internal inflammation, they had still some strength in them. But if they passed this stage, and the disease descended further into the bowels, inducing a violent ulceration there accompanied by severe diarrhea, this brought on a weakness which was generally fatal. ,For the disorder first settled in the head, ran its course from thence through the whole of the body, and even where it did not prove mortal, it still left its mark on the extremities; ,for it settled in the privy parts, the fingers and the toes, and many escaped with the loss of these, some too with that of their eyes. Others again were seized with an entire loss of memory on their first recovery, and did not know either themselves or their friends.


nanBut while the nature of the distemper was such as to baffle all description, and its attacks almost too grievous for human nature to endure, it was still in the following circumstance that its difference from all ordinary disorders was most clearly shown. All the birds and beasts that prey upon human bodies, either abstained from touching them — though there were many lying unburied — or died after tasting them. 2 In proof of this, it was noticed that birds of this kind actually disappeared; they were not about the bodies, or indeed to be seen at all. But of course the effects which I have mentioned could best be studied in a domestic animal like the dog.


nannan, But while the nature of the distemper was such as to baffle all description, and its attacks almost too grievous for human nature to endure, it was still in the following circumstance that its difference from all ordinary disorders was most clearly shown. All the birds and beasts that prey upon human bodies, either abstained from touching them (though there were many lying unburied), or died after tasting them. ,In proof of this, it was noticed that birds of this kind actually disappeared; they were not about the bodies, or indeed to be seen at all. But of course the effects which I have mentioned could best be studied in a domestic animal like the dog.


nanSuch then, if we pass over the varieties of particular cases, which were many and peculiar, were the general features of the distemper. Meanwhile the town enjoyed an immunity from all the ordinary disorders; or if any case occurred, it ended in this. 2 Some died in neglect, others in the midst of every attention. No remedy was found that could be used as a specific; for what did good in one case, did harm in another. 3 Strong and weak constitutions proved equally incapable of resistance, all alike being swept away, although dieted with the utmost precaution. 4 By far the most terrible feature in the malady was the dejection which ensued when anyone felt himself sickening, for the despair into which they instantly fell took away their power of resistance, and left them a much easier prey to the disorder; besides which, there was the awful spectacle of men dying like sheep, through having caught the infection in nursing each other. This caused the greatest mortality. 5 On the one hand, if they were afraid to visit each other, they perished from neglect; indeed many houses were emptied of their inmates for want of a nurse: on the other, if they ventured to do so, death was the consequence. This was especially the case with such as made any pretensions to goodness: honor made them unsparing of themselves in their attendance in their friends' houses, where even the members of the family were at last worn out by the moans of the dying, and succumbed to the force of the disaster. 6 Yet it was with those who had recovered from the disease that the sick and the dying found most compassion. These knew what it was from experience, and had now no fear for themselves; for the same man was never attacked twice — never at least fatally. And such persons not only received the congratulations of others, but themselves also, in the elation of the moment, half entertained the vain hope that they were for the future safe from any disease whatsoever.


nannan, Such then, if we pass over the varieties of particular cases, which were many and peculiar, were the general features of the distemper. Meanwhile the town enjoyed an immunity from all the ordinary disorders; or if any case occurred, it ended in this. ,Some died in neglect, others in the midst of every attention. No remedy was found that could be used as a specific; for what did good in one case, did harm in another. ,Strong and weak constitutions proved equally incapable of resistance, all alike being swept away, although dieted with the utmost precaution. ,By far the most terrible feature in the malady was the dejection which ensued when anyone felt himself sickening, for the despair into which they instantly fell took away their power of resistance, and left them a much easier prey to the disorder; besides which, there was the awful spectacle of men dying like sheep, through having caught the infection in nursing each other. This caused the greatest mortality. ,On the one hand, if they were afraid to visit each other, they perished from neglect; indeed many houses were emptied of their inmates for want of a nurse: on the other, if they ventured to do so, death was the consequence. This was especially the case with such as made any pretensions to goodness: honor made them unsparing of themselves in their attendance in their friends' houses, where even the members of the family were at last worn out by the moans of the dying, and succumbed to the force of the disaster. ,Yet it was with those who had recovered from the disease that the sick and the dying found most compassion. These knew what it was from experience, and had now no fear for themselves; for the same man was never attacked twice—never at least fatally. And such persons not only received the congratulations of others, but themselves also, in the elation of the moment, half entertained the vain hope that they were for the future safe from any disease whatsoever.


nanAn aggravation of the existing calamity was the influx from the country into the city, and this was especially felt by the new arrivals. 2 As there were no houses to receive them, they had to be lodged at the hot season of the year in stifling cabins, where the mortality raged without restraint. The bodies of dying men lay one upon another, and half-dead creatures reeled about the streets and gathered round all the fountains in their longing for water. 3 The sacred places also in which they had quartered themselves were full of corpses of persons that had died there, just as they were; for as the disaster passed all bounds, men, not knowing what was to become of them, became utterly careless of everything, whether sacred or profane. 4 All the burial rites before in use were entirely upset, and they buried the bodies as best they could. Many from want of the proper appliances, through so many of their friends having died already, had recourse to the most shameless sepultures: sometimes getting the start of those who had raised a pile, they threw their own dead body upon the stranger's pyre and ignited it; sometimes they tossed the corpse which they were carrying on the top of another that was burning, and so went off.


nannan, An aggravation of the existing calamity was the influx from the country into the city, and this was especially felt by the new arrivals. ,As there were no houses to receive them, they had to be lodged at the hot season of the year in stifling cabins, where the mortality raged without restraint. The bodies of dying men lay one upon another, and half-dead creatures reeled about the streets and gathered round all the fountains in their longing for water. ,The sacred places also in which they had quartered themselves were full of corpses of persons that had died there, just as they were; for as the disaster passed all bounds, men, not knowing what was to become of them, became utterly careless of everything, whether sacred or profane. ,All the burial rites before in use were entirely upset, and they buried the bodies as best they could. Many from want of the proper appliances, through so many of their friends having died already, had recourse to the most shameless sepultures: sometimes getting the start of those who had raised a pile, they threw their own dead body upon the stranger's pyre and ignited it; sometimes they tossed the corpse which they were carrying on the top of another that was burning, and so went off.


nanNor was this the only form of lawless extravagance which owed its origin to the plague. Men now coolly ventured on what they had formerly done in a corner, and not just as they pleased, seeing the rapid transitions produced by persons in prosperity suddenly dying and those who before had nothing succeeding to their property. 2 So they resolved to spend quickly and enjoy themselves, regarding their lives and riches as alike things of a day. 3 Perseverance in what men called honor was popular with none, it was so uncertain whether they would be spared to attain the object; but it was settled that present enjoyment, and all that contributed to it, was both honorable and useful. 4 Fear of gods or law of man there was none to restrain them. As for the first, they judged it to be just the same whether they worshipped them or not, as they saw all alike perishing; and for the last, no one expected to live to be brought to trial for his offences, but each felt that a far severer sentence had been already passed upon them all and hung ever over their heads, and before this fell it was only reasonable to enjoy life a little.


nannan, Nor was this the only form of lawless extravagance which owed its origin to the plague. Men now coolly ventured on what they had formerly done in a corner, and not just as they pleased, seeing the rapid transitions produced by persons in prosperity suddenly dying and those who before had nothing succeeding to their property. ,So they resolved to spend quickly and enjoy themselves, regarding their lives and riches as alike things of a day. ,Perseverance in what men called honor was popular with none, it was so uncertain whether they would be spared to attain the object; but it was settled that present enjoyment, and all that contributed to it, was both honorable and useful. ,Fear of gods or law of man there was none to restrain them. As for the first, they judged it to be just the same whether they worshipped them or not, as they saw all alike perishing; and for the last, no one expected to live to be brought to trial for his offences, but each felt that a far severer sentence had been already passed upon them all and hung ever over their heads, and before this fell it was only reasonable to enjoy life a little.


nanSuch was the nature of the calamity, and heavily did it weigh on the Athenians; death raging within the city and devastation without. 2 Among other things which they remembered in their distress was, very naturally, the following verse which the old men said had long ago been uttered: 'A Dorian war shall come and with it death.' 3 So a dispute arose as to whether dearth and not death had not been the word in the verse; but at the present juncture, it was of course decided in favor of the latter; for the people made their recollection fit in with their sufferings. I fancy, however, that if another Dorian war should ever afterwards come upon us, and a dearth should happen to accompany it, the verse will probably be read accordingly. 4 The oracle also which had been given to the Lacedaemonians was now remembered by those who knew of it. When the God was asked whether they should go to war, he answered that if they put their might into it, victory would be theirs, and that he would himself be with them. 5 With this oracle events were supposed to tally. For the plague broke out so soon as the Peloponnesians invaded Attica, and never entering Peloponnese — not at least to an extent worth noticing — committed its worst ravages at Athens, and next to Athens, at the most populous of the other towns. Such was the history of the plague.


nannan, Such was the nature of the calamity, and heavily did it weigh on the Athenians; death raging within the city and devastation without. ,Among other things which they remembered in their distress was, very naturally, the following verse which the old men said had long ago been uttered: A Dorian war shall come and with it death. , So a dispute arose as to whether dearth and not death had not been the word in the verse; but at the present juncture, it was of course decided in favor of the latter; for the people made their recollection fit in with their sufferings. I fancy, however, that if another Dorian war should ever afterwards come upon us, and a dearth should happen to accompany it, the verse will probably be read accordingly. ,The oracle also which had been given to the Lacedaemonians was now remembered by those who knew of it. When the God was asked whether they should go to war, he answered that if they put their might into it, victory would be theirs, and that he would himself be with them. ,With this oracle events were supposed to tally. For the plague broke out so soon as the Peloponnesians invaded Attica, and never entering Peloponnese (not at least to an extent worth noticing), committed its worst ravages at Athens, and next to Athens, at the most populous of the other towns. Such was the history of the plague.


nanAfter ravaging the plain the Peloponnesians advanced into the Paralian region as far as Laurium, where the Athenian silver mines are, and first laid waste the side looking towards Peloponnese, next that which faces Euboea and Andros. 2 But Pericles, who was still general, held the same opinion as in the former invasion, and would not let the Athenians march out against them.


nannan, After ravaging the plain the Peloponnesians advanced into the Paralian region as far as Laurium, where the Athenian silver mines are, and first laid waste the side looking towards Peloponnese, next that which faces Euboea and Andros . ,But Pericles, who was still general, held the same opinion as in the former invasion, and would not let the Athenians march out against them.


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

14 results
1. Homer, Iliad, 6.428, 19.59, 24.758 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)

6.428. /And my mother, that was queen beneath wooded Placus, her brought he hither with the rest of the spoil, but thereafter set her free, when he had taken ransom past counting; and in her father's halls Artemis the archer slew her. Nay, Hector, thou art to me father and queenly mother 19.59. /Achilles, swift of foot, arose among them and said:Son of Atreus, was this then the better for us twain, for thee and for me, what time with grief at heart we raged in soul-devouring strife for the sake of a girl? Would that amid the ships Artemis had slain her with an arrow 24.758. /oft would he drag thee about the barrow of his comrade, Patroclus, whom thou didst slay; howbeit even so might he not raise him up. all dewy-fresh thou liest in my halls as wert thou g newly slain, like as one whom Apollo of the silver bow assaileth with his gentle shafts and slayeth.
2. Homer, Odyssey, 5.123, 9.411, 11.172, 11.200, 11.324, 15.407, 15.478, 20.61-20.62 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)

3. Herodotus, Histories, 1.32.8, 6.75-6.84 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

1.32.8. It is impossible for one who is only human to obtain all these things at the same time, just as no land is self-sufficient in what it produces. Each country has one thing but lacks another; whichever has the most is the best. Just so no human being is self-sufficient; each person has one thing but lacks another. 6.75. When the Lacedaemonians learned that Cleomenes was doing this, they took fright and brought him back to Sparta to rule on the same terms as before. Cleomenes had already been not entirely in his right mind, and on his return from exile a mad sickness fell upon him: any Spartan that he happened to meet he would hit in the face with his staff. ,For doing this, and because he was out of his mind, his relatives bound him in the stocks. When he was in the stocks and saw that his guard was left alone, he demanded a dagger; the guard at first refused to give it, but Cleomenes threatened what he would do to him when he was freed, until the guard, who was a helot, was frightened by the threats and gave him the dagger. ,Cleomenes took the weapon and set about slashing himself from his shins upwards; from the shin to the thigh he cut his flesh lengthways, then from the thigh to the hip and the sides, until he reached the belly, and cut it into strips; thus he died, as most of the Greeks say, because he persuaded the Pythian priestess to tell the tale of Demaratus. The Athenians alone say it was because he invaded Eleusis and laid waste the precinct of the gods. The Argives say it was because when Argives had taken refuge after the battle in their temple of Argus he brought them out and cut them down, then paid no heed to the sacred grove and set it on fire. 6.76. As Cleomenes was seeking divination at Delphi, the oracle responded that he would take Argos. When he came with Spartans to the river Erasinus, which is said to flow from the Stymphalian lake (this lake issues into a cleft out of sight and reappears at Argos, and from that place onwards the stream is called by the Argives Erasinus)—when Cleomenes came to this river he offered sacrifices to it. ,The omens were in no way favorable for his crossing, so he said that he honored the Erasinus for not betraying its countrymen, but even so the Argives would not go unscathed. Then he withdrew and led his army seaward to Thyrea, where he sacrificed a bull to the sea and carried his men on shipboard to the region of Tiryns and to Nauplia. 6.77. The Argives heard of this and came to the coast to do battle with him. When they had come near Tiryns and were at the place called Hesipeia, they encamped opposite the Lacedaemonians, leaving only a little space between the armies. There the Argives had no fear of fair fighting, but rather of being captured by a trick. ,This was the affair referred to by that oracle which the Pythian priestess gave to the Argives and Milesians in common, which ran thus: quote type="oracle" l met="dact"When the female defeats the male /l lAnd drives him away, winning glory in Argos, /l lShe will make many Argive women tear their cheeks. /l lAs someday one of men to come will say: /l lThe dread thrice-coiled serpent died tamed by the spear. /l /quote ,All these things coming together spread fear among the Argives. Therefore they resolved to defend themselves by making use of the enemies' herald, and they performed their resolve in this way: whenever the Spartan herald signalled anything to the Lacedaemonians, the Argives did the same thing. 6.78. When Cleomenes saw that the Argives did whatever was signalled by his herald, he commanded that when the herald cried the signal for breakfast, they should then put on their armor and attack the Argives. ,The Lacedaemonians performed this command, and when they assaulted the Argives they caught them at breakfast in obedience to the herald's signal; they killed many of them, and far more fled for refuge into the grove of Argus, which the Lacedaemonians encamped around and guarded. 6.79. Then Cleomenes' plan was this: He had with him some deserters from whom he learned the names, then he sent a herald calling by name the Argives that were shut up in the sacred precinct and inviting them to come out, saying that he had their ransom. (Among the Peloponnesians there is a fixed ransom of two minae to be paid for every prisoner.) So Cleomenes invited about fifty Argives to come out one after another and murdered them. ,Somehow the rest of the men in the temple precinct did not know this was happening, for the grove was thick and those inside could not see how those outside were faring, until one of them climbed a tree and saw what was being done. Thereafter they would not come out at the herald's call. 6.80. Then Cleomenes bade all the helots pile wood about the grove; they obeyed, and he burnt the grove. When the fire was now burning, he asked of one of the deserters to what god the grove belonged; the man said it was of Argos. When he heard that, he groaned aloud, “Apollo, god of oracles, you have gravely deceived me by saying that I would take Argos; this, I guess, is the fulfillment of that prophecy.” 6.81. Then Cleomenes sent most of his army back to Sparta, while he himself took a thousand of the best warriors and went to the temple of Hera to sacrifice. When he wished to sacrifice at the altar the priest forbade him, saying that it was not holy for a stranger to sacrifice there. Cleomenes ordered the helots to carry the priest away from the altar and whip him, and he performed the sacrifice. After doing this, he returned to Sparta. 6.82. But after his return his enemies brought him before the ephors, saying that he had been bribed not to take Argos when he might have easily taken it. Cleomenes alleged (whether falsely or truly, I cannot rightly say; but this he alleged in his speech) that he had supposed the god's oracle to be fulfilled by his taking of the temple of Argus; therefore he had thought it best not to make any attempt on the city before he had learned from the sacrifices whether the god would deliver it to him or withstand him; ,when he was taking omens in Hera's temple a flame of fire had shone forth from the breast of the image, and so he learned the truth of the matter, that he would not take Argos. If the flame had come out of the head of the image, he would have taken the city from head to foot utterly; but its coming from the breast signified that he had done as much as the god willed to happen. This plea of his seemed to the Spartans to be credible and reasonable, and he far outdistanced the pursuit of his accusers. 6.83. But Argos was so wholly deprived of men that their slaves took possession of all affairs, ruling and governing until the sons of the slain men grew up. Then they recovered Argos for themselves and cast out the slaves; when they were driven out, the slaves took possession of Tiryns by force. ,For a while they were at peace with each other; but then there came to the slaves a prophet, Cleander, a man of Phigalea in Arcadia by birth; he persuaded the slaves to attack their masters. From that time there was a long-lasting war between them, until with difficulty the Argives got the upper hand. 6.84. The Argives say this was the reason Cleomenes went mad and met an evil end; the Spartans themselves say that Cleomenes' madness arose from no divine agent, but that by consorting with Scythians he became a drinker of strong wine, and the madness came from this. ,The nomadic Scythians, after Darius had invaded their land, were eager for revenge, so they sent to Sparta and made an alliance. They agreed that the Scythians would attempt to invade Media by way of the river Phasis, and they urged the Spartans to set out and march inland from Ephesus and meet the Scythians. ,They say that when the Scythians had come for this purpose, Cleomenes kept rather close company with them, and by consorting with them more than was fitting he learned from them to drink strong wine. The Spartans consider him to have gone mad from this. Ever since, as they themselves say, whenever they desire a strong drink they call for “a Scythian cup.” Such is the Spartan story of Cleomenes; but to my thinking it was for what he did to Demaratus that he was punished thus.
4. Sophocles, Oedipus The King, 1329, 1213 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

5. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.22.4, 1.25.2, 1.29-1.30, 1.70-1.71, 1.76, 1.84.4, 1.126, 2.40.2-2.40.3, 2.48-2.55, 2.51.3, 2.57-2.58, 2.64.2, 3.37-3.48, 3.70-3.84, 3.82.1-3.82.8, 5.26, 5.87, 5.103, 5.103.1-5.103.2, 5.112.2, 6.15.2, 6.24, 6.30.2, 6.31.6, 6.90.2-6.90.3, 7.49, 7.87.1-7.87.2, 8.1 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

1.22.4. The absence of romance in my history will, I fear, detract somewhat from its interest; but if it be judged useful by those inquirers who desire an exact knowledge of the past as an aid to the interpretation of the future, which in the course of human things must resemble if it does not reflect it, I shall be content. In fine, I have written my work, not as an essay which is to win the applause of the moment, but as a possession for all time. 1.25.2. So the Epidamnians went to Corinth, and delivered over the colony in obedience to the commands of the oracle. They showed that their founder came from Corinth, and revealed the answer of the god; and they begged them not to allow them to perish, but to assist them. 1.84.4. In practice we always base our preparations against an enemy on the assumption that his plans are good; indeed, it is right to rest our hopes not on a belief in his blunders, but on the soundness of our provisions. Nor ought we to believe that there is much difference between man and man, but to think that the superiority lies with him who is reared in the severest school. 2.40.2. Our public men have, besides politics, their private affairs to attend to, and our ordinary citizens, though occupied with the pursuits of industry, are still fair judges of public matters; for, unlike any other nation, regarding him who takes no part in these duties not as unambitious but as useless, we Athenians are able to judge at all events if we cannot originate, and instead of looking on discussion as a stumbling-block in the way of action, we think it an indispensable preliminary to any wise action at all. 2.40.3. Again, in our enterprises we present the singular spectacle of daring and deliberation, each carried to its highest point, and both united in the same persons; although usually decision is the fruit of ignorance, hesitation of reflection. But the palm of courage will surely be adjudged most justly to those, who best know the difference between hardship and pleasure and yet are never tempted to shrink from danger. 2.64.2. Besides, the hand of Heaven must be borne with resignation, that of the enemy with fortitude; this was the old way at Athens, and do not you prevent it being so still. 3.82.1. So bloody was the march of the revolution, and the impression which it made was the greater as it was one of the first to occur. Later on, one may say, the whole Hellenic world was convulsed; struggles being everywhere made by the popular chiefs to bring in the Athenians, and by the oligarchs to introduce the Lacedaemonians. In peace there would have been neither the pretext nor the wish to make such an invitation; but in war, with an alliance always at the command of either faction for the hurt of their adversaries and their own corresponding advantage, opportunities for bringing in the foreigner were never wanting to the revolutionary parties. 3.82.2. The sufferings which revolution entailed upon the cities were many and terrible, such as have occurred and always will occur, as long as the nature of mankind remains the same; though in a severer or milder form, and varying in their symptoms, according to the variety of the particular cases. In peace and prosperity states and individuals have better sentiments, because they do not find themselves suddenly confronted with imperious necessities; but war takes away the easy supply of daily wants, and so proves a rough master, that brings most men's characters to a level with their fortunes. 3.82.3. Revolution thus ran its course from city to city, and the places which it arrived at last, from having heard what had been done before carried to a still greater excess the refinement of their inventions, as manifested in the cunning of their enterprises and the atrocity of their reprisals. 3.82.4. Words had to change their ordinary meaning and to take that which was now given them. Reckless audacity came to be considered the courage of a loyal ally; prudent hesitation, specious cowardice; moderation was held to be a cloak for unmanliness; ability to see all sides of a question inaptness to act on any. Frantic violence, became the attribute of manliness; cautious plotting, a justifiable means of self-defence. 3.82.5. The advocate of extreme measures was always trustworthy; his opponent a man to be suspected. To succeed in a plot was to have a shrewd head, to divine a plot a still shrewder; but to try to provide against having to do either was to break up your party and to be afraid of your adversaries. In fine, to forestall an intending criminal, or to suggest the idea of a crime where it was wanting, was equally commended 3.82.6. until even blood became a weaker tie than party, from the superior readiness of those united by the latter to dare everything without reserve; for such associations had not in view the blessings derivable from established institutions but were formed by ambition for their overthrow; and the confidence of their members in each other rested less on any religious sanction than upon complicity in crime. 3.82.7. The fair proposals of an adversary were met with jealous precautions by the stronger of the two, and not with a generous confidence. Revenge also was held of more account than self-preservation. Oaths of reconciliation, being only proffered on either side to meet an immediate difficulty, only held good so long as no other weapon was at hand; but when opportunity offered, he who first ventured to seize it and to take his enemy off his guard, thought this perfidious vengeance sweeter than an open one, since, considerations of safety apart, success by treachery won him the palm of superior intelligence. Indeed it is generally the case that men are readier to call rogues clever than simpletons honest, and are as ashamed of being the second as they are proud of being the first. 3.82.8. The cause of all these evils was the lust for power arising from greed and ambition; and from these passions proceeded the violence of parties once engaged in contention. The leaders in the cities, each provided with the fairest professions, on the one side with the cry of political equality of the people, on the other of a moderate aristocracy, sought prizes for themselves in those public interests which they pretended to cherish, and, recoiling from no means in their struggles for ascendancy, engaged in the direct excesses; in their acts of vengeance they went to even greater lengths, not stopping at what justice or the good of the state demanded, but making the party caprice of the moment their only standard, and invoking with equal readiness the condemnation of an unjust verdict or the authority of the strong arm to glut the animosities of the hour. Thus religion was in honor with neither party; but the use of fair phrases to arrive at guilty ends was in high reputation. Meanwhile the moderate part of the citizens perished between the two, either for not joining in the quarrel, or because envy would not suffer them to escape. 5.103.1. ‘Hope, danger's comforter, may be indulged in by those who have abundant resources, if not without loss at all events without ruin; but its nature is to be extravagant, and those who go so far as to put their all upon the venture see it in its true colors only when they are ruined; but so long as the discovery would enable them to guard against it, it is never found wanting. 5.103.2. Let not this be the case with you, who are weak and hang on a single turn of the scale; nor be like the vulgar, who, abandoning such security as human means may still afford, when visible hopes fail them in extremity, turn to invisible, to prophecies and oracles, and other such inventions that delude men with hopes to their destruction.’ 5.112.2. ‘Our resolution, Athenians, is the same as it was at first. We will not in a moment deprive of freedom a city that has been inhabited these seven hundred years; but we put our trust in the fortune by which the gods have preserved it until now, and in the help of men, that is, of the Lacedaemonians; and so we will try and save ourselves. 6.15.2. By far the warmest advocate of the expedition was, however, Alcibiades, son of Clinias, who wished to thwart Nicias both as his political opponent and also because of the attack he had made upon him in his speech, and who was, besides, exceedingly ambitious of a command by which he hoped to reduce Sicily and Carthage, and personally to gain in wealth and reputation by means of his successes. 6.30.2. With them also went down the whole population, one may say, of the city, both citizens and foreigners; the inhabitants of the country each escorting those that belonged to them, their friends, their relatives, or their sons, with hope and lamentation upon their way, as they thought of the conquests which they hoped to make, or of the friends whom they might never see again, considering the long voyage which they were going to make from their country. 6.31.6. Indeed the expedition became not less famous for its wonderful boldness and for the splendour of its appearance, than for its overwhelming strength as compared with the peoples against whom it was directed, and for the fact that this was the longest passage from home hitherto attempted, and the most ambitious in its objects considering the resources of those who undertook it. 6.90.2. We sailed to Sicily first to conquer, if possible, the Siceliots, and after them the Italiots also, and finally to assail the empire and city of Carthage . 6.90.3. In the event of all or most of these schemes succeeding, we were then to attack Peloponnese, bringing with us the entire force of the Hellenes lately acquired in those parts, and taking a number of barbarians into our pay, such as the Iberians and others in those countries, confessedly the most warlike known, and building numerous galleys in addition to those which we had already, timber being plentiful in Italy ; and with this fleet blockading Peloponnese from the sea and assailing it with our armies by land, taking some of the cities by storm, drawing works of circumvallation round others, we hoped without difficulty to effect its reduction, and after this to rule the whole of the Hellenic name. 7.87.1. The prisoners in the quarries were at first hardly treated by the Syracusans. Crowded in a narrow hole, without any roof to cover them, the heat of the sun and the stifling closeness of the air tormented them during the day, and then the nights which came on autumnal and chilly, made them ill by the violence of the change; 7.87.2. besides, as they had to do everything in the same place for want of room, and the bodies of those who died of their wounds or from the variation in the temperature, or from similar causes, were left heaped together one upon another, intolerable stenches arose; while hunger and thirst never ceased to afflict them, each man during eight months having only half a pint of water and a pint of corn given him daily. In short, no single suffering to be apprehended by men thrust into such a place was spared them.
6. Cicero, Brutus, 287 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

287. at quid est tam fractum, tam minutum, tam in ipsa, quam tamen consequitur, concinnitate puerile? 'Atticorum similes esse volumus.' Optime; suntne igitur hi Attici oratores? 'Quis negare potest? Hos imitamur. imitamur G : imitatur H : imitantur FOBM2 ' Quo modo, qui quo quo modo BHM sunt et inter se dissimiles et aliorum? 'Thucydidem,' inquit, 'imitamur.' Optime, si historiam scribere, non si causas dicere cogitatis. Thucydides enim rerum gestarum pronuntiator sincerus et grandis etiam fuit; hoc forense concertatorium iudiciale non tractavit genus. Orationes autem quas interposuit—multae enim sunt—eas ego.laudare soleo; imitari neque possim si velim, nec velim fortasse si possim. Vt si quis Falerno vino delectetur, sed eo nec ita novo ut proximis consulibus natum velit, nec rursus ita vetere ut Opimium aut Anicium consulem quaerat—'atqui hae notae sunt optimae, optimae vulg. : optime L ' credo; sed nimia vetustas nec habet eam quam quaerimus suavitatem nec est iam sane tolerabilis—
7. Cicero, Brutus, 287 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

287. at quid est tam fractum, tam minutum, tam in ipsa, quam tamen consequitur, concinnitate puerile? 'Atticorum similes esse volumus.' Optime; suntne igitur hi Attici oratores? 'Quis negare potest? Hos imitamur. imitamur G : imitatur H : imitantur FOBM2 ' Quo modo, qui quo quo modo BHM sunt et inter se dissimiles et aliorum? 'Thucydidem,' inquit, 'imitamur.' Optime, si historiam scribere, non si causas dicere cogitatis. Thucydides enim rerum gestarum pronuntiator sincerus et grandis etiam fuit; hoc forense concertatorium iudiciale non tractavit genus. Orationes autem quas interposuit—multae enim sunt—eas ego.laudare soleo; imitari neque possim si velim, nec velim fortasse si possim. Vt si quis Falerno vino delectetur, sed eo nec ita novo ut proximis consulibus natum velit, nec rursus ita vetere ut Opimium aut Anicium consulem quaerat—'atqui hae notae sunt optimae, optimae vulg. : optime L ' credo; sed nimia vetustas nec habet eam quam quaerimus suavitatem nec est iam sane tolerabilis—
8. Cicero, Orator, 39, 30 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

9. Polybius, Histories, 3.31-3.32 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)

3.31. 1.  It might be said by some of these who look on such things without discernment, that these are matters which it was not necessary for me to treat in such detail.,2.  My answer is, that if there were any man who considered that he had sufficient force in himself to face any circumstances, I should say perhaps that knowledge of the past was good for him, but not necessary;,3.  but if there is no one in this world at least who would venture to speak so of himself either as regards his private fortunes or those of his country — since, even if all is well with him now no man of sense could from his present circumstances have any reasonable confidence that he will be prosperous in the future —,4.  I affirm for this reason that such knowledge is not only good but in the highest degree necessary.,5.  For how can anyone when wronged himself or when his country is wronged find helpmates and allies; how can he, when desirous of acquiring some possession or initiating some project, stir to action those whose co-operation he wishes;,6.  how, finally, if he is content with present conditions, can he rightly stimulate others to establish his own convictions and maintain things as they are, if he knows nothing at all of the past history of those he would influence?,7.  For all men are given to adapt themselves to the present and assume a character suited to the times, so that from their words and actions it is difficult to judge of the principles of each, and in many cases the truth is quite overcast.,8.  But men's past actions, bringing to bear the test of actual fact, indicate truly the principles and opinions of each, and show us where we may look for gratitude, kindness, and help, and where for the reverse.,9.  It is by this means that we shall often and in many circumstances find those who will compassionate our distresses, who will share our anger or join us in being avenged on our enemies,,10.  all which is most helpful to life both in public and in private.,11.  Therefore both writers and readers of history should not pay so much attention to the actual narrative of events, as to what precedes, what accompanies, and what follows each.,12.  For if we take from history the discussion of why, how, and wherefore each thing was done, and whether the result was what we should have reasonably expected,,13.  what is left is a clever essay but not a lesson, and while pleasing for the moment of no possible benefit for the future. 3.32. 1.  For this reason I must pronounce those to be much mistaken who think that this my work is difficult to acquire and difficult to read owing to the number and length of the Books it contains.,2.  How much easier it is to acquire and peruse forty Books, all as it were connected by one thread, and thus to follow clearly events in Italy, Sicily, and Libya from the time of Pyrrhus to the capture of Carthage,,3.  and those in the rest of the world from the flight of Cleomenes of Sparta on till the battle of the Romans and Achaeans at the Isthmus, than to read or procure the works of those who treat of particular transactions.,4.  Apart from their being many times as long as my history, readers cannot gather anything with certainty from them, firstly because most of them give different accounts of the same matter,,5.  and next because they omit those contemporary events by a comparative review and estimation of which we can assign its true value to everything much more surely than by judging from particulars; and, finally, because it is out of their power even to touch on what is most essential.,6.  For I maintain that far the most essential part of history is the consideration of the remote or immediate consequences of events and especially that of causes.,7.  Thus I regard the war with Antiochus as deriving its origin from that with Philip, the latter as resulting from that with Hannibal, and the Hannibalic war as a consequence of that about Sicily, the intermediate events, however many and various their character, all tending to the same purpose.,8.  All this can be recognized and understood from a general history, but not at all from the historians of the wars themselves, such as the war with Perseus or that with Philip,,9.  unless indeed anyone reading their descriptions of the battles alone conceives that he has acquired an adequate knowledge of the management and nature of the whole war.,10.  This, however, is not at all so, and I consider that my history differs to its advantage as much from the works on particular episodes as learning does from listening.
10. Lucretius Carus, On The Nature of Things, 1.87, 1.96-1.98, 1.101, 3.894-3.911, 6.1138-6.1286 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

11. Seneca The Elder, Controversies, 9.1.13 (1st cent. BCE

12. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.3 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

13. Julian (Emperor), Against The Galileans, 57 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)

14. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 2.36.2



Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
"historiography, classical" Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 210
aegae Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 129
agatharchides of cnidus Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 210
alcibiades Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 144
anargyroi) Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 129
aphrodite Meinel, Pollution and Crisis in Greek Tragedy (2015) 23
apollo, alexikakos Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 129
apollo Lloyd, The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science (1989) 12; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 129
archaeology Lipka, Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus (2021) 146
argos Lipka, Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus (2021) 146
asclepius Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 129
ataraxia Lehoux et al., Lucretius: Poetry, Philosophy, Science (2013) 219
athens Lipka, Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus (2021) 146
beginnings (of poetry books) Lehoux et al., Lucretius: Poetry, Philosophy, Science (2013) 219
belief, texts as evidence Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 73
bowden, hugh Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 73
causation, rationalising accounts of Meinel, Pollution and Crisis in Greek Tragedy (2015) 21, 22, 23
cause (aitia, aition), and explanation Hankinson, Cause and Explanation in Ancient Greek Thought (1998) 52
causes Lloyd, The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science (1989) 12
christianity / christians Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 129
church Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 129
cicero Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 781
cleomenes, spartan king Lipka, Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus (2021) 146
cocteau, jean Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 513
corcyra Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 191, 384
critical mode Lipka, Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus (2021) 146
cult Lipka, Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus (2021) 146; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 129
daimonion Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 129
danger, hope as a dangerous emotion/state of mind Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 144
delphi Lipka, Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus (2021) 146
disease Hankinson, Cause and Explanation in Ancient Greek Thought (1998) 51, 52; Lloyd, The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science (1989) 12
divination Lipka, Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus (2021) 146
edict / decree / law Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 129
empirical adequacy Hankinson, Cause and Explanation in Ancient Greek Thought (1998) 52
empiricism, and phenomena Hankinson, Cause and Explanation in Ancient Greek Thought (1998) 52
empty-space-aniconism Lipka, Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus (2021) 146
epicureans Lloyd, The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science (1989) 12
epidaurus Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 129
epilepsy Lloyd, The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science (1989) 12
epiphanization Lipka, Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus (2021) 146
explanation, causal Hankinson, Cause and Explanation in Ancient Greek Thought (1998) 52
explanation, naturalistic Hankinson, Cause and Explanation in Ancient Greek Thought (1998) 51, 52
explanation, supernatural Hankinson, Cause and Explanation in Ancient Greek Thought (1998) 51, 52
gods Hankinson, Cause and Explanation in Ancient Greek Thought (1998) 51, 52; Lloyd, The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science (1989) 12
grief Lehoux et al., Lucretius: Poetry, Philosophy, Science (2013) 219
hagnos, historiography, causation in Meinel, Pollution and Crisis in Greek Tragedy (2015) 22, 23
healing, epidemics and plagues Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 513
healing, healing cult Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 129
healing, purification ritual and law Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 513
healing Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 513; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 129
hera Lipka, Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus (2021) 146
heraeum, argive Lipka, Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus (2021) 146
herodotus, and causation Meinel, Pollution and Crisis in Greek Tragedy (2015) 22
herodotus, digressions Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 191
herodotus Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 197, 781
hippocrates Hankinson, Cause and Explanation in Ancient Greek Thought (1998) 51
hippocratic corpus Hankinson, Cause and Explanation in Ancient Greek Thought (1998) 52
hippocratic medicine, vs. religious models of causation Meinel, Pollution and Crisis in Greek Tragedy (2015) 21, 22
homer, iliad Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 513
homer Lloyd, The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science (1989) 12
inscription, building inscription Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 129
intertextuality Lehoux et al., Lucretius: Poetry, Philosophy, Science (2013) 219
iphigenia/iphianassa Lehoux et al., Lucretius: Poetry, Philosophy, Science (2013) 219
julian (emperor) Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 129
lifeworld, lifeworld experience Lipka, Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus (2021) 146
little, lester k. Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 513
lucretius Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 781
madness, of cleomenes Meinel, Pollution and Crisis in Greek Tragedy (2015) 22
medicine, and explanation Hankinson, Cause and Explanation in Ancient Greek Thought (1998) 52
medicine, empiricism and Hankinson, Cause and Explanation in Ancient Greek Thought (1998) 52
medicine Hankinson, Cause and Explanation in Ancient Greek Thought (1998) 51, 52
melian dialogue Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 144
memory Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 129
methodist, temple Hankinson, Cause and Explanation in Ancient Greek Thought (1998) 51, 52
mikalson, jon d. Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 513
myth Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 129
naturalistic accounts Lloyd, The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science (1989) 12
nicias Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 210
observation Hankinson, Cause and Explanation in Ancient Greek Thought (1998) 52
occasion (prophasis) Hankinson, Cause and Explanation in Ancient Greek Thought (1998) 52
oedipus (mythological hero) Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 513
omens Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 210
oracle (divine message) Lipka, Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus (2021) 146
oracles Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 210
oratory/orators Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 73
parker, robert c. t. Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 73
pausanias Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 129
peloponnese Lipka, Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus (2021) 146
pericles Lipka, Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus (2021) 146
persia Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 129
phenomena Hankinson, Cause and Explanation in Ancient Greek Thought (1998) 52
piety Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 210; Lehoux et al., Lucretius: Poetry, Philosophy, Science (2013) 219
plague, of athens Meinel, Pollution and Crisis in Greek Tragedy (2015) 21
plague Lehoux et al., Lucretius: Poetry, Philosophy, Science (2013) 219; Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 191, 197, 384, 781
plato Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 73
pleasure/happiness Lehoux et al., Lucretius: Poetry, Philosophy, Science (2013) 219
politics, hope in greek and roman Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 144
popular religion Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 129
priest/priestess Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 129
prognosis Hankinson, Cause and Explanation in Ancient Greek Thought (1998) 52
reader (within the poem) Lehoux et al., Lucretius: Poetry, Philosophy, Science (2013) 219
religio/superstition Lehoux et al., Lucretius: Poetry, Philosophy, Science (2013) 219
religion/theology, theologia naturalis, theologia fabularis, theologia civilis distinction' Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 73
restoration Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 129
reversion (epistrophē), sacred disease Hankinson, Cause and Explanation in Ancient Greek Thought (1998) 52
sacrifices Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 210
sallust Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 781
sanctuary, revival of sanctuaries Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 129
sanctuary Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 129
saviour (soter / soteira) Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 129
seneca the elder Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 781
sicilian expedition Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 144; Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 197
sign-mindedness Lipka, Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus (2021) 146
sign Lipka, Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus (2021) 146
socrates Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 129
solon Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 197
sophokles, oedipus tyrannus Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 513
soul Lipka, Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus (2021) 146
sparta Lipka, Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus (2021) 146
statue, divine Lipka, Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus (2021) 146
symptoms Hankinson, Cause and Explanation in Ancient Greek Thought (1998) 51, 52
tarsus Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 129
technē Hankinson, Cause and Explanation in Ancient Greek Thought (1998) 51
thebes Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 513
thucydides, and causation Meinel, Pollution and Crisis in Greek Tragedy (2015) 22, 23
thucydides, son of melesias, audience, reader Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 781
thucydides, son of melesias, causes, causality Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 191, 781
thucydides, son of melesias, digressions Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 191, 781
thucydides, son of melesias, dramatic elements Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 384
thucydides Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 73, 513; Hankinson, Cause and Explanation in Ancient Greek Thought (1998) 51, 52; Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 210; Lehoux et al., Lucretius: Poetry, Philosophy, Science (2013) 219; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 129
understanding of misfortune, through words, characters struggling for Meinel, Pollution and Crisis in Greek Tragedy (2015) 23
wall, defensive walls/\u2009enclosure Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 129
xenophon Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 73; Hau, Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus (2017) 210