Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database

10882

Thucydides, The History Of The Peloponnesian War, 1.22.4

καὶ ἐς μὲν ἀκρόασιν ἴσως τὸ μὴ μυθῶδες αὐτῶν ἀτερπέστερον φανεῖται: ὅσοι δὲ βουλήσονται τῶν τε γενομένων τὸ σαφὲς σκοπεῖν καὶ τῶν μελλόντων ποτὲ αὖθις κατὰ τὸ ἀνθρώπινον τοιούτων καὶ παραπλησίων ἔσεσθαι, ὠφέλιμα κρίνειν αὐτὰ ἀρκούντως ἕξει. κτῆμά τε ἐς αἰεὶ μᾶλλον ἢ ἀγώνισμα ἐς τὸ παραχρῆμα ἀκούειν ξύγκειται. The absence of romance in my history will, I fear, detract somewhat from its interest; but if it be judged useful by those inquirers who desire an exact knowledge of the past as an aid to the interpretation of the future, which in the course of human things must resemble if it does not reflect it, I shall be content. In fine, I have written my work, not as an essay which is to win the applause of the moment, but as a possession for all time.

Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

30 results
1. Hebrew Bible, 1 Kings, 8.41-8.43 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) 8.41. וְגַם אֶל־הַנָּכְרִי אֲשֶׁר לֹא־מֵעַמְּךָ יִשְׂרָאֵל הוּא וּבָא מֵאֶרֶץ רְחוֹקָה לְמַעַן שְׁמֶךָ׃ 8.42. כִּי יִשְׁמְעוּן אֶת־שִׁמְךָ הַגָּדוֹל וְאֶת־יָדְךָ הַחֲזָקָה וּזְרֹעֲךָ הַנְּטוּיָה וּבָא וְהִתְפַּלֵּל אֶל־הַבַּיִת הַזֶּה׃ 8.43. אַתָּה תִּשְׁמַע הַשָּׁמַיִם מְכוֹן שִׁבְתֶּךָ וְעָשִׂיתָ כְּכֹל אֲשֶׁר־יִקְרָא אֵלֶיךָ הַנָּכְרִי לְמַעַן יֵדְעוּן כָּל־עַמֵּי הָאָרֶץ אֶת־שְׁמֶךָ לְיִרְאָה אֹתְךָ כְּעַמְּךָ יִשְׂרָאֵל וְלָדַעַת כִּי־שִׁמְךָ נִקְרָא עַל־הַבַּיִת הַזֶּה אֲשֶׁר בָּנִיתִי׃ 8.41. Moreover concerning the stranger that is not of Thy people Israel, when he shall come out of a far country for Thy name’s sake—" 8.42. for they shall hear of Thy great name, and of Thy mighty hand, and of Thine outstretched arm—when he shall come and pray toward this house;" 8.43. hear Thou in heaven Thy dwelling-place, and do according to all that the stranger calleth to Thee for; that all the peoples of the earth may know Thy name, to fear Thee, as doth Thy people Israel, and that they may know that Thy name is called upon this house which I have built."
2. Aeschylus, Seven Against Thebes, 396, 435, 395 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) 395. τίνʼ ἀντιτάξεις τῷδε; τίς Προίτου πυλῶν 395. Whom will you send against him? Who will be capable of standing as our champion at the Proetid gate when its bars are loosened? Eteocles
3. Pindar, Olympian Odes, 1.75-1.88, 1.90-1.93, 1.97-1.111 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
4. Pindar, Pythian Odes, 1.50-1.55, 2.24-2.26 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
5. Euripides, Suppliant Women, 479 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
6. Herodotus, Histories, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) 1.1. The Persian learned men say that the Phoenicians were the cause of the dispute. These (they say) came to our seas from the sea which is called Red, and having settled in the country which they still occupy, at once began to make long voyages. Among other places to which they carried Egyptian and Assyrian merchandise, they came to Argos, ,which was at that time preeminent in every way among the people of what is now called Hellas . The Phoenicians came to Argos, and set out their cargo. ,On the fifth or sixth day after their arrival, when their wares were almost all sold, many women came to the shore and among them especially the daughter of the king, whose name was Io (according to Persians and Greeks alike), the daughter of Inachus. ,As these stood about the stern of the ship bargaining for the wares they liked, the Phoenicians incited one another to set upon them. Most of the women escaped: Io and others were seized and thrown into the ship, which then sailed away for Egypt .
7. Plato, Gorgias, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) 523a. Soc. Give ear then, as they say, to a right fine story, which you will regard as a fable, I fancy, but I as an actual account; for what I am about to tell you I mean to offer as the truth. By Homer’s account, Zeus, Poseidon, and Pluto divided the sovereignty amongst them when they took it over from their father. Now in the time of Cronos there was a law concerning mankind, and it holds to this very day amongst the gods, that every man who has passed a just and holy life departs after his decease
8. Plato, Protagoras, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) 320c. do not grudge us your demonstration.
9. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.1.2-1.1.3, 1.4, 1.20.2, 1.21-1.22, 1.21.1, 1.22.1-1.22.3, 1.23.3, 1.73-1.79, 1.87-1.88, 2.48.3, 2.51.4-2.51.6, 3.2-3.3, 3.3.1, 3.3.3, 3.46.1, 3.82.2-3.82.8, 3.84, 4.17.4, 4.55.1, 4.65.4, 5.105.2, 6.2.1, 6.17.1, 7.18.2, 8.2.4 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) 1.1.2. Indeed this was the greatest movement yet known in history, not only of the Hellenes, but of a large part of the barbarian world—I had almost said of mankind. 1.1.3. For though the events of remote antiquity, and even those that more immediately precede the war, could not from lapse of time be clearly ascertained, yet the evidences which an inquiry carried as far back as was practicable leads me to trust, all point to the conclusion that there was nothing on a great scale, either in war or in other matters. 1.20.2. The general Athenian public fancy that Hipparchus was tyrant when he fell by the hands of Harmodius and Aristogiton; not knowing that Hippias, the eldest of the sons of Pisistratus, was really supreme, and that Hipparchus and Thessalus were his brothers; and that Harmodius and Aristogiton suspecting, on the very day, nay at the very moment fixed on for the deed, that information had been conveyed to Hippias by their accomplices, concluded that he had been warned, and did not attack him, yet, not liking to be apprehended and risk their lives for nothing, fell upon Hipparchus near the temple of the daughters of Leos, and slew him as he was arranging the Panathenaic procession. 1.21.1. On the whole, however, the conclusions I have drawn from the proofs quoted may, I believe, safely be relied on. Assuredly they will not be disturbed either by the lays of a poet displaying the exaggeration of his craft, or by the compositions of the chroniclers that are attractive at truth's expense; the subjects they treat of being out of the reach of evidence, and time having robbed most of them of historical value by enthroning them in the region of legend. Turning from these, we can rest satisfied with having proceeded upon the clearest data, and having arrived at conclusions as exact as can be expected in matters of such antiquity. 1.22.1. With reference to the speeches in this history, some were delivered before the war began, others while it was going on; some I heard myself, others I got from various quarters; it was in all cases difficult to carry them word for word in one's memory, so my habit has been to make the speakers say what was in my opinion demanded of them by the various occasions, of course adhering as closely as possible to the general sense of what they really said. 1.22.2. And with reference to the narrative of events, far from permitting myself to derive it from the first source that came to hand, I did not even trust my own impressions, but it rests partly on what I saw myself, partly on what others saw for me, the accuracy of the report being always tried by the most severe and detailed tests possible. 1.22.3. My conclusions have cost me some labour from the want of coincidence between accounts of the same occurrences by different eye-witnesses, arising sometimes from imperfect memory, sometimes from undue partiality for one side or the other. 1.23.3. Old stories of occurrences handed down by tradition, but scantily confirmed by experience, suddenly ceased to be incredible; there were earthquakes of unparalleled extent and violence; eclipses of the sun occurred with a frequency unrecorded in previous history; there were great droughts in sundry places and consequent famines, and that most calamitous and awfully fatal visitation, the plague. All this came upon them with the late war 2.48.3. All speculation as to its origin and its causes, if causes can be found adequate to produce so great a disturbance, I leave to other writers, whether lay or professional; for myself, I shall simply set down its nature, and explain the symptoms by which perhaps it may be recognized by the student, if it should ever break out again. This I can the better do, as I had the disease myself, and watched its operation in the case of others. 2.51.4. By far the most terrible feature in the malady was the dejection which ensued when anyone felt himself sickening, for the despair into which they instantly fell took away their power of resistance, and left them a much easier prey to the disorder; besides which, there was the awful spectacle of men dying like sheep, through having caught the infection in nursing each other. This caused the greatest mortality. 2.51.5. On the one hand, if they were afraid to visit each other, they perished from neglect; indeed many houses were emptied of their inmates for want of a nurse: on the other, if they ventured to do so, death was the consequence. This was especially the case with such as made any pretensions to goodness: honor made them unsparing of themselves in their attendance in their friends' houses, where even the members of the family were at last worn out by the moans of the dying, and succumbed to the force of the disaster. 2.51.6. Yet it was with those who had recovered from the disease that the sick and the dying found most compassion. These knew what it was from experience, and had now no fear for themselves; for the same man was never attacked twice—never at least fatally. And such persons not only received the congratulations of others, but themselves also, in the elation of the moment, half entertained the vain hope that they were for the future safe from any disease whatsoever. 3.3.1. However, the Athenians, distressed by the plague, and by the war that had recently broken out and was now raging, thought it a serious matter to add Lesbos with its fleet and untouched resources to the list of their enemies; and at first would not believe the charge, giving too much weight to their wish that it might not be true. But when an embassy which they sent had failed to persuade the Mitylenians to give up the union and preparations complained of, they became alarmed, and resolved to strike the first blow. 3.3.3. word having been brought them of a festival in honor of the Malean Apollo outside the town, which is kept by the whole people of Mitylene, and at which, if haste were made, they might hope to take them by surprise. If this plan succeeded, well and good; if not, they were to order the Mitylenians to deliver up their ships and to pull down their walls, and if they did not obey, to declare war. 3.46.1. We must not, therefore, commit ourselves to a false policy through a belief in the efficacy of the punishment of death, or exclude rebels from the hope of repentance and an early atonement of their error. 3.82.2. The sufferings which revolution entailed upon the cities were many and terrible, such as have occurred and always will occur, as long as the nature of mankind remains the same; though in a severer or milder form, and varying in their symptoms, according to the variety of the particular cases. In peace and prosperity states and individuals have better sentiments, because they do not find themselves suddenly confronted with imperious necessities; but war takes away the easy supply of daily wants, and so proves a rough master, that brings most men's characters to a level with their fortunes. 3.82.3. Revolution thus ran its course from city to city, and the places which it arrived at last, from having heard what had been done before carried to a still greater excess the refinement of their inventions, as manifested in the cunning of their enterprises and the atrocity of their reprisals. 3.82.4. Words had to change their ordinary meaning and to take that which was now given them. Reckless audacity came to be considered the courage of a loyal ally; prudent hesitation, specious cowardice; moderation was held to be a cloak for unmanliness; ability to see all sides of a question inaptness to act on any. Frantic violence, became the attribute of manliness; cautious plotting, a justifiable means of self-defence. 3.82.5. The advocate of extreme measures was always trustworthy; his opponent a man to be suspected. To succeed in a plot was to have a shrewd head, to divine a plot a still shrewder; but to try to provide against having to do either was to break up your party and to be afraid of your adversaries. In fine, to forestall an intending criminal, or to suggest the idea of a crime where it was wanting, was equally commended 3.82.6. until even blood became a weaker tie than party, from the superior readiness of those united by the latter to dare everything without reserve; for such associations had not in view the blessings derivable from established institutions but were formed by ambition for their overthrow; and the confidence of their members in each other rested less on any religious sanction than upon complicity in crime. 3.82.7. The fair proposals of an adversary were met with jealous precautions by the stronger of the two, and not with a generous confidence. Revenge also was held of more account than self-preservation. Oaths of reconciliation, being only proffered on either side to meet an immediate difficulty, only held good so long as no other weapon was at hand; but when opportunity offered, he who first ventured to seize it and to take his enemy off his guard, thought this perfidious vengeance sweeter than an open one, since, considerations of safety apart, success by treachery won him the palm of superior intelligence. Indeed it is generally the case that men are readier to call rogues clever than simpletons honest, and are as ashamed of being the second as they are proud of being the first. 3.82.8. The cause of all these evils was the lust for power arising from greed and ambition; and from these passions proceeded the violence of parties once engaged in contention. The leaders in the cities, each provided with the fairest professions, on the one side with the cry of political equality of the people, on the other of a moderate aristocracy, sought prizes for themselves in those public interests which they pretended to cherish, and, recoiling from no means in their struggles for ascendancy, engaged in the direct excesses; in their acts of vengeance they went to even greater lengths, not stopping at what justice or the good of the state demanded, but making the party caprice of the moment their only standard, and invoking with equal readiness the condemnation of an unjust verdict or the authority of the strong arm to glut the animosities of the hour. Thus religion was in honor with neither party; but the use of fair phrases to arrive at guilty ends was in high reputation. Meanwhile the moderate part of the citizens perished between the two, either for not joining in the quarrel, or because envy would not suffer them to escape. 4.17.4. You can now, if you choose, employ your present success to advantage, so as to keep what you have got and gain honor and reputation besides, and you can avoid the mistake of those who meet with an extraordinary piece of good fortune, and are led on by hope to grasp continually at something further, through having already succeeded without expecting it. 4.55.1. The Lacedaemonians seeing the Athenians masters of Cythera, and expecting descents of the kind upon their coasts, nowhere opposed them in force, but sent garrisons here and there through the country, consisting of as many heavy infantry as the points menaced seemed to require, and generally stood very much upon the defensive. After the severe and unexpected blow that had befallen them in the island, the occupation of Pylos and Cythera, and the apparition on every side of a war whose rapidity defied precaution, they lived in constant fear of internal revolution 4.65.4. So thoroughly had the present prosperity persuaded the citizens that nothing could withstand them, and that they could achieve what was possible and impracticable alike, with means ample or inadequate it mattered not. The secret of this was their general extraordinary success, which made them confuse their strength with their hopes. 5.105.2. of the gods we believe, and of men we know, that by a necessary law of their nature they rule wherever they can. And it is not as if we were the first to make this law, or to act upon it when made: we found it existing before us, and shall leave it to exist for ever after us; all we do is to make use of it, knowing that you and everybody else, having the same power as we have, would do the same as we do. 6.2.1. It was settled originally as follows, and the peoples that occupied it are these. The earliest inhabitants spoken of in any part of the country are the Cyclopes and Laestrygones; but I cannot tell of what race they were, or whence they came or whither they went, and must leave my readers to what the poets have said of them and to what may be generally known concerning them. 6.17.1. Thus did my youth and so-called monstrous folly find fitting arguments to deal with the power of the Peloponnesians, and by its ardour win their confidence and prevail. And do not be afraid of my youth now, but while I am still in its flower, and Nicias appears fortunate, avail yourselves to the utmost of the services of us both. 7.18.2. But the Lacedaemonians derived most encouragement from the belief that Athens, with two wars on her hands, against themselves and against the Siceliots, would be more easy to subdue, and from the conviction that she had been the first to infringe the truce. In the former war, they considered, the offence had been more on their own side, both on account of the entrance of the Thebans into Plataea in time of peace, and also of their own refusal to listen to the Athenian offer of arbitration, in spite of the clause in the former treaty that where arbitration should be offered there should be no appeal to arms. For this reason they thought that they deserved their misfortunes, and took to heart seriously the disaster at Pylos and whatever else had befallen them. 8.2.4. With these reasons for confidence in every quarter, the Lacedaemonians now resolved to throw themselves without reserve into the war considering that, once it was happily terminated, they would be finally delivered from such dangers as that which would have threatened them from Athens, if she had become mistress of Sicily, and that the overthrow of the Athenians would leave them in quiet enjoyment of the supremacy over all Hellas .
10. Xenophon, Hellenica, 5.4.1-5.4.2, 5.4.4, 5.4.7, 5.4.10, 5.4.12 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) 5.4.1. Now one could mention many other incidents, both among Greeks and barbarians, to prove that the gods do not fail to take heed of the wicked or of those who do unrighteous things; but at present I will speak of the case which is before me. The Lacedaemonians, namely, who had sworn that they would leave the states independent, after seizing possession of the Acropolis of Thebes were punished by the very men, unaided, who had been thus wronged, although before that time they had not been conquered by any single one of all the peoples that ever existed; while as for those among the Theban citizens who had led them into the Acropolis and had wanted the state to be in subjection to the Lacedaemonians in order that they might rule despotically themselves, just seven of the exiles were enough to destroy the government of these men. 379 B.C. How all this came to pass I will proceed to relate. 5.4.2. There was a certain Phillidas, who acted as secretary to Archias and his fellow polemarchs See note on ii. 25. It seems likely that the polemarchs were three in number, although Archias and Philippus (see below) are the only ones whom Xenophon mentions by name. and in other ways served them, as it seemed, most excellently. Now this man went to Athens on a matter of business, and there met Melon, one of the Thebans in exile at Athens and a man who had been an acquaintance of his even before this time. Melon, after learning of the doings of the polemarch Archias and the tyrannous rule of Philippus, and finding out that Phillidas hated the conditions that existed at home even more than he himself did, exchanged pledges with him and came to an agreement as to how everything should be managed. 5.4.4. As for Phillidas, since the polemarchs always celebrate a festival of Aphrodite upon the expiration of their term of office, he was making all the arrangements for them, and in particular, having long ago promised to bring them women, and the most stately and beautiful women there were in Thebes, he said he would do so at that time. And they — for they were that sort of men — expected to spend the night very pleasantly. 5.4.7. It was in this way, then, as some tell the story, that the polemarchs were killed, while others say that Melon and his followers came in as though they were revellers and killed them. After this Phillidas took three of his men and proceeded to the house of Leontiades and knocking at the door he said that he wished to give him a message from the polemarchs. Now it chanced that Leontiades had dined by himself and was still reclining on his couch after dinner, while his wife sat beside him, working with wool. And believing Phillidas trustworthy he bade him come in. When the party had entered, they killed Leontiades and frightened his wife into silence. And as they went out, they ordered that the door should remain shut; and they threatened that if they found it open, they would kill all who were in the house. 5.4.10. Now when the Lacedaemonian governor in the Acropolis heard the proclamation of the night, he at once sent to Plataea and Thespiae for help. And the Theban horsemen, upon perceiving that the Plataeans were approaching, went out to meet them and killed more than twenty of them; then as soon as they had re-entered the city after this achievement, and the Athenians from the borders had arrived, they made an attack upon the Acropolis. 5.4.12. As they were on their way out, however, the citizens seized and killed all whom they recognized as belonging to the number of their political foes. There were some, indeed, who were spirited away and saved by the Athenians who had come from the borders with their supporting force. But the Thebans even seized the children of those who had been killed, whenever they had children, and slaughtered them.
11. Hebrew Bible, Daniel, 2.44, 7.18 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) 2.44. וּבְיוֹמֵיהוֹן דִּי מַלְכַיָּא אִנּוּן יְקִים אֱלָהּ שְׁמַיָּא מַלְכוּ דִּי לְעָלְמִין לָא תִתְחַבַּל וּמַלְכוּתָה לְעַם אָחֳרָן לָא תִשְׁתְּבִק תַּדִּק וְתָסֵיף כָּל־אִלֵּין מַלְכְוָתָא וְהִיא תְּקוּם לְעָלְמַיָּא׃ 7.18. וִיקַבְּלוּן מַלְכוּתָא קַדִּישֵׁי עֶלְיוֹנִין וְיַחְסְנוּן מַלְכוּתָא עַד־עָלְמָא וְעַד עָלַם עָלְמַיָּא׃ 2.44. And in the days of those kings shall the God of heaven set up a kingdom, which shall never be destroyed; nor shall the kingdom be left to another people; it shall break in pieces and consume all these kingdoms, but it shall stand for ever." 7.18. But the saints of the Most High shall receive the kingdom, and possess the kingdom for ever, even for ever and ever.’"
12. Polybius, Histories, 1.4.11, 1.14.2, 2.16.14, 9.1-9.2, 9.1.4-9.1.5 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) 2.16.14.  and all matter for tragedy and the like, may be left aside for the present, detailed treatment of such things not suiting very well the plan of this work. 9.1. 1.  These are the principal events included in the above-mentioned Olympiad, that is in the space of four years which we term an Olympiad, and I shall attempt to narrate them in two Books.,2.  I am not unaware that my work owing to the uniformity of its composition has a certain severity, and will suit the taste and gain the approval of only one class of reader.,3.  For nearly all other writers, or at least most of them, by dealing with every branch of history, attract many kinds of people to the perusal of their works.,4.  The genealogical side appeals to those who are fond of a story, and the account of colonies, the foundation of cities, and their ties of kindred, such as we find, for instance, in Ephorus, attracts the curious and lovers of recondite longer,,5.  while the student of politics is interested in the doings of nations, cities, and monarchs. As I have confined my attention strictly to these last matters and as my whole work treats of nothing else, it is, as I say, adapted only to one sort of reader, and its perusal will have no attractions for the larger number.,6.  I have stated elsewhere at some length my reason for choosing to exclude other branches of history and chronicle actions alone, but there is no harm in briefly reminding my readers of it here in order to impress it on them. 9.1.4.  The genealogical side appeals to those who are fond of a story, and the account of colonies, the foundation of cities, and their ties of kindred, such as we find, for instance, in Ephorus, attracts the curious and lovers of recondite longer 9.1.5.  while the student of politics is interested in the doings of nations, cities, and monarchs. As I have confined my attention strictly to these last matters and as my whole work treats of nothing else, it is, as I say, adapted only to one sort of reader, and its perusal will have no attractions for the larger number. 9.2. 1.  Since genealogies, myths, the planting of colonies, the foundations of cities and their ties of kinship have been recounted by many writers and in many different styles,,2.  an author who undertakes at the present day to deal with these matters must either represent the work of others as being his own, a most disgraceful proceeding, or if he refuses to do this, must manifestly toil to no purpose, being constrained to avow that the matters on which he writes and to which he devotes his attention have been adequately narrated and handed down to posterity by previous authors. So omitting these things for the above and various other reasons, I decided on writing a history of actual events; firstly, because there is always some novelty to them which demands novel treatment — since it was not in the power of the ancients to narrate events subsequent to their own time — and secondly, owing to the great practical utility of such a history, both formerly and especially at the present day, when the progress of the arts and sciences has been so rapid, that those who study history are, we may almost say, provided with a method for dealing with any contingency that may arise.,6.  My aim, therefore, being not so much to entertain readers as to benefit those who pay careful attention, I disregarded other matters and was led to write this kind of history.,7.  The best testimony to the truth of what I say will be that of those who study this work with due application. II. Affairs of Italy Siege of Capua
13. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 1.1-1.5 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) 1.2. 1.  In general, then, it is because of that commemoration of goodly deeds which history accords men that some of them have been induced to become the founders of cities, that others have been led to introduce laws which encompass man's social life with security, and that many have aspired to discover new sciences and arts in order to benefit the race of men. And since complete happiness can be attained only through the combination of all these activities, the foremost meed of praise must be awarded to that which more than any other thing is the cause of them, that is, to history.,2.  For we must look upon it as constituting the guardian of the high achievements of illustrious men, the witness which testifies to the evil deeds of the wicked, and the benefactor of the entire human race. For if it be true that the myths which are related about Hades, in spite of the fact that their subject-matter is fictitious, contribute greatly to fostering piety and justice among men, how much more must we assume that history, the prophetess of truth, she who is, as it were, the mother-city of philosophy as a whole, is still more potent to equip men's characters for noble living!,3.  For all men, by reason of the frailty of our nature, live but an infinitesimal portion of eternity and are dead throughout all subsequent time; and while in the case of those who in their lifetime have done nothing worthy of note, everything which has pertained to them in life also perishes when their bodies die, yet in the case of those who by their virtue have achieved fame, their deeds are remembered for evermore, since they are heralded abroad by history's voice most divine.,4.  Now it is an excellent thing, methinks, as all men of understanding must agree, to receive in exchange for mortal labours an immortal fame. In the case of Heracles, for instance, it is generally agreed that during the whole time which he spent among men he submitted to great and continuous labours and perils willingly, in order that he might confer benefits upon the race of men and thereby gain immortality; and likewise in the case of other great and good men, some have attained to heroic honours and others to honours equal to the divine, and all have been thought to be worthy of great praise, since history immortalizes their achievements.,5.  For whereas all other memorials abide but a brief time, yet the power of history, which extends over the whole inhabited world, possesses in time, which brings ruin upon all things else, a custodian which ensures its perpetual transmission to posterity. History also contributes to the power of speech, and a nobler thing than that may not easily be found.,6.  For it is this that makes the Greeks superior to the barbarians, and the educated to the uneducated, and, furthermore, it is by means of speech alone that one man is able to gain ascendancy over the many; and, in general, the impression made by every measure that is proposed corresponds to the power of the speaker who presents it, and we describe great and human men as "worthy of speech," as though therein they had won the highest prize of excellence.,7.  And when speech is resolved into its several kinds, we find that, whereas poetry is more pleasing than profitable, and codes of law punish but do not instruct, and similarly, all the other kinds either contribute nothing to happiness or else contain a harmful element mingled with the beneficial, while some of them actually pervert the truth, history alone, since in it word and fact are in perfect agreement, embraces in its narration all the other qualities as well as that are useful;,8.  for it is ever to be seen urging men to justice, denouncing those who are evil, lauding the good, laying up, in a word, for its readers a mighty store of experience. 1.3. 1.  Consequently we, observing that writers of history are accorded a merited approbation, were led to feel a like enthusiasm for the subject. But when we turned our attention to the historians before our time, although we approved their purpose without reservation, yet we were far from feeling that their treatises had been composed so as to contribute to human welfare as much as might have been the case.,2.  For although the profit which history affords its readers lies in its embracing a vast number and variety of circumstances, yet most writers have recorded no more than isolated wars waged by a single nation or a single state, and but few have undertaken, beginning with the earliest times and coming down to their own day, to record the events connected with all peoples; and of the latter, some have not attached to the several events their own proper dates, and others have passed over the deeds of barbarian peoples; and some, again, have rejected the ancient legends because of the difficulties involved in their treatment, while others have failed to complete the plan to which they had set their hand, their lives having been cut short by fate. And of those who have undertaken this account of all peoples not one has continued his history beyond the Macedonian period.,3.  For while some have closed their accounts with the deeds of Philip, others with those of Alexander, and some with the Diadochi or the Epigoni, yet, despite the number and importance of the events subsequent to these and extending even to our own lifetime which have been left neglected, no historian has essayed to treat of them within the compass of a single narrative, because of the magnitude of the undertaking.,4.  For this reason, since both the dates of the events and the events themselves lie scattered about in numerous treatises and in divers authors, the knowledge of them becomes difficult for the mind to encompass and for the memory to retain.,5.  Consequently, after we had examined the composition of each of these authors' works, we resolved to write a history after a plan which might yield to its readers the greatest benefit and at the same time incommode them the least.,6.  For if a man should begin with the most ancient times and record to the best of his ability the affairs of the entire world down to his own day, so far as they have been handed down to memory, as though they were the affairs of some single city, he would obviously have to undertake an immense labour, yet he would have composed a treatise of the utmost value to those who are studiously inclined.,7.  For from such a treatise every man will be able readily to take what is of use for his special purpose, drawing as it were from a great fountain.,8.  The reason for this is that, in the first place, it is not easy for those who propose to go through the writings of so many historians to procure the books which come to be needed, and, in the second place, that, because the works vary so widely and are so numerous, the recovery of past events becomes extremely difficult of comprehension and of attainment; whereas, on the other hand, the treatise which keeps within the limits of a single narrative and contains a connected account of events facilitates the reading and contains such recovery of the past in a form that is perfectly easy to follow. In general, a history of this nature must be held to surpass all others to the same degree as the whole is more useful than the part and continuity than discontinuity, and, again, as an event whose date has been accurately determined is more useful than one of which it is not known in what period it happened. 1.4. 1.  And so we, appreciating that an undertaking of this nature, while most useful, would yet require much labour and time, have been engaged upon it for thirty years, and with much hardship and many dangers we have visited a large portion of both Asia and Europe that we might see with our own eyes all the most important regions and as many others as possible; for many errors have been committed through ignorance of the sites, not only by the common run of historians, but even by some of the highest reputation.,2.  As for the resources which have availed us in this undertaking, they have been, first and foremost, that enthusiasm for the work which enables every man to bring to completion the task which seems impossible, and, in the second place, the abundant supply which Rome affords of the materials pertaining to the proposed study.,3.  For the supremacy of this city, a supremacy so powerful that it extends to the bounds of the inhabited world, has provided us in the course of our long residence there with copious resources in the most accessible form.,4.  For since the city of our origin was Agyrium in Sicily, and by reason of our contact with the Romans in that island we had gained a wide acquaintance with their language, we have acquired an accurate knowledge of all the events connected with this empire from the records which have been carefully preserved among them over a long period of time.,5.  Now we have begun our history with the legends of both Greeks and barbarians, after having first investigated to the best of our ability the accounts which each people records of its earliest times.,6.  Since my undertaking is now completed, although the volumes are as yet unpublished, I wish to present a brief preliminary outline of the work as a whole. Our first six Books embrace the events and legends previous to the Trojan War, the first three setting forth the antiquities of the barbarians, and the next three almost exclusively those of the Greeks; in the following eleven we have written a universal history of events from the Trojan War to the death of Alexander;,7.  and in the succeeding twenty-three Books we have given an orderly account of all subsequent events down to the beginning of the war between the Romans and the Celts, in the course of which the commander, Gaius Julius Caesar, who has been deified because of his deeds, subdued the most numerous and most warlike tribes of the Celts, and advanced the Roman Empire as far as the British Isles. The first events of this war occurred in the first year of the One Hundred and Eightieth Olympiad, when Herodes was archon at Athens. 1.5. 1.  As for the periods included in this work, we do not attempt to fix with any strictness the limits of those before the Trojan War, because no trustworthy chronological table covering them has come into our hands: but from the Trojan War we follow Apollodorus of Athens in setting the interval from then to the Return of the Heracleidae as eighty years, from then to the First Olympiad three hundred and twenty-eight years, reckoning the dates by the reigns of the kings of Lacedaemon, and from the First Olympiad to the beginning of the Celtic war, which we have made the end of our history, seven hundred and thirty years; so that our whole treatise of forty Books embraces eleven hundred and thirty-eight years, exclusive of the periods which embrace the events before the Trojan War.,2.  We have given at the outset this precise outline, since we desire to inform our readers about the project as a whole, and at the same time to deter those who are accustomed to make their books by compilation, from mutilating works of which they are not the authors. And throughout our entire history it is to be hoped that what we have done well may not be the object of envy, and that the matters wherein our knowledge is defective may receive correction at the hands of more able historians.,3.  Now that we have set forth the plan and purpose of our undertaking we shall attempt to make good our promise of such a treatise.
14. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 1.1-1.8 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) 1.1. 1.  Although it is much against my will to indulge in the explanatory statements usually given in the prefaces to histories, yet I am obliged to prefix to this work some remarks concerning myself. In doing this it is neither my intention to dwell too long on my own praise, which I know would be distasteful to the reader, nor have I the purpose of censuring other historians, as Anaximenes and Theopompus did in the prefaces to their histories, but I shall only show the reasons that induced me to undertake this work and give an accounting of the sources from which I gained the knowledge of the things that I am going to relate.,2.  For I am convinced that all who propose to leave such monuments of their minds to posterity as time shall not involve in one common ruin with their bodies, and particularly those who write histories, in which we have the right to assume that Truth, the source of both prudence and wisdom, is enshrined, ought, first of all, to make choice of noble and lofty subjects and such as will be of great utility to their readers, and then, with great care and pains, to provide themselves with the proper equipment for the treatment of their subject.,3.  For those who base historical works upon deeds inglorious or evil or unworthy of serious study, either because they crave to come to the knowledge of men and to get a name of some sort or other, or because they desire to display the wealth of their rhetoric, are neither admired by posterity for their fame nor praised for their eloquence; rather, they leave this opinion in the minds of all who take up their histories, that they themselves admired lives which were of a piece with the writings they published, since it is a just and a general opinion that a man's words are the images of his mind.,4.  Those, on the other hand, who, while making choice of the best subjects, are careless and indolent in compiling their narratives out of such reports as chance to come to their ears gain no praise by reason of that choice; for we do not deem it fitting that the histories of renowned cities and of men who have held supreme power should be written in an offhand or negligent manner. As I believe these considerations to be necessary and of the first importance to historians and as I have taken great care to observe them both, I have felt unwilling either to omit mention of them or to give it any other place than in the preface to my work. 1.2. 1.  That I have indeed made choice of a subject noble, lofty and useful to many will not, I think, require any lengthy argument, at least for those who are not utterly unacquainted with universal history. For if anyone turns his attention to the successive supremacies both of cities and of nations, as accounts of them have been handed down from times past, and then, surveying them severally and comparing them together, wishes to determine which of them obtained the widest dominion and both in peace and war performed the most brilliant achievements, he will find that the supremacy of the Romans has far surpassed all those that are recorded from earlier times, not only in the extent of its dominion and in the splendor of its achievements — which no account has as yet worthily celebrated — but also in the length of time during which it has endured down to our day.,2.  For the empire of the Assyrians, ancient as it was and running back to legendary times, held sway over only a small part of Asia. That of the Medes, after overthrowing the Assyrian empire and obtaining a still wider dominion, did not hold it long, but was overthrown in the fourth generation. The Persians, who conquered the Medes, did, indeed, finally become masters of almost all Asia; but when they attacked the nations of Europe also, they did not reduce many of them to submission, and they continued in power not much above two hundred years.,3.  The Macedonian dominion, which overthrew the might of the Persians, did, in the extent of its sway, exceed all its predecessors, yet even it did not flourish long, but after Alexander's death began to decline; for it was immediately partitioned among many commanders from the time of the Diadochi, and although after their time it was able to go on to the second or third generation, yet it was weakened by its own dissensions and at the last destroyed by the Romans.,4.  But even the Macedonian power did not subjugate every country and every sea; for it neither conquered Libya, with the exception of the small portion bordering on Egypt, nor subdued all Europe, but in the North advanced only as far as Thrace and in the West down to the Adriatic Sea. 1.3. 1.  Thus we see that the most famous of the earlier supremacies of which history has given us any account, after attaining to so great vigour and might, were overthrown. As for the Greek powers, it is not fitting to compare them to those just mentioned, since they gained neither magnitude of empire nor duration of eminence equal to theirs.,2.  For the Athenians ruled only the sea coast, during the space of sixty-eight years, nor did their sway extend even over all that, but only to the part between the Euxine and the Pamphylian seas, when their naval supremacy was at its height. The Lacedaemonians, when masters of the Peloponnesus and the rest of Greece, advanced their rule as far as Macedonia, but were checked by the Thebans before they had held it quite thirty years.,3.  But Rome rules every country that is not inaccessible or uninhabited, and she is mistress of every sea, not only of that which lies inside the Pillars of Hercules but also of the Ocean, except that part of it which is not navigable; she is the first and the only State recorded in all time that ever made the risings and the settings of the sun the boundaries of her dominion. Nor has her supremacy been of short duration, but more lasting than that of any other commonwealth or kingdom.,4.  For from the very beginning, immediately after her founding, she began to draw to herself the neighbouring nations, which were both numerous and warlike, and continually advanced, subjugating every rival. And it is now seven hundred and forty-five years from her foundation down to the consulship of Claudius Nero, consul for the second time, and of Calpurnius Piso, who were chosen in the one hundred and ninety-third Olympiad.,5.  From the time that she mastered the whole of Italy she was emboldened to aspire to govern all mankind, and after driving from off the sea the Carthaginians, whose maritime strength was superior to that of all others, and subduing Macedonia, which until then was reputed to be the most powerful nation on land, she no longer had as rival any nation either barbarian or Greek; and it is now in my day already the seventh generation that she has continued to hold sway over every region of the world, and there is no nation, as I may say, that disputes her universal dominion or protests against being ruled by her.,6.  However, to prove my statement that I have neither made choice of the most trivial of subjects nor proposed to treat of mean and insignificant deeds, but am undertaking to write not only about the most illustrious city but also about brilliant achievements to whose like no man could point, I know not what more I need say. 1.4. 1.  But before I proceed, I desire to show in a few words that it is not without design and mature premeditation that I have turned to the early part of Rome's history, but that I have well-considered reasons to give for my choice, to forestall the censure of those who, fond of finding fault with everything and not as yet having heard of any of the matters which I am about to make known, may blame me because, in spite of the fact that this city, grown so famous in our days, had very humble and inglorious beginnings, unworthy of historical record, and that it was but a few generations ago, that is, since her overthrow of the Macedonian powers and her success in the Punic wars, that she arrived at distinction and glory, nevertheless, when I was at liberty to choose one of the famous periods in her history for my theme, I turned aside to one so barren of distinction as her antiquarian lore.,2.  For to this day almost all the Greeks are ignorant of the early history of Rome and the great majority of them have been imposed upon by sundry false opinions grounded upon stories which chance has brought to their ears and led to believe that, having come upon various vagabonds without house or home and barbarians, and even those not free men, as her founders, she in the course of time arrived at world domination, and this not through reverence for the gods and justice and every other virtue, but through some chance and the injustice of Fortune, which inconsiderately showers her greatest favours upon the most undeserving. And indeed the more malicious are wont to rail openly at Fortune for freely bestowing on the basest of barbarians the blessings of the Greeks.,3.  And yet why should I mention men at large, when even some historians have dared to express such views in the writings they have left, taking this method of humouring barbarian kings who detested Rome's supremacy, — princes to whom they were ever servilely devoted and with whom they associated as flatterers, — by presenting them with "histories" which were neither just nor true? 1.5. 1.  In order, therefore, to remove these erroneous impressions, as I have called them, from the minds of many and to substitute true ones in their room, I shall in this Book show who the founders of the city were, at what periods the various groups came together and through what turns of fortune they left their native countries.,2.  By this means I engage to prove that they were Greeks and came together from nations not the smallest nor least considerable. And beginning with the next Book I shall tell of the deeds they performed immediately after their founding of the city and of the customs and institutions by virtue of which their descendants advanced to so great dominion; and, so far as I am able, I shall omit nothing worthy of being recorded in history, to the end that I may instil in the minds of those who shall then be informed of the truth the fitting conception of this city, — unless they have already assumed an utterly violent and hostile attitude toward it, — and also that they may neither feel indignation at their present subjection, which is grounded on reason (for by an universal law of Nature, which time cannot destroy, it is ordained that superiors shall ever govern their inferiors), nor rail at Fortune for having wantonly bestowed upon an undeserving city a supremacy so great and already of so long continuance,,3.  particularly when they shall have learned from my history that Rome from the very beginning, immediately after its founding, produced infinite examples of virtue in men whose superiors, whether for piety or for justice or for life-long self-control or for warlike valour, no city, either Greek or barbarian, has ever produced. This, I say, is what I hope to accomplish, if my readers will but lay aside all resentment; for some such feeling is aroused by a promise of things which run counter to received opinion or excite wonder.,4.  And it is a fact that all those Romans who bestowed upon their country so great a dominion are unknown to the Greeks for want of a competent historian. For no accurate history of the Romans written in the Greek language has hitherto appeared, but only very brief and summary epitomes. 1.6. 1.  The first historian, so far as I am aware, to touch upon the early period of the Romans was Hieronymus of Cardia, in his work on the Epigoni. After him Timaeus of Sicily related the beginnings of their history in his general history and treated in a separate work the wars with Pyrrhus of Epirus. Besides these, Antigonus, Polybius, Silenus and innumerable other authors devoted themselves to the same themes, though in different ways, each of them recording some few things compiled without accurate investigation on his own part but from reports which chance had brought to his ears.,2.  Like to these in all respects are the histories of those Romans, also, who related in Greek the early achievements of the city; the oldest of these writers are Quintus Fabius and Lucius Cincius, who both flourished during the Punic wars. Each of these men related the events at which he himself had been present with great exactness, as being well acquainted with them, but touched only in a summary way upon the early events that followed the founding of the city.,3.  For these reasons, therefore, I have determined not to pass over a noble period of history which the older writers left untouched, a period, moreover, the accurate portrayal of which will lead to the following most excellent and just results: In the first place, the brave men who have fulfilled their destiny will gain immortal glory and be extolled by posterity, which things render human nature like unto the divine and prevent men's deeds from perishing together with their bodies.,4.  And again, both the present and future descendants of those godlike men will choose, not the pleasantest and easiest of lives, but rather the noblest and most ambitious, when they consider that all who are sprung from an illustrious origin ought to set a high value on themselves and indulge in no pursuit unworthy of their ancestors.,5.  And I, who have not turned aside to this work for the sake of flattery, but out of a regard for truth and justice, which ought to be the aim of every history, shall have an opportunity, in the first place, of expressing my attitude of goodwill toward all good men and toward all who take pleasure in the contemplation of great and noble deeds; and, in the second place, of making the most grateful return that I may to the city and other blessings I have enjoyed during my residence in it. 1.7. 1.  Having thus given the reason for my choice of subject, I wish now to say something concerning the sources I used while preparing for my task. For it is possible that those who have already read Hieronymus, Timaeus, Polybius, or any of the other historians whom I just now mentioned as having slurred over their work, since they will not have found in those authors many things mentioned by me, will suspect me of inventing them and will demand to know how I came by the knowledge of these particulars. Lest anyone, therefore, should entertain such an opinion of me, it is best that I should state in advance what narratives and records I have used as sources.,2.  I arrived in Italy at the very time that Augustus Caesar put an end to the civil war, in the middle of the one hundred and eighty-seventh Olympiad, and having from that time to this present day, a period of twenty-two years, lived at Rome, learned the language of the Romans and acquainted myself with their writings, I have devoted myself during all that time to matters bearing upon my subject.,3.  Some information I received orally from men of the greatest learning, with whom I associated; and the rest I gathered from histories written by the approved Roman authors — Porcius Cato, Fabius Maximus, Valerius Antias, Licinius Macer, the Aelii, Gellii and Calpurnii, and many others of note; with these works, which are like the Greek annalistic accounts, as a basis, I set about the writing of my history.,4.  So much, then, concerning myself. But it yet remains for me to say something also concerning the history itself — to what periods I limit it, what subjects I describe, and what form I give to the work. 1.8. 1.  I begin my history, then, with the most ancient legends, which the historians before me have omitted as a subject difficult to be cleared up with diligent study;,2.  and I bring the narrative down to the beginning of the First Punic War, which fell in the third year of the one hundred and twenty-eighth Olympiad. I relate all the foreign wars that the city waged during that period and all the internal seditions with which she was agitated, showing from what causes they sprang and by what methods and by what arguments they were brought to an end. I give an account also of all the forms of government Rome used, both during the monarchy and after its overthrow, and show what was the character of each. I describe the best customs and the most remarkable laws; and, in short, I show the whole life of the ancient Romans.,3.  As to the form I give this work, it does not resemble that which the authors who make wars alone their subject have given to their histories, nor that which others who treat of the several forms of government by themselves have adopted, nor is it like the annalistic accounts which the authors of the Atthides have published (for these are monotonous and soon grow tedious to the reader), but it is a combination of every kind, forensic, speculative and narrative, to the intent that it may afford satisfaction both to those who occupy themselves with political debates and to those who are devoted to philosophical speculations, as well as to any who may desire mere undisturbed entertainment in their reading of history.,4.  Such things, therefore, will be the subjects of my history and such will be its form. I, the author, am Dionysius of Halicarnassus, the son of Alexander. And at this point I begin.
15. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, On Thucydides, 1.1 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
16. Livy, History, None (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
17. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 18.10 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) 18.10.  As for Herodotus, if you ever want real enjoyment, you will read him when quite at your ease, for the easy-going manner and charm of his narrative will give the impression that his work deals with stories rather than with actual history. But among the foremost historians I place Thucydides, and among those of second rank Theopompus; for not only is there a rhetorical quality in the narrative portion of his speeches, but he is not without eloquence nor negligent in expression, and the slovenliness of his diction is not so bad as to offend you. As for Ephorus, while he hands down to us a great deal of information about events, yet the tediousness and carelessness of his narrative style would not suit your purpose.
18. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 1.3, 8.116-8.117, 10.276-10.277, 15.385-15.387 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) 1.3. But others there are, who, of necessity and by force, are driven to write history, because they are concerned in the facts, and so cannot excuse themselves from committing them to writing, for the advantage of posterity; nay, there are not a few who are induced to draw their historical facts out of darkness into light, and to produce them for the benefit of the public, on account of the great importance of the facts themselves with which they have been concerned. 1.3. After this, on the second day, he placed the heaven over the whole world, and separated it from the other parts, and he determined it should stand by itself. He also placed a crystalline [firmament] round it, and put it together in a manner agreeable to the earth, and fitted it for giving moisture and rain, and for affording the advantage of dews. 1.3. And when Jacob had given his consent to this, he agreed to stay seven years; for so many years he had resolved to serve his father-in-law, that, having given a specimen of his virtue, it might be better known what sort of a man he was. And Jacob, accepting of his terms, after the time was over, he made the wedding-feast; 8.116. Nay, moreover, this help is what I implore of thee, not for the Hebrews only, when they are in distress, but when any shall come hither from any ends of the world whatsoever, and shall return from their sins and implore thy pardon, do thou then pardon them, and hear their prayer. 8.117. For hereby all shall learn that thou thyself wast pleased with the building of this house for thee; and that we are not ourselves of an unsociable nature, nor behave ourselves like enemies to such as are not of our own people; but are willing that thy assistance should be communicated by thee to all men in common, and that they may have the enjoyment of thy benefits bestowed upon them.” 10.276. And indeed it so came to pass, that our nation suffered these things under Antiochus Epiphanes, according to Daniel’s vision, and what he wrote many years before they came to pass. In the very same manner Daniel also wrote concerning the Roman government, and that our country should be made desolate by them. 10.277. All these things did this man leave in writing, as God had showed them to him, insomuch that such as read his prophecies, and see how they have been fulfilled, would wonder at the honor wherewith God honored Daniel; and may thence discover how the Epicureans are in an error 15.385. Our fathers, indeed, when they were returned from Babylon, built this temple to God Almighty, yet does it want sixty cubits of its largeness in altitude; for so much did that first temple which Solomon built exceed this temple; 15.386. nor let any one condemn our fathers for their negligence or want of piety herein, for it was not their fault that the temple was no higher; for they were Cyrus, and Darius the son of Hystaspes, who determined the measures for its rebuilding; and it hath been by reason of the subjection of those fathers of ours to them and to their posterity, and after them to the Macedonians, that they had not the opportunity to follow the original model of this pious edifice, nor could raise it to its ancient altitude; 15.387. but since I am now, by God’s will, your governor, and I have had peace a long time, and have gained great riches and large revenues, and, what is the principal filing of all, I am at amity with and well regarded by the Romans, who, if I may so say, are the rulers of the whole world, I will do my endeavor to correct that imperfection, which hath arisen from the necessity of our affairs, and the slavery we have been under formerly, and to make a thankful return, after the most pious manner, to God, for what blessings I have received from him, by giving me this kingdom, and that by rendering his temple as complete as I am able.”
19. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.1-1.2, 1.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) 1.1. 1. Whereas the war which the Jews made with the Romans hath been the greatest of all those, not only that have been in our times, but, in a manner, of those that ever were heard of; both of those wherein cities have fought against cities, or nations against nations; while some men who were not concerned in the affairs themselves have gotten together vain and contradictory stories by hearsay, and have written them down after a sophistical manner; 1.1. For that it was a seditious temper of our own that destroyed it; and that they were the tyrants among the Jews who brought the Roman power upon us, who unwillingly attacked us, and occasioned the burning of our holy temple; Titus Caesar, who destroyed it, is himself a witness, who, during the entire war, pitied the people who were kept under by the seditious, and did often voluntarily delay the taking of the city, and allowed time to the siege, in order to let the authors have opportunity for repentance. 1.1. But still he was not able to exclude Antiochus, for he burnt the towers, and filled up the trenches, and marched on with his army. And as he looked upon taking his revenge on Alexander, for endeavoring to stop him, as a thing of less consequence, he marched directly against the Arabians 1.2. and while those that were there present have given false accounts of things, and this either out of a humor of flattery to the Romans, or of hatred towards the Jews; and while their writings contain sometimes accusations, and sometimes encomiums, but nowhere the accurate truth of the facts 1.2. as also how our people made a sedition upon Herod’s death, while Augustus was the Roman emperor, and Quintilius Varus was in that country; and how the war broke out in the twelfth year of Nero, with what happened to Cestius; and what places the Jews assaulted in a hostile manner in the first sallies of the war. 1.2. These honorary grants Caesar sent orders to have engraved in the Capitol, that they might stand there as indications of his own justice, and of the virtue of Antipater. 1.4. 2. Now at the time when this great concussion of affairs happened, the affairs of the Romans were themselves in great disorder. Those Jews also, who were for innovations, then arose when the times were disturbed; they were also in a flourishing condition for strength and riches, insomuch that the affairs of the East were then exceeding tumultuous, while some hoped for gain, and others were afraid of loss in such troubles; 1.4. and when the city had already received its sacred constitution again, Antiochus died; whose son Antiochus succeeded him in the kingdom, and in his hatred to the Jews also. 1.4. but when Zenodorus was dead, Caesar bestowed on him all that land which lay between Trachonitis and Galilee. Yet, what was still of more consequence to Herod, he was beloved by Caesar next after Agrippa, and by Agrippa next after Caesar; whence he arrived at a very great degree of felicity. Yet did the greatness of his soul exceed it, and the main part of his magimity was extended to the promotion of piety.
20. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 1.116-1.118 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) 1.116. 18. And now I shall add Meder the Ephesian, as an additional witness. This Meder wrote the Acts that were done both by the Greeks and Barbarians, under every one of the Tyrian kings; and had taken much pains to learn their history out of their own records. 1.117. Now, when he was writing about those kings that had reigned at Tyre, he came to Hirom, and says thus:—“Upon the death of Abibalus, his son Hirom took the kingdom; he lived fifty-three years, and reigned thirty-four. 1.118. He raised a bank on that called the Broad place, and dedicated that golden pillar which is in Jupiter’s temple; he also went and cut down timber from the mountain called Libanus, and got timber of cedar for the roofs of the temples. He also pulled down the old temples, and built new ones: besides this, he consecrated the temples of Hercules and Astarte.
21. Josephus Flavius, Life, 13, 2, 29, 3-8, 1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
22. Plutarch, Cimon, 2.2-2.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
23. Plutarch, Demetrius, 2, 1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
24. Plutarch, Demosthenes, 2, 1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
25. Plutarch, How The Young Man Should Study Poetry, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
26. Plutarch, Theseus, 1.1-1.5, 2.3, 16.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
27. Achilles Tatius, The Adventures of Leucippe And Cleitophon, 1.2.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
28. Chariton, Chaereas And Callirhoe, 1.1.1 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
29. Herodian, History of The Empire After Marcus, 1.2.5, 2.15.7 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
30. Demosthenes, Orations, 60.9

Subjects of this text:

subject	book bibliographic info
"historiography,classical"	Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 200
"moralising,abstract or generalised"	Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 200
"moralising,implicit"	Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 200
"moralising,intertextual"	Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 200
"moralising,macro-level"	Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 200
"moralising,micro-level"	Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 200
"morality,traditional"	Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 200
abstract nominal phrases in thucydides,agency of humans called into question / deemphasized by	Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 76
abstract nominal phrases in thucydides,and hippocratic corpus	Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 115
abstract nominal phrases in thucydides,depersonalizing	Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 76
abstract nominal phrases in thucydides,generalizing	Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 115
achilles and patroclus	Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 51
alcibiades	Boeghold (2022), When a Gesture Was Expected: A Selection of Examples from Archaic and Classical Greek Literature. 99
alexander the great	Miltsios (2023), Leadership and Leaders in Polybius. 101
allusions,literary	Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 32, 33
allusions	Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 32, 33
anacyclosis'	Miltsios (2023), Leadership and Leaders in Polybius. 101
ancient novel,names of	Graverini (2012), Literature and Identity in The Golden Ass of Apuleius. 40
ancient novel,poetics of	Graverini (2012), Literature and Identity in The Golden Ass of Apuleius. 39, 40
ancient novel,readers of	Graverini (2012), Literature and Identity in The Golden Ass of Apuleius. 39
antonius diogenes	Graverini (2012), Literature and Identity in The Golden Ass of Apuleius. 39, 40
apodosis,gesture for	Boeghold (2022), When a Gesture Was Expected: A Selection of Examples from Archaic and Classical Greek Literature. 99
archaeology,and τὸ ἀνθρώπινον	Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 79
archê	Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 187
aristophanes	Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 380
aristotle,on herodotus	Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 1, 2
aristotle,on history-writing	Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 2, 3
aristotle	Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 253; Marincola et al. (2021), Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones and Calum Maciver, Greek Notions of the Past in the Archaic and Classical Eras: History Without Historians, 365
asia	Miltsios (2023), Leadership and Leaders in Polybius. 101
athenians at melos (speech of),and divine	Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 139
athenians at melos (speech of),on necessity	Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 117
athens	Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 5
atthidographers	Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 51
audience,external	Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 5
audience,extra-textual experience of	Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 32
audience,plutarchs interaction with his	Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 32, 34
audience	Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 5
author	Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 380
bacchylides	Castagnoli and Ceccarelli (2019), Greek Memories: Theories and Practices, 8
beauty,of language	Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 340; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 340
beginning	Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 187
biography	Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 5
carthage,in the aeneid	Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 253
case histories	Petridou (2016), Homo Patiens: Approaches to the Patient in the Ancient World, 67
chaeronea	Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 34
character (plutarchs and readers concern with)	Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 34
childcare	Petridou (2016), Homo Patiens: Approaches to the Patient in the Ancient World, 67
claudius,roman emperor,expulsion of jews from rome by	Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 348, 445, 506, 717
cleon,on necessity	Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 115
cleon	Kazantzidis and Spatharas (2018), Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art, 142; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 380
complicity (between plutarch and readers)	Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 34
culture	Petridou (2016), Homo Patiens: Approaches to the Patient in the Ancient World, 67
cylon	Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 380
daemons and δαίμονες	Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 137
danger,hope as a dangerous emotion/state of mind	Kazantzidis and Spatharas (2018), Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art, 142
davis,lydia	Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 1, 2
demosthenes	Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 74
diagnosis,retrospective	Petridou (2016), Homo Patiens: Approaches to the Patient in the Ancient World, 67
diffidence (of plutarch),in the prologues	Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 32, 34
diffidence (of plutarch)	Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 32
dio chrysostom,on training for public speaking	Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 340; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 340
diodotus,and euripidean tragedy	Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 137
diodotus	Kazantzidis and Spatharas (2018), Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art, 142
dionysius of halicarnassus,on imitation	Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 340; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 340
dionysius of halicarnassus,on things replacing persons	Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 76
dionysius of halicarnassus,on thucydides	Jonge and Hunter (2019), Dionysius of Halicarnassus and Augustan Rome. Rhetoric, Criticism and Historiography, 40, 41
dionysius of halicarnassus	Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 33
dionysus	Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 34
divine,the (τὸ θεῖον,τὸ δαιμόνιον etc.),in melian dialogue	Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 137, 139
divine,the (τὸ θεῖον,τὸ δαιμόνιον etc.),vs. the human	Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 137, 139
egypt/egyptians	Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 74
epinician poetry	Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 51
epitaph	Petridou (2016), Homo Patiens: Approaches to the Patient in the Ancient World, 67
eudocia	Graverini (2012), Literature and Identity in The Golden Ass of Apuleius. 40
euripides,and naturalistic representation of divine forces	Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 137
euripides,parallels between…and thucydides	Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 137
expectation (negative and positive)	Kazantzidis and Spatharas (2018), Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art, 142
fabius pictor	Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 321
family history	Petridou (2016), Homo Patiens: Approaches to the Patient in the Ancient World, 67
freedmen	Petridou (2016), Homo Patiens: Approaches to the Patient in the Ancient World, 67
grandeur (of language)	Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 340; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 340
grief	Petridou (2016), Homo Patiens: Approaches to the Patient in the Ancient World, 67
hecataeus	Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 74
heliodorus	Graverini (2012), Literature and Identity in The Golden Ass of Apuleius. 39
hermocrates,on necessity of human behaviour	Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 115
herodotus,spatium mythicum and spatium historicum	Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 74
herodotus	Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 200; Jonge and Hunter (2019), Dionysius of Halicarnassus and Augustan Rome. Rhetoric, Criticism and Historiography, 41; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 262, 380; Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 340; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 340; Marincola et al. (2021), Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones and Calum Maciver, Greek Notions of the Past in the Archaic and Classical Eras: History Without Historians, 364
hesiod	Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 5
historiography,and homer	Marincola et al. (2021), Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones and Calum Maciver, Greek Notions of the Past in the Archaic and Classical Eras: History Without Historians, 33
historiography	Graverini (2012), Literature and Identity in The Golden Ass of Apuleius. 39
history,historian	Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 143, 187
history,philosophy of	Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 321
history,universal	Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 321
history	Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 32, 33; Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 5
homer(ic)	Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 33
homer,and historiography	Marincola et al. (2021), Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones and Calum Maciver, Greek Notions of the Past in the Archaic and Classical Eras: History Without Historians, 33
homer	Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 380; Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 5; Marincola et al. (2021), Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones and Calum Maciver, Greek Notions of the Past in the Archaic and Classical Eras: History Without Historians, 33
horace	Jonge and Hunter (2019), Dionysius of Halicarnassus and Augustan Rome. Rhetoric, Criticism and Historiography, 40
iamblichus	Graverini (2012), Literature and Identity in The Golden Ass of Apuleius. 40
individuality	Petridou (2016), Homo Patiens: Approaches to the Patient in the Ancient World, 67
infectious disease	Petridou (2016), Homo Patiens: Approaches to the Patient in the Ancient World, 67
informant	Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 380
intertextuality	Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 200
isocrates	Jonge and Hunter (2019), Dionysius of Halicarnassus and Augustan Rome. Rhetoric, Criticism and Historiography, 41
juxtaposition,as a means of moralising	Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 200
logos	Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 5
longinus,on the sublime	Jonge and Hunter (2019), Dionysius of Halicarnassus and Augustan Rome. Rhetoric, Criticism and Historiography, 41
lucius of patrae	Graverini (2012), Literature and Identity in The Golden Ass of Apuleius. 40
lucullus	Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 34
lycurgus	Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 32
macrobius	Graverini (2012), Literature and Identity in The Golden Ass of Apuleius. 39, 40
memorialisation	Marincola et al. (2021), Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones and Calum Maciver, Greek Notions of the Past in the Archaic and Classical Eras: History Without Historians, 365
methodology	Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 262
mimesis	Jonge and Hunter (2019), Dionysius of Halicarnassus and Augustan Rome. Rhetoric, Criticism and Historiography, 41
moralia	Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 32, 34
mulcere and permulcere	Graverini (2012), Literature and Identity in The Golden Ass of Apuleius. 39, 40
myth(ic)	Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 32, 33, 34
myth,and history	Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 5
myth,and logos	Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 5
myth,plutarchs use of	Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 5
myth	Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 143
mythical patterning	Marincola et al. (2021), Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones and Calum Maciver, Greek Notions of the Past in the Archaic and Classical Eras: History Without Historians, 364
mythographers	Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 5
nature	Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 187
nature (φύσις),continuous with moral order	Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 117
necessity (in thucydides),and circular pattern of events	Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 18, 76, 117
necessity (in thucydides),and circumstances / material conditions / states of affairs	Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 76, 77
necessity (in thucydides),and divine	Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 137
necessity (in thucydides),and nature (φύσις)	Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 18, 117, 137
necessity (in thucydides),impersonal element in	Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 137
necessity (in thucydides),scholarly approaches to	Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 18
necessity (in thucydides),vs. contingency	Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 18
numa	Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 32
origine	Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 143
paediatrics/medicine for children	Petridou (2016), Homo Patiens: Approaches to the Patient in the Ancient World, 67
palai	Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 187
past	Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 143, 187
peloponnesian war	Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 33
pericles	Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 380; Marincola et al. (2021), Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones and Calum Maciver, Greek Notions of the Past in the Archaic and Classical Eras: History Without Historians, 365
perseus	Miltsios (2023), Leadership and Leaders in Polybius. 101
petronius	Graverini (2012), Literature and Identity in The Golden Ass of Apuleius. 39
philinus of akragas	Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 321
philip ii	Miltsios (2023), Leadership and Leaders in Polybius. 101
philip v,against rome	Miltsios (2023), Leadership and Leaders in Polybius. 101
philistus	Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 340; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 340
physician,figure of	Petridou (2016), Homo Patiens: Approaches to the Patient in the Ancient World, 67
plague,usefulness of thucydides description of	Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 77, 78
plato	Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 5
pleasure (in historiography)	Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 5
plutarchs lives,life of theseus	Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 5
plutarchs moralia,quaestiones romanae	Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 5
poetry	Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 5
poets,attic	Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 5
poets,tragic	Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 5
politics,hope in greek and roman	Kazantzidis and Spatharas (2018), Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art, 142
polybius	Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 34; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 321
present	Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 143, 187
programmatic statements	Graverini (2012), Literature and Identity in The Golden Ass of Apuleius. 39, 40
prologue (to plutarchs book)	Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 32, 33, 34
prose and poetry	Graverini (2012), Literature and Identity in The Golden Ass of Apuleius. 40
prose style	Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 340; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 340
quotation,,with gesture or tone of voice	Boeghold (2022), When a Gesture Was Expected: A Selection of Examples from Archaic and Classical Greek Literature. 99
readers,active engagement/response	Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 5
readers,as listeners	Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 33, 34
readers,casual	Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 34
readers,critical/resistant	Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 32, 33, 34
readers,pleasure	Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 5
reading lists	Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 340; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 340
report	Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 74
rhetoric	Graverini (2012), Literature and Identity in The Golden Ass of Apuleius. 40; Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 340; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 340
ritual	Petridou (2016), Homo Patiens: Approaches to the Patient in the Ancient World, 67
romans	Miltsios (2023), Leadership and Leaders in Polybius. 101
romulus	Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 32, 34
solon	Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 5
sosius senecio	Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 32
spatium historicum	Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 74
spatium mythicum	Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 74
statues	Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 34
sublimity	Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 340; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 340
substantivized neuter phrases,based on adjectives	Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 76, 77, 115, 137, 139
substantivized neuter phrases,based on participles (= schema thucydideum)	Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 115
surgery/operation	Petridou (2016), Homo Patiens: Approaches to the Patient in the Ancient World, 67
symposium,and myth	Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 51
symposium	Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 51
theatrical(ity)	Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 34
theopompus	Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 340; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 340
theseus	Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 34
thucydides,and oral performance	Boeghold (2022), When a Gesture Was Expected: A Selection of Examples from Archaic and Classical Greek Literature. 99
thucydides,fundamental figure in herodotean reception	Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 1, 2, 3
thucydides,in opposition to herodotus	Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 380
thucydides,motive for writing	Boeghold (2022), When a Gesture Was Expected: A Selection of Examples from Archaic and Classical Greek Literature. 99
thucydides,mytilenean debate	Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 262
thucydides	Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 32, 33, 34; Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 5; Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 200; Jonge and Hunter (2019), Dionysius of Halicarnassus and Augustan Rome. Rhetoric, Criticism and Historiography, 40, 41; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 74; Marincola et al. (2021), Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones and Calum Maciver, Greek Notions of the Past in the Archaic and Classical Eras: History Without Historians, 33, 364, 365; Miltsios (2023), Leadership and Leaders in Polybius. 101
time	Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 74
tradition	Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 380
tragedy/tragic	Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 32, 33
treatment	Petridou (2016), Homo Patiens: Approaches to the Patient in the Ancient World, 67
truth	Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 321, 380
tuberculosis	Petridou (2016), Homo Patiens: Approaches to the Patient in the Ancient World, 67
utile and dulce	Graverini (2012), Literature and Identity in The Golden Ass of Apuleius. 39, 40
varro	Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 74
well and good, gesture for	Boeghold (2022), When a Gesture Was Expected: A Selection of Examples from Archaic and Classical Greek Literature. 99
writings,chronological	Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 74
xenophon	Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 340; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 340; Marincola et al. (2021), Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones and Calum Maciver, Greek Notions of the Past in the Archaic and Classical Eras: History Without Historians, 364
xenophon of ephesus	Graverini (2012), Literature and Identity in The Golden Ass of Apuleius. 39
zētēsis	Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 262
τύχη (chance,fortune),in melian dialogue	Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 139
τὸ ἀνθρώπινον and τὸ ἀνθρώπειον (the human),and archaeology	Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 79
τὸ ἀνθρώπινον and τὸ ἀνθρώπειον (the human),and implications of neuter	Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 76, 77, 115, 137
τὸ ἀνθρώπινον and τὸ ἀνθρώπειον (the human),and necessity	Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 18, 76, 137
τὸ ἀνθρώπινον and τὸ ἀνθρώπειον (the human),in melian dialogue	Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 139
φύομαι,perfect forms of	Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 117
ἀλιτήριος	Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 5
ἀνάγκη,in euripides	Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 137