Home About Network of subjects Linked subjects heatmap Book indices included Search by subject Search by reference Browse subjects Browse texts

Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



10816
Theon Aelius, Exercises, 11
NaN


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

16 results
1. Euripides, Suppliant Women, 850-852, 849 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

2. Anaximenes of Lampsacus, Rhetoric To Alexander, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

3. Cicero, On Invention, 1.49, 2.156 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

1.49. conparabile autem est, quod in rebus diversis similem aliquam rationem continet. eius partes sunt tres: imago, conlatio, exemplum. imago est oratio demonstrans corporum aut naturarum simi- litudinem. conlatio est oratio rem cum re ex simili- tudine conferens. exemplum est, quod rem auctoritate aut casu alicuius hominis aut negotii confirmat aut in- firmat. horum exempla et descriptiones in praeceptis elocutionis cognoscentur. Ac fons quidem confirmationis, ut facultas tulit, apertus est nec minus dilucide, quam rei natura fere- bat, demonstratus est; quemadmodum autem quaeque constitutio et pars constitutionis et omnis contro- versia, sive in ratione sive in scripto versabitur, tractari debeat et quae in quamque argumentationes conve- niant, singillatim in secundo libro de uno quoque ge- nere dicemus. in praesentia tantummodo numeros et modos et partes argumentandi confuse et permixtim dispersimus; post discripte et electe in genus quodque causae, quid cuique conveniat, ex hac copia digeremus. 2.156. nam placet in iudiciali genere finem esse aequitatem, hoc est partem quandam honestatis. in deliberativo autem Aristoteli placet utilitatem, nobis et honestatem et utilitatem, in demonstrativo honestatem. quare in hoc quoque genere causae quaedam argumentationes communiter ac similiter tractabuntur, quaedam separatius ad finem, quo referri omnem orationem oportet, adiungentur. atque unius cuiusque constitutionis exemplum subponere non gra- varemur, nisi illud videremus, quemadmodum res obscurae dicendo fierent apertiores, sic res apertas obscuriores fieri oratione. Nunc ad deliberationis praecepta pergamus.
4. Polybius, Histories, 12.17-12.22, 29.12.6, 29.12.11 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)

12.17. 1.  In order that I may not seem to insist arbitrarily on the acceptance of my criticism of such famous writers, I will take one battle and a very celebrated one, a battle which took place at no very distant date and, what is most important, one at which Callisthenes himself was present.,2.  I mean Alexander's battle with Darius in Cilicia. Callisthenes tells us that Alexander had already passed the narrows and the so‑called Cilician gates, while Darius had marched through the pass known as the Gates of Amanus and had descended with his army into Cilicia.,3.  On learning from the natives that Alexander was advancing in the direction of Syria he followed him up, and when he approached the pass, encamped on the banks of the river Pinarus.,4.  The distance, he says, from the sea to the foot of the hills is not more than fourteen stades,,5.  the river running obliquely across this space, with gaps in its banks just where it issues from the mountains, but in its whole course through the plain as far as the sea passing between steep hills difficult to climb.,6.  Having given this sketch of the country, he tells us that Darius and his generals, when Alexander turned and marched back to meet them, decided to draw up the whole phalanx in the camp itself in its original position, the river affording protection, as it ran close past the camp.,7.  After this he says they drew up the cavalry along the sea-shore, the mercenaries next them at the brink of the river, and the peltasts next the mercenaries in a line reaching as far as the mountains. 12.18. 1.  It is difficult to understand how they posted all these troops in front of the phalanx, considering that the river ran close past the camp, especially in view of their numbers, for, as Callisthenes himself says, there were thirty thousand cavalry and thirty thousand mercenaries, and it is easy to calculate how much space was required to hold them.,3.  For to be really useful cavalry should not be drawn up more than eight deep, and between each troop there must be a space equal in length to the front of a troop so that there may be no difficulty in wheeling and facing round.,4.  Thus a stade will hold eight hundred horse, ten stades eight thousand, and four stades three thousand two hundred, so that eleven thousand two hundred horse would fill a space of fourteen stades.,5.  If the whole force of thirty thousand were drawn up the cavalry alone would very nearly suffice to form three such bodies, one placed close behind the other.,6.  Where, then, were the mercenaries posted, unless indeed they were drawn up behind the cavalry? This he tells us was not so, as they were the first to meet the Macedonian attack.,7.  We must, then, of necessity, understand that the cavalry occupied that half of the space which was nearest the sea and the mercenaries the half nearest the hills,,8.  and from this it is easy to reckon which was the depth of the cavalry and how far away from the camp the river must have been.,9.  After this he tells us that on the approach of the enemy, Darius, who was half way down the line, called the mercenaries himself from the wing to come to him. It is difficult to see what he means by this.,10.  For the mercenaries and cavalry must have been in touch just in the middle of the field, so that how, why, and where could Darius, who was actually among the mercenaries, call them to come to him?,11.  Lastly, he says that the cavalry from the right wing advanced and attacked Alexander's cavalry, who received their charge bravely and delivering a counter charge fought stubbornly.,12.  He forgets that there was a river between them and such a river as he has just described. 12.19. 1.  Very similar are his statements about Alexander. He says that when he crossed to Asia he had forty thousand foot and four thousand five hundred horse,,2.  and that when he was on the point of invading Cilicia he was joined by a further force of five thousand foot and eight hundred horse.,3.  Suppose we deduct from this total three thousand foot and three hundred horse, a liberal allowance for those absent on special service, there still remain forty-two thousand foot and five thousand horse.,4.  Assuming these numbers, he tells us that when Alexander heard the news of Darius's arrival in Cilicia he was a hundred stades away and had already traversed the pass.,5.  In consequence he turned and marched back through the pass with the phalanx in front, followed by the cavalry, and last of all the baggage-train.,6.  Immediately on issuing into the open country he re-formed his order, passing to all the word of command to form into phalanx, making it at first thirty-two deep, changing this subsequently to sixteen deep, and finally as he approach the enemy to eight deep.,7.  These statements are even more absurd than his former ones. For with the proper intervals for marching order a stade, when the men are sixteen deep, will hold sixteen hundred, each man being at a distance of six feet from the next.,8.  It is evident, then, that ten stades will hold sixteen thousand men and twenty stades twice as many.,9.  From all this it is quite plain that when Alexander made his army sixteen deep the line necessarily extended for twenty stades, and this left all the cavalry and ten thousand of the infantry over. 12.20. 1.  After this he says that Alexander led on his army in an extended line, being then at a distance of about forty stades from the enemy.,2.  It is difficult to conceive anything more absurd than this. Where, especially in Cilicia, could one find an extent of ground where a phalanx with its long spears could advance for forty stades in a line twenty stades long?,3.  The obstacles indeed to such a formation and such a movement are so many that it would be difficult to enumerate them all, a single one mentioned by Callisthenes himself being sufficient to convince us of its impossibility.,4.  For he tells us that the torrents descending the mountains have formed so many clefts in the plain that most of the Persians in their flight perished in such fissures.,5.  But, it may be said, Alexander wished to be prepared for the appearance of the enemy.,6.  And what can be less prepared than a phalanx advancing in line but broken and disunited? How much easier indeed it would have been to develop from proper marching-order into order of battle than to straighten out and prepare for action on thickly wooded and fissured ground a broken line with numerous gaps in it.,7.  It would, therefore, have been considerably better to form a proper double or quadruple phalanx, for which it was not impossible to find marching room and which it would have been quite easy to get into order of battle expeditiously enough, as he was enabled through his scouts to receive in good time warning of the approach of the enemy.,8.  But, other things apart, Alexander did not even, according to Callisthenes, send his cavalry on in front when advancing in line over flat ground, but apparently placed them alongside the infantry. 12.21. 1.  But here is the greatest of all his mistakes. He tells us that Alexander, on approaching the enemy, made his line eight deep.,2.  It is evident then that now the total length of the line must have been forty stades.,3.  And even if they closed up so that, as described by Homer, they actually jostled each other, still the front must have extended over twenty stades.,4.  But he tells us that there was only a space of less than fourteen stades, and as half of the cavalry were on the left near the sea and half on the right, the room available for the infantry is still further reduced. Add to this that the whole line must have kept at a considerable distance from the mountains so as not to be exposed to attack by those of the enemy who held the foot-hills.,6.  We know that he did as a fact draw up part of his force in a crescent formation to oppose this latter. I omit to reckon here also the ten thousand infantry more than his purpose required.,7.  So the consequence is that the length of the line must have been, according to Callisthenes himself, eleven stades at the most, and in this space thirty-two thousand men must have stood closely packed and thirty deep, whereas he tells us that in the battle they were eight deep.,8.  Now for such mistakes we can admit no excuse.,9.  For when the actual facts show a thing to be impossible we are instantly convinced that it is so.,10.  Thus when a writer gives definitely, as in this case, the distance from man to man, the total area of the ground, and the number of men, he is perfectly inexcusable in making false statements. 12.22. 1.  It would be too long a story to mention all the other absurdities of his narrative, and it will suffice to point out a few.,2.  He tells us that Alexander in drawing up his army was most anxious to be opposed to Darius in person, and that Darius also at first entertained the same wish, but afterwards changed his mind.,3.  But he tells us absolutely nothing as to how they intimated to each other at what point in their own line they were stationed, or where Darius finally went on changing his position.,4.  And how, we ask, did a phalanx of heavy-armed men manage to mount the bank of the river which was steep and overgrown with brambles?,5.  This, too, is inexplicable. Such an absurdity cannot be attributed to Alexander, as it is universally acknowledged that from his childhood he was well versed and trained in the art of war.,6.  We should rather attribute it to the writer, who is so ignorant as to be unable to distinguish the possible from the impossible in such matters.,7.  Let this suffice for Ephorus and Callisthenes. VI. The Faults of Timaeu 29.12.6.  I should not therefore be condemned for slurring over events, when I sometimes omit and sometimes briefly report things to which others have devoted much space and elaborate descriptions; but I should rather be credited with treating each event on a proper scale. 29.12.11.  or again should I happen to be mistaken in the names of mountains and rivers or in my statements about the characteristics of places. For in all such matters the large scale of my work is a sufficient excuse.
5. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 33.2, 33.20 (1st cent. CE

33.2.  You may even, methinks, expect to hear a eulogy of your land and of the mountains it contains and of yonder Cydnus, how the most kindly of all rivers and the most beautiful and how those who drink its waters are 'affluent and blessed,' to use the words of Homer. For such praise is true indeed and you are constantly hearing it both from the poets in their verse and from other men also who have made it their business to pronounce encomia; but that sort of performance requires ample preparation and the gift of eloquence.
6. Longinus, On The Sublime, 38.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

7. Plutarch, Artaxerxes, 8.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

8. Plutarch, On The Glory of The Athenians, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

9. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 2.4.24, 3.8.22-3.8.26, 5.10.88 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

2.4.24.  Theses on the other hand are concerned with the comparison of things and involve questions such as "Which is preferable, town or country life?" or "Which deserves the greatest praise, the lawyer or the soldier?" These provide the most attractive and copious practice in the art of speaking, and are most useful whether we have an eye to the duties of deliberative oratory or the arguments of the courts. For instance Cicero in his pro Murena deals very fully with the second of the two problems mentioned above. 3.8.22.  Some have held that the three main considerations in an advisory speech are honour, expediency and necessity. I can find no place for the last. For however great the violence which may threaten us, it may be necessary for us to suffer something, but we are not compelled to do anything; whereas the subject of deliberation is primarily whether we shall do anything. 3.8.23.  Or if by necessity they mean that into which we are driven by fear of worse things, the question will be one of expediency. For example, if a garrison is besieged by overwhelmingly superior forces and, owing to the failure of food and water supplies, discusses surrender to the enemy, and it is urged that it is a matter of necessity, the words "otherwise we shall perish" must needs be added: consequently there is no necessity arising out of the circumstances themselves, for death is a possible alternative. And as a matter of fact the Saguntines did not surrender, nor did those who were surrounded on the raft from Opitergium. 3.8.24.  It follows that in such cases also the question will be either one of expediency alone or of a choice between expediency and honour. "But," it will be urged, "if a man would beget children, he is under the necessity of taking a wife." Certainly. But he who wishes to become a father must needs be quite clear that he must take a wife. 3.8.25.  It appears to me, therefore, that where necessity exists, there is no room for deliberation, any more than where it is clear that a thing is not feasible. For deliberation is always concerned with questions where some doubt exists. Those therefore are wiser who make the third consideration for deliberative oratory to be τὸ δυνατόν or "possibility" as we translate it; the translation may seem clumsy, but it is the only word available. 3.8.26.  That all these considerations need not necessarily obtrude themselves in every case is too obvious to need explanation. Most writers, however, say that there are more than three. But the further considerations which they would add are really but species of the three general considerations just mentioned. For right, justice, piety, equity and mercy (for thus they translate τὸ ἥμερον), with any other virtues that anyone may be pleased to add, all come under the heading of that which is honourable. 5.10.88.  Points of law may be proved in a similar manner; from something greater, as in the sentence "If it is lawful to kill an adulterer, it is lawful to scourge him"; from something less, "If it is lawful to kill a man attempting theft by night, how much more lawful it is to kill one who attempts robbery with violence"; from something equal, "The penalty which is just in the case of parricide is also just in the case of matricide." In all these cases we follow the syllogistic method.
10. Hermogenes, Rhetorical Exercises, 11, 19, 7, 10 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

11. Lucian, How To Write History, 49, 20 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

12. Philostratus The Athenian, Lives of The Sophists, 572 (2nd cent. CE

13. Basil of Caesarea, Letters, 14 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)

14. Basil of Caesarea, Letters, 14 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)

15. Gregory of Nazianzus, Letters, 5-6, 4 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)

16. Gregory of Nazianzus, Letters, 5-6, 4 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)



Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
adultery Piovanelli, Burke, Pettipiece, Rediscovering the Apocryphal Continent: New Perspectives on Early Christian and Late Antique Apocryphal Textsand Traditions. De Gruyter: 2015 (2015) 382
aims, proofs Martin and Whitlark, Inventing Hebrews: Design and Purpose in Ancient Rhetoric (2018) 87
aims Martin and Whitlark, Inventing Hebrews: Design and Purpose in Ancient Rhetoric (2018) 87
amplification, in argumentatio Martin and Whitlark, Inventing Hebrews: Design and Purpose in Ancient Rhetoric (2018) 98
antioch Konig, The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture (2022) 102
antipater Amendola, The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary (2022) 389
argumentatio Martin and Whitlark, Inventing Hebrews: Design and Purpose in Ancient Rhetoric (2018) 87, 98
aristeia Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 131
ascetics, asceticism Konig, The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture (2022) 101
basil of caesarea Konig, The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture (2022) 101
battle scenes Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 131
cappadocia Konig, The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture (2022) 101
christian responses to mountains Konig, The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture (2022) 101
clement of rome (pseudo‑) Piovanelli, Burke, Pettipiece, Rediscovering the Apocryphal Continent: New Perspectives on Early Christian and Late Antique Apocryphal Textsand Traditions. De Gruyter: 2015 (2015) 382
crönert, wilhelm Amendola, The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary (2022) 389
deliberative Martin and Whitlark, Inventing Hebrews: Design and Purpose in Ancient Rhetoric (2018) 87
dio chrysostom, euboian oration Konig, The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture (2022) 101
divine Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 131
ekphrasis Konig, The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture (2022) 101, 102
enthymeme Martin and Whitlark, Inventing Hebrews: Design and Purpose in Ancient Rhetoric (2018) 98
epic Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 131
epideictic Martin and Whitlark, Inventing Hebrews: Design and Purpose in Ancient Rhetoric (2018) 87
ethnography Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 131
example Martin and Whitlark, Inventing Hebrews: Design and Purpose in Ancient Rhetoric (2018) 98
exhortation Martin and Whitlark, Inventing Hebrews: Design and Purpose in Ancient Rhetoric (2018) 87
gardens Konig, The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture (2022) 102
gregory of nazianzus Konig, The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture (2022) 101
homer Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 131; Konig, The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture (2022) 101
judicial (forensic) Martin and Whitlark, Inventing Hebrews: Design and Purpose in Ancient Rhetoric (2018) 87
kelainai Konig, The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture (2022) 102
landscape Konig, The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture (2022) 101, 102
literary genres, novels Piovanelli, Burke, Pettipiece, Rediscovering the Apocryphal Continent: New Perspectives on Early Christian and Late Antique Apocryphal Textsand Traditions. De Gruyter: 2015 (2015) 381
locus amoenus Konig, The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture (2022) 101, 102
meadows Konig, The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture (2022) 101, 102
menander rhetor Konig, The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture (2022) 102
mount ida (asia minor) Konig, The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture (2022) 102
mount silpios Konig, The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture (2022) 102
mountains, as beautiful Konig, The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture (2022) 101, 102
nature Konig, The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture (2022) 101
order, military Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 131
parallelism Amendola, The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary (2022) 389
picturesque, the Konig, The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture (2022) 101
rhetoric' Piovanelli, Burke, Pettipiece, Rediscovering the Apocryphal Continent: New Perspectives on Early Christian and Late Antique Apocryphal Textsand Traditions. De Gruyter: 2015 (2015) 382
rhetoric Piovanelli, Burke, Pettipiece, Rediscovering the Apocryphal Continent: New Perspectives on Early Christian and Late Antique Apocryphal Textsand Traditions. De Gruyter: 2015 (2015) 381
rhetorical handbooks Martin and Whitlark, Inventing Hebrews: Design and Purpose in Ancient Rhetoric (2018) 87, 98
rhetorical theory Amendola, The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary (2022) 389
rivers Konig, The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture (2022) 101, 102
rome, hills Konig, The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture (2022) 102
speech(es) Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 131
strabo Konig, The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture (2022) 102
tarsos Konig, The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture (2022) 102
topography Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 131
troy Konig, The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture (2022) 102
viewing Konig, The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture (2022) 101, 102