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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



10882
Thucydides, The History Of The Peloponnesian War, 1.138.3


ἦν γὰρ ὁ Θεμιστοκλῆς βεβαιότατα δὴ φύσεως ἰσχὺν δηλώσας καὶ διαφερόντως τι ἐς αὐτὸ μᾶλλον ἑτέρου ἄξιος θαυμάσαι: οἰκείᾳ γὰρ ξυνέσει καὶ οὔτε προμαθὼν ἐς αὐτὴν οὐδὲν οὔτ’ ἐπιμαθών, τῶν τε παραχρῆμα δι’ ἐλαχίστης βουλῆς κράτιστος γνώμων καὶ τῶν μελλόντων ἐπὶ πλεῖστον τοῦ γενησομένου ἄριστος εἰκαστής: καὶ ἃ μὲν μετὰ χεῖρας ἔχοι, καὶ ἐξηγήσασθαι οἷός τε, ὧν δ’ ἄπειρος εἴη, κρῖναι ἱκανῶς οὐκ ἀπήλλακτο: τό τε ἄμεινον ἢ χεῖρον ἐν τῷ ἀφανεῖ ἔτι προεώρα μάλιστα. καὶ τὸ ξύμπαν εἰπεῖν φύσεως μὲν δυνάμει, μελέτης δὲ βραχύτητι κράτιστος δὴ οὗτος αὐτοσχεδιάζειν τὰ δέοντα ἐγένετο.For Themistocles was a man who exhibited the most indubitable signs of genius; indeed, in this particular he has a claim on our admiration quite extraordinary and unparalleled. By his own native capacity, alike unformed and unsupplemented by study, he was at once the best judge in those sudden crises which admit of little or of no deliberation, and the best prophet of the future, even to its most distant possibilities. An able theoretical expositor of all that came within the sphere of his practice, he was not without the power of passing an adequate judgment in matters in which he had no experience. He could also excellently divine the good and evil which lay hid in the unseen future. In fine, whether we consider the extent of his natural powers, or the slightness of his application, this extraordinary man must be allowed to have surpassed all others in the faculty of intuitively meeting an emergency.


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

7 results
1. Homer, Iliad, 10.380 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)

10.380. /thereof would my father grant you ransom past counting, should he hear that I am alive at the ships of the Achaeans. Then in answer to him spake Odysseus of many wiles:Be of good cheer, and let not death be in thy thoughts. But come, tell me this, and declare it truly.
2. Euripides, Andromache, 1135 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

1135. δεινὰς δ' ἂν εἶδες πυρρίχας φρουρουμένου
3. Herodotus, Histories, 7.140-7.142, 8.57-8.64 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

7.140. The Athenians had sent messages to Delphi asking that an oracle be given them, and when they had performed all due rites at the temple and sat down in the inner hall, the priestess, whose name was Aristonice, gave them this answer: , quote type="oracle" l met="dact"Wretches, why do you linger here? Rather flee from your houses and city, /l lFlee to the ends of the earth from the circle embattled of Athens! /l lThe head will not remain in its place, nor in the body, /l lNor the feet beneath, nor the hands, nor the parts between; /l lBut all is ruined, for fire and the headlong god of war speeding in a Syrian chariot will bring you low. /l /quote , quote type="oracle" l met="dact"Many a fortress too, not yours alone, will he shatter; /l lMany a shrine of the gods will he give to the flame for devouring; /l lSweating for fear they stand, and quaking for dread of the enemy, /l lRunning with gore are their roofs, foreseeing the stress of their sorrow; /l lTherefore I bid you depart from the sanctuary. /l lHave courage to lighten your evil. /l /quote 7.141. When the Athenian messengers heard that, they were very greatly dismayed, and gave themselves up for lost by reason of the evil foretold. Then Timon son of Androbulus, as notable a man as any Delphian, advised them to take boughs of supplication and in the guise of suppliants, approach the oracle a second time. ,The Athenians did exactly this; “Lord,” they said, “regard mercifully these suppliant boughs which we bring to you, and give us some better answer concerning our country. Otherwise we will not depart from your temple, but remain here until we die.” Thereupon the priestess gave them this second oracle: , quote type="oracle" l met="dact"Vainly does Pallas strive to appease great Zeus of Olympus; /l lWords of entreaty are vain, and so too cunning counsels of wisdom. /l lNevertheless I will speak to you again of strength adamantine. /l lAll will be taken and lost that the sacred border of Cecrops /l lHolds in keeping today, and the dales divine of Cithaeron; /l lYet a wood-built wall will by Zeus all-seeing be granted /l lTo the Trito-born, a stronghold for you and your children. /l /quote , quote type="oracle" l met="dact"Await not the host of horse and foot coming from Asia, /l lNor be still, but turn your back and withdraw from the foe. /l lTruly a day will come when you will meet him face to face. /l lDivine Salamis, you will bring death to women's sons /l lWhen the corn is scattered, or the harvest gathered in. /l /quote 7.142. This answer seemed to be and really was more merciful than the first, and the envoys, writing it down, departed for Athens. When the messengers had left Delphi and laid the oracle before the people, there was much inquiry concerning its meaning, and among the many opinions which were uttered, two contrary ones were especially worthy of note. Some of the elder men said that the gods answer signified that the acropolis should be saved, for in old time the acropolis of Athens had been fenced by a thorn hedge, ,which, by their interpretation, was the wooden wall. But others supposed that the god was referring to their ships, and they were for doing nothing but equipping these. Those who believed their ships to be the wooden wall were disabled by the two last verses of the oracle: quote type="oracle" l met="dact"Divine Salamis, you will bring death to women's sons /l lWhen the corn is scattered, or the harvest gathered in. /l /quote ,These verses confounded the opinion of those who said that their ships were the wooden wall, for the readers of oracles took the verses to mean that they should offer battle by sea near Salamis and be there overthrown. 8.57. When Themistocles returned to his ship, Mnesiphilus, an Athenian, asked him what had been decided. Learning from him that they had resolved to sail to the Isthmus and fight for the Peloponnese, he said, ,“If they depart from Salamis, you will no longer be fighting for one country. Each will make his way to his own city, and neither Eurybiades nor any other man will be able to keep them from disbanding the army. Hellas will be destroyed by bad planning. If there is any way at all that you could persuade Eurybiades to change his decision and remain here, go try to undo this resolution.” 8.58. This advice greatly pleased Themistocles. He made no answer and went to the ship of Eurybiades. When he arrived there, he said he wanted to talk with him on a matter of common interest, so Eurybiades bade him come aboard and say what he wanted. ,Themistocles sat next to him and told him all that he had heard from Mnesiphilus, pretending it was his own idea and adding many other things. Finally by his entreaty he persuaded him to disembark and gather the generals for a council of war. 8.59. When they were assembled and before Eurybiades had a chance to put forward the reason he had called the generals together, Themistocles spoke at length in accordance with the urgency of his request. While he was speaking, the Corinthian general Adeimantus son of Ocytus said, “Themistocles, at the games those who start before the signal are beaten with rods.” Themistocles said in justification, “Those left behind win no crown.” 8.60. He answered the Corinthian mildly and said to Eurybiades nothing of what he had said before, how if they put out from Salamis they would flee different ways, for it would be unbecoming for him to accuse the allies in their presence. Instead he relied on a different argument and said, ,“It is in your hands to save Hellas, if you will obey me and remain here to fight, and not obey the words of these others and move your ships back to the Isthmus. Compare each plan after you have heard. If you join battle at the Isthmus, you will fight in the open sea where it is least to our advantage, since our ships are heavier and fewer in number. You will also lose Salamis and Megara and Aegina, even if we succeed in all else. Their land army will accompany their fleet, and so you will lead them to the Peloponnese and risk all Hellas. ,But if you do what I say, you will find it useful in these ways: first, by engaging many ships with our few in the strait, we shall win a great victory, if the war turns out reasonably, for it is to our advantage to fight in a strait and to their advantage to fight in a wide area. Second, Salamis will survive, where we have carried our children and women to safety. It also has in it something you are very fond of: by remaining here you will be fighting for the Peloponnese just as much as at the Isthmus, and you will not lead them to the Peloponnese, if you exercise good judgment. ,If what I expect happens and we win the victory with our ships, you will not have the barbarians upon you at the Isthmus. They will advance no further than Attica and depart in no order, and we shall gain an advantage by the survival of Megara, Aegina, and Salamis, where it is prophesied that we will prevail against our enemies. Men usually succeed when they have reasonable plans. If their plans are unreasonable, the god does not wish to assent to human intentions.” 8.61. As Themistocles said this, Adeimantus the Corinthian attacked him again, advising that a man without a city should keep quiet and that Eurybiades should not ask the vote of a man without a city. He advised Themistocles to contribute his opinion when he provided a city—attacking him in this way because Athens was captured and occupied. ,This time Themistocles said many things against him and the Corinthians, declaring that so long as they had two hundred manned ships, the Athenians had both a city and a land greater than theirs, and that none of the Hellenes could repel them if they attacked. 8.62. Next he turned his argument to Eurybiades, saying more vehemently than before, “If you remain here, you will be an noble man. If not, you will ruin Hellas. All our strength for war is in our ships, so listen to me. ,If you do not do this, we will immediately gather up our households and travel to Siris in Italy, which has been ours since ancient times, and the prophecies say we must found a colony there. You will remember these words when you are without such allies.” 8.63. When Themistocles said this, Eurybiades changed his mind. I think he did so chiefly out of fear that the Athenians might desert them if they set sail for the Isthmus. If the Athenians left, the rest would be no match for the enemy, so he made the choice to remain there and fight. 8.64. After this skirmish of words, since Eurybiades had so resolved, the men at Salamis prepared to fight where they were. At sunrise on the next day there was an earthquake on land and sea, ,and they resolved to pray to the gods and summon the sons of Aeacus as allies. When they had so resolved, they did as follows: they prayed to all the gods, called Ajax and Telamon to come straight from Salamis, and sent a ship to Aegina for Aeacus and his sons.
4. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.1.3, 1.3.3, 1.5.2, 1.6.2, 1.6.6, 1.8.1, 1.9.2, 1.9.4, 1.10.2-1.10.3, 1.20.3, 1.22, 1.22.4, 1.70-1.71, 1.70.4, 1.84.2-1.84.4, 1.89.2, 1.90-1.93, 1.114.1, 1.118.2, 1.127.1, 1.135, 1.139.4, 1.140.1, 2.34.6, 2.34.8, 2.48.3, 2.52.1, 2.60.5, 2.65, 2.65.5-2.65.13, 3.34, 3.49.4, 3.82.2, 5.43.2-5.43.3, 6.12.1, 6.15, 6.15.2, 6.33.6, 6.54.5, 7.2.1, 7.2.4, 8.96.5 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

1.1.3. For though the events of remote antiquity, and even those that more immediately precede the war, could not from lapse of time be clearly ascertained, yet the evidences which an inquiry carried as far back as was practicable leads me to trust, all point to the conclusion that there was nothing on a great scale, either in war or in other matters. 1.3.3. The best proof of this is furnished by Homer. Born long after the Trojan war, he nowhere calls all of them by that name, nor indeed any of them except the followers of Achilles from Phthiotis, who were the original Hellenes: in his poems they are called Danaans, Argives, and Achaeans. He does not even use the term barbarian, probably because the Hellenes had not yet been marked off from the rest of the world by one distinctive appellation. 1.5.2. An illustration of this is furnished by the honor with which some of the inhabitants of the continent still regard a successful marauder, and by the question we find the old poets everywhere representing the people as asking of voyagers—‘Are they pirates?’—as if those who are asked the question would have no idea of disclaiming the imputation, or their interrogators of reproaching them for it. 1.6.6. And there are many other points in which a likeness might be shown between the life of the Hellenic world of old and the barbarian of to-day. 1.8.1. The islanders, too, were great pirates. These islanders were Carians and Phoenicians, by whom most of the islands were colonized, as was proved by the following fact. During the purification of Delos by Athens in this war all the graves in the island were taken up, and it was found that above half their inmates were Carians: they were identified by the fashion of the arms buried with them, and by the method of interment, which was the same as the Carians still follow. 1.9.2. Indeed, the account given by those Peloponnesians who have been the recipients of the most credible tradition is this. First of all Pelops, arriving among a needy population from Asia with vast wealth, acquired such power that, stranger though he was, the country was called after him; and this power fortune saw fit materially to increase in the hands of his descendants. Eurystheus had been killed in Attica by the Heraclids. Atreus was his mother's brother; and to the hands of his relation, who had left his father on account of the death of Chrysippus, Eurystheus, when he set out on his expedition, had committed Mycenae and the government. As time went on and Eurystheus did not return, Atreus complied with the wishes of the Mycenaeans, who were influenced by fear of the Heraclids,—besides, his power seemed considerable, and he had not neglected to court the favour of the populace,—and assumed the sceptre of Mycenae and the rest of the dominions of Eurystheus. And so the power of the descendants of Pelops came to be greater than that of the descendants of Perseus. 1.10.2. For I suppose if Lacedaemon were to become desolate, and the temples and the foundations of the public buildings were left, that as time went on there would be a strong disposition with posterity to refuse to accept her fame as a true exponent of her power. And yet they occupy two-fifths of Peloponnese and lead the whole, not to speak of their numerous allies without. Still, as the city is neither built in a compact form nor adorned with magnificent temples and public edifices, but composed of villages after the old fashion of Hellas, there would be an impression of inadequacy. Whereas, if Athens were to suffer the same misfortune, I suppose that any inference from the appearance presented to the eye would make her power to have been twice as great as it is. 1.10.3. We have therefore no right to be skeptical, nor to content ourselves with an inspection of a town to the exclusion of a consideration of its power; but we may safely conclude that the armament in question surpassed all before it, as it fell short of modern efforts; if we can here also accept the testimony of Homer's poems, in which, without allowing for the exaggeration which a poet would feel himself licensed to employ, we can see that it was far from equalling ours. 1.20.3. There are many other unfounded ideas current among the rest of the Hellenes, even on matters of contemporary history which have not been obscured by time. For instance, there is the notion that the Lacedaemonian kings have two votes each, the fact being that they have only one; and that there is a company of Pitane, there being simply no such thing. So little pains do the vulgar take in the investigation of truth, accepting readily the first story that comes to hand. 1.22.4. The absence of romance in my history will, I fear, detract somewhat from its interest; but if it be judged useful by those inquirers who desire an exact knowledge of the past as an aid to the interpretation of the future, which in the course of human things must resemble if it does not reflect it, I shall be content. In fine, I have written my work, not as an essay which is to win the applause of the moment, but as a possession for all time. 1.70.4. Further, there is promptitude on their side against procrastination on yours; they are never at home, you are never from it: for they hope by their absence to extend their acquisitions, you fear by your advance to endanger what you have left behind. 1.84.2. The quality which they condemn is really nothing but a wise moderation; thanks to its possession, we alone do not become insolent in success and give way less than others in misfortune; we are not carried away by the pleasure of hearing ourselves cheered on to risks which our judgment condemns; nor, if annoyed, are we any the more convinced by attempts to exasperate us by accusation. 1.84.3. We are both warlike and wise, and it is our sense of order that makes us so. We are warlike, because self-control contains honor as a chief constituent, and honor bravery. And we are wise, because we are educated with too little learning to despise the laws, and with too severe a self-control to disobey them, and are brought up not to be too knowing in useless matters,—such as the knowledge which can give a specious criticism of an enemy's plans in theory, but fails to assail them with equal success in practice,—but are taught to consider that the schemes of our enemies are not dissimilar to our own, and that the freaks of chance are not determinable by calculation. 1.84.4. In practice we always base our preparations against an enemy on the assumption that his plans are good; indeed, it is right to rest our hopes not on a belief in his blunders, but on the soundness of our provisions. Nor ought we to believe that there is much difference between man and man, but to think that the superiority lies with him who is reared in the severest school. 1.89.2. After the Medes had returned from Europe, defeated by sea and land by the Hellenes, and after those of them who had fled with their ships to Mycale had been destroyed, Leotychides, King of the Lacedaemonians, the commander of the Hellenes at Mycale, departed home with the allies from Peloponnese . But the Athenians and the allies from Ionia and Hellespont, who had now revolted from the king, remained and laid siege to Sestos, which was still held by the Medes. After wintering before it, they became masters of the place on its evacuation by the barbarians; and after this they sailed away from Hellespont to their respective cities. 1.114.1. This was soon afterwards followed by the revolt of Euboea from Athens . Pericles had already crossed over with an army of Athenians to the island, when news was brought to him that Megara had revolted, that the Peloponnesians were on the point of invading Attica, and that the Athenian garrison had been cut off by the Megarians, with the exception of a few who had taken refuge in Nisaea . The Megarians had introduced the Corinthians, Sicyonians, and Epidaurians into the town before they revolted. Meanwhile Pericles brought his army back in all haste from Euboea . 1.118.2. All these actions of the Hellenes against each other and the barbarian occurred in the fifty years' interval between the retreat of Xerxes and the beginning of the present war. During this interval the Athenians succeeded in placing their empire on a firmer basis, and advanced their own home power to a very great height. The Lacedaemonians, though fully aware of it, opposed it only for a little while, but remained inactive during most of the period, being of old slow to go to war except under the pressure of necessity, and in the present instance being hampered by wars at home; until the growth of the Athenian power could be no longer ignored, and their own confederacy became the object of its encroachments. They then felt that they could endure it no longer, but that the time had come for them to throw themselves heart and soul upon the hostile power, and break it, if they could, by commencing the present war. 1.139.4. There were many speakers who came forward and gave their support to one side or the other, urging the necessity of war, or the revocation of the decree and the folly of allowing it to stand in the way of peace. Among them came forward Pericles, son of Xanthippus, the first man of his time at Athens, ablest alike in counsel and in action, and gave the following advice:— 1.140.1. ‘There is one principle, Athenians, which I hold to through everything, and that is the principle of no concession to the Peloponnesians. I know that the spirit which inspires men while they are being persuaded to make war, is not always retained in action; that as circumstances change, resolutions change. Yet I see that now as before the same, almost literally the same, counsel is demanded of me; and I put it to those of you, who are allowing yourselves to be persuaded, to support the national resolves even in the case of reverses, or to forfeit all credit for their wisdom in the event of success. For sometimes the course of things is as arbitrary as the plans of man; indeed this is why we usually blame chance for whatever does not happen as we expected. 2.34.6. After the bodies have been laid in the earth, a man chosen by the state, of approved wisdom and eminent reputation, pronounces over them an appropriate panegyric; after which all retire. 2.34.8. Meanwhile these were the first that had fallen, and Pericles, son of Xanthippus, was chosen to pronounce their eulogium. When the proper time arrived, he advanced from the sepulchre to an elevated platform in order to be heard by as many of the crowd as possible, and spoke as follows: 2.48.3. All speculation as to its origin and its causes, if causes can be found adequate to produce so great a disturbance, I leave to other writers, whether lay or professional; for myself, I shall simply set down its nature, and explain the symptoms by which perhaps it may be recognized by the student, if it should ever break out again. This I can the better do, as I had the disease myself, and watched its operation in the case of others. 2.52.1. An aggravation of the existing calamity was the influx from the country into the city, and this was especially felt by the new arrivals. 2.60.5. And yet if you are angry with me, it is with one who, as I believe, is second to no man either in knowledge of the proper policy, or in the ability to expound it, and who is moreover not only a patriot but an honest one. 2.65.5. For as long as he was at the head of the state during the peace, he pursued a moderate and conservative policy; and in his time its greatness was at its height. When the war broke out, here also he seems to have rightly gauged the power of his country. 2.65.6. He outlived its commencement two years and six months, and the correctness of his previsions respecting it became better known by his death. 2.65.7. He told them to wait quietly, to pay attention to their marine, to attempt no new conquests, and to expose the city to no hazards during the war, and doing this, promised them a favorable result. What they did was the very contrary, allowing private ambitions and private interests, in matters apparently quite foreign to the war, to lead them into projects unjust both to themselves and to their allies—projects whose success would only conduce to the honor and advantage of private persons, and whose failure entailed certain disaster on the country in the war. 2.65.8. The causes of this are not far to seek. Pericles indeed, by his rank, ability, and known integrity, was enabled to exercise an independent control over the multitude—in short, to lead them instead of being led by them; for as he never sought power by improper means, he was never compelled to flatter them, but, on the contrary, enjoyed so high an estimation that he could afford to anger them by contradiction. 2.65.9. Whenever he saw them unseasonably and insolently elated, he would with a word reduce them to alarm; on the other hand, if they fell victims to a panic, he could at once restore them to confidence. In short, what was nominally a democracy became in his hands government by the first citizen. 2.65.10. With his successors it was different. More on a level with one another, and each grasping at supremacy, they ended by committing even the conduct of state affairs to the whims of the multitude. 2.65.11. This, as might have been expected in a great and sovereign state, produced a host of blunders, and amongst them the Sicilian expedition; though this failed not so much through a miscalculation of the power of those against whom it was sent, as through a fault in the senders in not taking the best measures afterwards to assist those who had gone out, but choosing rather to occupy themselves with private cabals for the leadership of the commons, by which they not only paralyzed operations in the field, but also first introduced civil discord at home. 2.65.12. Yet after losing most of their fleet besides other forces in Sicily, and with faction already domit in the city, they could still for three years make head against their original adversaries, joined not only by the Sicilians, but also by their own allies nearly all in revolt, and at last by the king's son, Cyrus, who furnished the funds for the Peloponnesian navy. Nor did they finally succumb till they fell the victims of their own intestine disorders. 2.65.13. So superfluously abundant were the resources from which the genius of Pericles foresaw an easy triumph in the war over the unaided forces of the Peloponnesians. 3.49.4. Luckily they met with no contrary wind, and the first ship making no haste upon so horrid an errand, while the second pressed on in the manner described, the first arrived so little before them, that Paches had only just had time to read the decree, and to prepare to execute the sentence, when the second put into port and prevented the massacre. The danger of Mitylene had indeed been great. 3.82.2. The sufferings which revolution entailed upon the cities were many and terrible, such as have occurred and always will occur, as long as the nature of mankind remains the same; though in a severer or milder form, and varying in their symptoms, according to the variety of the particular cases. In peace and prosperity states and individuals have better sentiments, because they do not find themselves suddenly confronted with imperious necessities; but war takes away the easy supply of daily wants, and so proves a rough master, that brings most men's characters to a level with their fortunes. 5.43.2. Foremost amongst these was Alcibiades, son of Clinias, a man yet young in years for any other Hellenic city, but distinguished by the splendor of his ancestry. Alcibiades thought the Argive alliance really preferable, not that personal pique had not also a great deal to do with his opposition; he being offended with the Lacedaemonians for having negotiated the treaty through Nicias and Laches, and having overlooked him on account of his youth, and also for not having shown him the respect due to the ancient connection of his family with them as their Proxeni, which, renounced by his grandfather, he had lately himself thought to renew by his attentions to their prisoners taken in the island. 6.12.1. We should also remember that we are but now enjoying some respite from a great pestilence and from war, to the no small benefit of our estates and persons, and that it is right to employ these at home on our own behalf, instead of using them on behalf of these exiles whose interest it is to lie as fairly as they can, who do nothing but talk themselves and leave the danger to others, and who if they succeed will show no proper gratitude, and if they fail will drag down their friends with them. 6.15.2. By far the warmest advocate of the expedition was, however, Alcibiades, son of Clinias, who wished to thwart Nicias both as his political opponent and also because of the attack he had made upon him in his speech, and who was, besides, exceedingly ambitious of a command by which he hoped to reduce Sicily and Carthage, and personally to gain in wealth and reputation by means of his successes. 6.33.6. Thus these very Athenians rose by the defeat of the Mede, in a great measure due to accidental causes, from the mere fact that Athens had been the object of his attack; and this may very well be the case with us also. 6.54.5. Indeed, generally their government was not grievous to the multitude, or in any way odious in practice; and these tyrants cultivated wisdom and virtue as much as any, and without exacting from the Athenians more than a twentieth of their income, splendidly adorned their city, and carried on their wars, and provided sacrifices for the temples. 7.2.1. Meanwhile the Corinthian fleet from Leucas made all haste to arrive; and one of their commanders, Gongylus, starting last with a single ship, was the first to reach Syracuse, a little before Gylippus. Gongylus found the Syracusans on the point of holding an assembly to consider whether they should not put an end to the war. This he prevented, and reassured them by telling them that more vessels were still to arrive, and that Gylippus, son of Cleandridas, had been despatched by the Lacedaemonians to take the command. 7.2.4. His arrival chanced at a critical moment. The Athenians had already finished a double wall of six or seven furlongs to the great harbor, with the exception of a small portion next to the sea, which they were still engaged upon; and in the remainder of the circle towards Trogilus on the other sea, stones had been laid ready for building for the greater part of the distance, and some points had been left half finished, while others were entirely completed. The danger of Syracuse had indeed been great. 8.96.5. But here, as on so many other occasions the Lacedaemonians proved the most convenient people in the world for the Athenians to be at war with. The wide difference between the two characters, the slowness and want of energy of the Lacedaemonians as contrasted with the dash and enterprise of their opponents, proved of the greatest service, especially to a maritime empire like Athens . Indeed this was shown by the Syracusans, who were most like the Athenians in character, and also most successful in combating them.
5. Cicero, Brutus, 46 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

46. itaque ait Aristoteles, cum sublatis in Sicilia Sicilia G : Siciliam L tyrannis res privatae longo intervallo iudiciis repeterentur, tum primum, quod esset acuta illa gens et controversia †natura et controversia natura L : et controversa in ea iura Madvig : et controversia nata Peter : et controversiis nata Jacobs : et c. matura Martha , artem et praecepta Siculos Coracem et Tisiam conscripsisse—nam antea neminem solitum via nec arte, sed accurate tamen et descripte descripte Schmitz : de scripto L plerosque dicere—; scriptas- que fuisse et paratas a Protagora rerum inlustrium disputa- tiones, qui qui Eberhard : quae L nunc communes appellantur loci;
6. Cicero, Brutus, 46 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

46. itaque ait Aristoteles, cum sublatis in Sicilia Sicilia G : Siciliam L tyrannis res privatae longo intervallo iudiciis repeterentur, tum primum, quod esset acuta illa gens et controversia †natura et controversia natura L : et controversa in ea iura Madvig : et controversia nata Peter : et controversiis nata Jacobs : et c. matura Martha , artem et praecepta Siculos Coracem et Tisiam conscripsisse—nam antea neminem solitum via nec arte, sed accurate tamen et descripte descripte Schmitz : de scripto L plerosque dicere—; scriptas- que fuisse et paratas a Protagora rerum inlustrium disputa- tiones, qui qui Eberhard : quae L nunc communes appellantur loci;
7. Lucretius Carus, On The Nature of Things, 6.1259-6.1261 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)



Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
abstract nominal phrases in thucydides, processes suggested by Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 97
admetos Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 531
aegean Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 275, 531
alcibiades, and athenian decision in favour of sicilian expedition Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 97
alcibiades Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 275, 748
alcidas Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 275
alcmeonids Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 533
antenor Amendola, The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary (2022) 396
antipater Amendola, The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary (2022) 396
archaeology, αὐξάνω in Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 97
archidamus Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 311
aristogeiton (tyrant-slayer) Amendola, The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary (2022) 396
aristotle Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 747
arta(-o-)xerxes Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 531
athenian character Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 275
athens, and identity Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 48, 49
athens and athenians, exposed to forces beyond their control Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 97
athens and athenians, vs. spartans Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 311
attica Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 275
atticus Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 733
black hunter, the Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 98
causation in thucydides, and idea of contest Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 311
choice (primarily in thucydides), and freedom Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 311
choice (primarily in thucydides), and rationality Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 311
chrêsmologos Johnston and Struck, Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination (2005) 212
cicero, brut. Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 731
cicero Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 731, 747
cleon Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 733
codrus Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 98
conon Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 48, 49
corcyra Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 531
demosthenes, on themistocles Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 48
demosthenes, works, against leptines Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 48, 49
demosthenes Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 48, 49, 98
dillery, john Johnston and Struck, Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination (2005) 212
divination, and authority Johnston and Struck, Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination (2005) 212
divination, and war Johnston and Struck, Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination (2005) 212
duris of samos Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 747
elgin throne Amendola, The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary (2022) 396
ephesos Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 531
harmodius Amendola, The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary (2022) 396
herodotus Johnston and Struck, Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination (2005) 212; Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 174, 747, 748
hipparchus Amendola, The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary (2022) 396
hippocrates/hipporatic corpus, texts, writers Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 363
hope, and eros Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 146
hope, as a collective emotion Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 146
hope, personification of Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 146
individuals, withstanding necessity Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 311
irrational impulses, and choice Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 311
irrational impulses, and human nature Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 311
kyme Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 531
lampsacus Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 531
lucretius Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 731
lycurgus against leocrates, on codrus deceit Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 98
magnesia Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 531
maiander Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 531
mania' Johnston and Struck, Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination (2005) 212
marathon Amendola, The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary (2022) 396
marcellinus Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 748
medeiosnan Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 399
mytilene, secession of Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 311
naxos Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 531
necessity (in thucydides), and circumstances / material conditions / states of affairs Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 97
necessity (in thucydides), and processes Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 97
necessity (in thucydides), flexible Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 311
necessity (in thucydides), of athenian empire Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 97
necessity (in thucydides), vs. causal determinism Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 311
nepos Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 731
nesiotes Amendola, The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary (2022) 396
nicias Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 275, 748
odysseus, in homer Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 98
paches Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 98
panathenaic prize amphorae Amendola, The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary (2022) 396
pentecontaetia, and archaeology Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 97
pentecontaetia, depersonalizing style in Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 97
pericles, exceptionality of Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 311
philosophy, philosophers Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 747
piraeus Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 533
plague, as μεταβολή Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 311
plague Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 731
plato Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 747
plutarch, de malignitate herodoti Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 748
plutarch Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 748
quest for power, as uncontrollable Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 97
quest for power, self-destructive Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 311
samos Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 253
sophists, sophistic movement Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 253, 363
sulla Amendola, The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary (2022) 396
themistocles, as discussed in oratory Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 48
themistocles, as paradigm of metis Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 48, 98
themistocles, compared with conon Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 48
themistocles, ruse against the spartans Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 98
themistocles, ruse at salamis Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 48
thracian allies of athens Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 311
thucydides, on generals ruses Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 98
thucydides, son of melesias, archaeology Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 233
thucydides, son of melesias, audience, reader Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 253, 399, 748
thucydides, son of melesias, authorial statements, judgementnan Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 275
thucydides, son of melesias, book-division Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 731
thucydides, son of melesias, causes, causality Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 253
thucydides, son of melesias, exile Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 748
thucydides, son of melesias, historical truth Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 748
thucydides, son of melesias, language Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 533
thucydides, son of melesias, manuscript traditionnan Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 533
tyrannicides Amendola, The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary (2022) 396
vernant, jean-pierre Johnston and Struck, Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination (2005) 212
wilamowitz-moellendorff, ulrich von Amendola, The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary (2022) 396
αὐξάνω Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 97
μεταβολή (reversal) Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 311