Home About Network of subjects Linked subjects heatmap Book indices included Search by subject Search by reference Browse subjects Browse texts

Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



10882
Thucydides, The History Of The Peloponnesian War, 1.139.4


καὶ παριόντες ἄλλοι τε πολλοὶ ἔλεγον ἐπ’ ἀμφότερα γιγνόμενοι ταῖς γνώμαις καὶ ὡς χρὴ πολεμεῖν καὶ ὡς μὴ ἐμπόδιον εἶναι τὸ ψήφισμα εἰρήνης, ἀλλὰ καθελεῖν, καὶ παρελθὼν Περικλῆς ὁ Ξανθίππου, ἀνὴρ κατ’ ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον πρῶτος Ἀθηναίων, λέγειν τε καὶ πράσσειν δυνατώτατος, παρῄνει τοιάδε.There were many speakers who came forward and gave their support to one side or the other, urging the necessity of war, or the revocation of the decree and the folly of allowing it to stand in the way of peace. Among them came forward Pericles, son of Xanthippus, the first man of his time at Athens, ablest alike in counsel and in action, and gave the following advice:—


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

3 results
1. Aristophanes, Acharnians, 516-523, 530-540, 515 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

515. ἡμῶν γὰρ ἄνδρες, κοὐχὶ τὴν πόλιν λέγω
2. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.10.2, 1.23.6, 1.84.3-1.84.4, 1.87-1.88, 1.87.2, 1.114.1, 1.127.1, 1.138.3, 1.139-1.145, 1.139.1-1.139.2, 1.140.1, 1.140.4, 2.34.6, 2.34.8, 2.54.3, 2.59.1-2.59.3, 2.60.5, 2.65, 2.65.1, 2.65.3-2.65.13, 2.102.6, 3.36.6, 3.60, 3.82-3.83, 3.89.5, 4.28.3, 4.108.4, 6.15.2-6.15.4, 6.55.3, 7.86.5, 8.1.4, 8.24.4, 8.86.4, 8.97.2 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

1.10.2. For I suppose if Lacedaemon were to become desolate, and the temples and the foundations of the public buildings were left, that as time went on there would be a strong disposition with posterity to refuse to accept her fame as a true exponent of her power. And yet they occupy two-fifths of Peloponnese and lead the whole, not to speak of their numerous allies without. Still, as the city is neither built in a compact form nor adorned with magnificent temples and public edifices, but composed of villages after the old fashion of Hellas, there would be an impression of inadequacy. Whereas, if Athens were to suffer the same misfortune, I suppose that any inference from the appearance presented to the eye would make her power to have been twice as great as it is. 1.23.6. The real cause I consider to be the one which was formally most kept out of sight. The growth of the power of Athens, and the alarm which this inspired in Lacedaemon, made war inevitable. Still it is well to give the grounds alleged by either side, which led to the dissolution of the treaty and the breaking out of the war. 1.84.3. We are both warlike and wise, and it is our sense of order that makes us so. We are warlike, because self-control contains honor as a chief constituent, and honor bravery. And we are wise, because we are educated with too little learning to despise the laws, and with too severe a self-control to disobey them, and are brought up not to be too knowing in useless matters,—such as the knowledge which can give a specious criticism of an enemy's plans in theory, but fails to assail them with equal success in practice,—but are taught to consider that the schemes of our enemies are not dissimilar to our own, and that the freaks of chance are not determinable by calculation. 1.84.4. In practice we always base our preparations against an enemy on the assumption that his plans are good; indeed, it is right to rest our hopes not on a belief in his blunders, but on the soundness of our provisions. Nor ought we to believe that there is much difference between man and man, but to think that the superiority lies with him who is reared in the severest school. 1.87.2. He said that he could not determine which was the loudest acclamation (their mode of decision is by acclamation not by voting); the fact being that he wished to make them declare their opinion openly and thus to increase their ardor for war. Accordingly he said, ‘All Lacedaemonians who are of opinion that the treaty has been broken, and that Athens is guilty, leave your seats and go there,’ pointing out a certain place; ‘all who are of the opposite opinion, there.’ 1.114.1. This was soon afterwards followed by the revolt of Euboea from Athens . Pericles had already crossed over with an army of Athenians to the island, when news was brought to him that Megara had revolted, that the Peloponnesians were on the point of invading Attica, and that the Athenian garrison had been cut off by the Megarians, with the exception of a few who had taken refuge in Nisaea . The Megarians had introduced the Corinthians, Sicyonians, and Epidaurians into the town before they revolted. Meanwhile Pericles brought his army back in all haste from Euboea . 1.138.3. For Themistocles was a man who exhibited the most indubitable signs of genius; indeed, in this particular he has a claim on our admiration quite extraordinary and unparalleled. By his own native capacity, alike unformed and unsupplemented by study, he was at once the best judge in those sudden crises which admit of little or of no deliberation, and the best prophet of the future, even to its most distant possibilities. An able theoretical expositor of all that came within the sphere of his practice, he was not without the power of passing an adequate judgment in matters in which he had no experience. He could also excellently divine the good and evil which lay hid in the unseen future. In fine, whether we consider the extent of his natural powers, or the slightness of his application, this extraordinary man must be allowed to have surpassed all others in the faculty of intuitively meeting an emergency. 1.139.1. To return to the Lacedaemonians. The history of their first embassy, the injunctions which it conveyed, and the rejoinder which it provoked, concerning the expulsion of the accursed persons, have been related already. It was followed by a second, which ordered Athens to raise the siege of Potidaea, and to respect the independence of Aegina . Above all, it gave her most distinctly to understand that war might be prevented by the revocation of the Megara decree, excluding the Megarians from the use of Athenian harbors and of the market of Athens . 1.139.2. But Athens was not inclined either to revoke the decree, or to entertain their other proposals; she accused the Megarians of pushing their cultivation into the consecrated ground and the unenclosed land on the border, and of harboring her runaway slaves. 1.140.1. ‘There is one principle, Athenians, which I hold to through everything, and that is the principle of no concession to the Peloponnesians. I know that the spirit which inspires men while they are being persuaded to make war, is not always retained in action; that as circumstances change, resolutions change. Yet I see that now as before the same, almost literally the same, counsel is demanded of me; and I put it to those of you, who are allowing yourselves to be persuaded, to support the national resolves even in the case of reverses, or to forfeit all credit for their wisdom in the event of success. For sometimes the course of things is as arbitrary as the plans of man; indeed this is why we usually blame chance for whatever does not happen as we expected. 1.140.4. I hope that you will none of you think that we shall be going to war for a trifle if we refuse to revoke the Megara decree, which appears in front of their complaints, and the revocation of which is to save us from war, or let any feeling of self-reproach linger in your minds, as if you went to war for slight cause. 2.34.6. After the bodies have been laid in the earth, a man chosen by the state, of approved wisdom and eminent reputation, pronounces over them an appropriate panegyric; after which all retire. 2.34.8. Meanwhile these were the first that had fallen, and Pericles, son of Xanthippus, was chosen to pronounce their eulogium. When the proper time arrived, he advanced from the sepulchre to an elevated platform in order to be heard by as many of the crowd as possible, and spoke as follows: 2.54.3. So a dispute arose as to whether dearth and not death had not been the word in the verse; but at the present juncture, it was of course decided in favor of the latter; for the people made their recollection fit in with their sufferings. I fancy, however, that if another Dorian war should ever afterwards come upon us, and a dearth should happen to accompany it, the verse will probably be read accordingly. 2.59.1. After the second invasion of the Peloponnesians a change came over the spirit of the Athenians. Their land had now been twice laid waste; and war and pestilence at once pressed heavy upon them. 2.59.2. They began to find fault with Pericles, as the author of the war and the cause of all their misfortunes, and became eager to come to terms with Lacedaemon, and actually sent ambassadors thither, who did not however succeed in their mission. Their despair was now complete and all vented itself upon Pericles. 2.59.3. When he saw them exasperated at the present turn of affairs and acting exactly as he had anticipated, he called an assembly, being (it must be remembered) still general, with the double object of restoring confidence and of leading them from these angry feelings to a calmer and more hopeful state of mind. He accordingly came forward and spoke as follows: 2.60.5. And yet if you are angry with me, it is with one who, as I believe, is second to no man either in knowledge of the proper policy, or in the ability to expound it, and who is moreover not only a patriot but an honest one. 2.65.1. Such were the arguments by which Pericles tried to cure the Athenians of their anger against him and to divert their thoughts from their immediate afflictions. 2.65.3. In fact, the public feeling against him did not subside until he had been fined. 2.65.4. Not long afterwards, however, according to the way of the multitude, they again elected him general and committed all their affairs to his hands, having now become less sensitive to their private and domestic afflictions, and understanding that he was the best man of all for the public necessities. 2.65.5. For as long as he was at the head of the state during the peace, he pursued a moderate and conservative policy; and in his time its greatness was at its height. When the war broke out, here also he seems to have rightly gauged the power of his country. 2.65.6. He outlived its commencement two years and six months, and the correctness of his previsions respecting it became better known by his death. 2.65.7. He told them to wait quietly, to pay attention to their marine, to attempt no new conquests, and to expose the city to no hazards during the war, and doing this, promised them a favorable result. What they did was the very contrary, allowing private ambitions and private interests, in matters apparently quite foreign to the war, to lead them into projects unjust both to themselves and to their allies—projects whose success would only conduce to the honor and advantage of private persons, and whose failure entailed certain disaster on the country in the war. 2.65.8. The causes of this are not far to seek. Pericles indeed, by his rank, ability, and known integrity, was enabled to exercise an independent control over the multitude—in short, to lead them instead of being led by them; for as he never sought power by improper means, he was never compelled to flatter them, but, on the contrary, enjoyed so high an estimation that he could afford to anger them by contradiction. 2.65.9. Whenever he saw them unseasonably and insolently elated, he would with a word reduce them to alarm; on the other hand, if they fell victims to a panic, he could at once restore them to confidence. In short, what was nominally a democracy became in his hands government by the first citizen. 2.65.10. With his successors it was different. More on a level with one another, and each grasping at supremacy, they ended by committing even the conduct of state affairs to the whims of the multitude. 2.65.11. This, as might have been expected in a great and sovereign state, produced a host of blunders, and amongst them the Sicilian expedition; though this failed not so much through a miscalculation of the power of those against whom it was sent, as through a fault in the senders in not taking the best measures afterwards to assist those who had gone out, but choosing rather to occupy themselves with private cabals for the leadership of the commons, by which they not only paralyzed operations in the field, but also first introduced civil discord at home. 2.65.12. Yet after losing most of their fleet besides other forces in Sicily, and with faction already domit in the city, they could still for three years make head against their original adversaries, joined not only by the Sicilians, but also by their own allies nearly all in revolt, and at last by the king's son, Cyrus, who furnished the funds for the Peloponnesian navy. Nor did they finally succumb till they fell the victims of their own intestine disorders. 2.65.13. So superfluously abundant were the resources from which the genius of Pericles foresaw an easy triumph in the war over the unaided forces of the Peloponnesians. 2.102.6. Perplexed at this, the story goes on to say, he at last observed this deposit of the Achelous, and considered that a place sufficient to support life upon, might have been thrown up during the long interval that had elapsed since the death of his mother and the beginning of his wanderings. Settling, therefore, in the district round Oeniadae, he founded a dominion, and left the country its name from his son Acar. Such is the story we have received concerning Alcmaeon. 3.36.6. An assembly was therefore at once called, and after much expression of opinion upon both sides, Cleon, son of Cleaenetus, the same who had carried the former motion of putting the Mitylenians to death, the most violent man at Athens, and at that time by far the most powerful with the commons, came forward again and spoke as follows:— 3.89.5. The cause, in my opinion, of this phenomenon must be sought in the earthquake. At the point where its shock has been the most violent the sea is driven back, and suddenly recoiling with redoubled force, causes the inundation. Without an earthquake I do not see how such an accident could happen. 4.108.4. Indeed there seemed to be no danger in so doing; their mistake in their estimate of the Athenian power was as great as that power afterwards turned out to be, and their judgment was based more upon blind wishing than upon any sound prevision; for it is a habit of mankind to entrust to careless hope what they long for, and to use sovereign reason to thrust aside what they do not fancy. 6.15.2. By far the warmest advocate of the expedition was, however, Alcibiades, son of Clinias, who wished to thwart Nicias both as his political opponent and also because of the attack he had made upon him in his speech, and who was, besides, exceedingly ambitious of a command by which he hoped to reduce Sicily and Carthage, and personally to gain in wealth and reputation by means of his successes. 6.15.3. For the position he held among the citizens led him to indulge his tastes beyond what his real means would bear, both in keeping horses and in the rest of his expenditure; and this later on had not a little to do with the ruin of the Athenian state. 6.15.4. Alarmed at the greatness of his license in his own life and habits, and of the ambition which he showed in all things soever that he undertook, the mass of the people set him down as a pretender to the tyranny, and became his enemies; and although publicly his conduct of the war was as good as could be desired individually, his habits gave offence to every one, and caused them to commit affairs to other hands, and thus before long to ruin the city. 7.86.5. This or the like was the cause of the death of a man who, of all the Hellenes in my time, least deserved such a fate, seeing that the whole course of his life had been regulated with strict attention to virtue. 8.1.4. In short, as is the way of a democracy, in the panic of the moment they were ready to be as prudent as possible. These resolves were at once carried into effect. 8.24.4. Indeed, after the Lacedaemonians, the Chians are the only people that I have known who knew how to be wise in prosperity, and who ordered their city the more securely the greater it grew. 8.86.4. Besides these they made a number of other statements which had no better success with their angry auditors; and amid a host of different opinions the one which found most favour was that of sailing to Piraeus . Now it was that Alcibiades for the first time did the state a service, and one of the most signal kind. For when the Athenians at Samos were bent upon sailing against their countrymen, in which case Ionia and the Hellespont would most certainly at once have passed into possession of the enemy, Alcibiades it was who prevented them. 8.97.2. or if he did should be held accursed. Many other assemblies were held afterwards, in which law-makers were elected and all other measures taken to form a constitution. It was during the first period of this constitution that the Athenians appear to have enjoyed the best government that they ever did, at least in my time. For the fusion of the high and the low was effected with judgment, and this was what first enabled the state to raise up her head after her manifold disasters.
3. Plutarch, Pericles, 29.7, 37.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

37.5. It was, accordingly, a grave matter, that the law which had been rigorously enforced against so many should now be suspended by the very man who had introduced it, and yet the calamities which Pericles was then suffering in his family life, regarded as a kind of penalty which he had paid for his arrogance and haughtiness of old, broke down the objections of the Athenians. They thought that what he suffered was by way of retribution, and that what he asked became a man to ask and men to grant, and so they suffered him to enroll his illegitimate son in the phratry-lists and to give him his own name. This was the son who afterwards conquered the Peloponnesians in a naval battle at the Arginusae islands, 406 B.C. and was put to death by the people along with his fellow-generals.


Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
(blurred) Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 58
alcibiades Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 243, 449
alcidas Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 256
alcmeonids Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 533
ambiguity Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 58
archidamus Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 311
aristophanes Michalopoulos et al., The Rhetoric of Unity and Division in Ancient Literature (2021) 195
athenians, and pericles Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 58
athenians Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 58
athens and athenians, vs. spartans Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 311
causation in thucydides, and idea of contest Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 311
choice (primarily in thucydides), and freedom Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 311
choice (primarily in thucydides), and rationality Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 311
cleon Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 163
conflict Michalopoulos et al., The Rhetoric of Unity and Division in Ancient Literature (2021) 195
corinthian gulf Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 449
empire Michalopoulos et al., The Rhetoric of Unity and Division in Ancient Literature (2021) 195
herodotus Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 174
individuals, withstanding necessity Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 311
irrational impulses, and choice Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 311
irrational impulses, and human nature Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 311
irrational impulses, athenians beset by Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 300
minds, internal Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 58
minds, internal and external, intertwined Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 58
minds Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 58
mytilene, secession of Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 311
narrator Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 58
necessity (in thucydides), flexible Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 311
necessity (in thucydides), vs. causal determinism Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 311
nicias Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 202, 449
peloponnesian war Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 58
pericles, and the hostile public mind Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 58
pericles, exceptionality of Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 311
pericles Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 58; Michalopoulos et al., The Rhetoric of Unity and Division in Ancient Literature (2021) 195
perspectives, of plutarch Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 58
perspectives, of the subjects Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 58
perspectives, presentation of different Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 58
phormio Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 449
piraeus Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 533
plague' Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 243
plague, as μεταβολή Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 311
plague Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 199
quest for power, self-destructive Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 311
sicilian expedition Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 449
sicilian greeks Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 202
sicily Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 243
spartans Michalopoulos et al., The Rhetoric of Unity and Division in Ancient Literature (2021) 195
thracian allies of athens Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 311
thucydides, son of melesias, archaeology Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 243
thucydides, son of melesias, autopsy Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 243
thucydides, son of melesias, causes, causality Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 243
thucydides, son of melesias, digressions Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 243
thucydides, son of melesias, language Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 533
thucydides, son of melesias, manuscript traditionnan Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 533
thucydides Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 58; Michalopoulos et al., The Rhetoric of Unity and Division in Ancient Literature (2021) 195
war Michalopoulos et al., The Rhetoric of Unity and Division in Ancient Literature (2021) 195
xanthippus, father of pericles Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 257
γνώμη (and γιγνώσκω), equivocalness of Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 300
μεταβολή (reversal) Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 311