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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



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Tacitus, Histories, 1.1
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Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

15 results
1. Xenophon, Hellenica, 7.5.26-7.5.27 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

7.5.26. When these things had taken place, the opposite of what all men believed would happen was brought to pass. For since well-nigh all the people of Greece had come together and formed themselves in opposing lines, there was no one who did not suppose that if a battle were fought, those who proved victorious would be the rulers and those who were defeated would be their subjects; but the deity so ordered it that both parties set up a trophy as though victorious and neither tried to hinder those who set 362 B.C. them up, that both gave back the dead under a truce as though victorious, and both received back their dead under a truce as though defeated, and that while each party claimed to be victorious 7.5.27. neither was found to be any better off, as regards either additional territory, or city, or sway, than before the battle took place; but there was even more confusion and disorder in Greece after the battle than before. Thus far be it written by me; the events after these will perhaps be the concern of another.
2. Polybius, Histories, 10.2.6-10.2.7, 10.9.2-10.9.3, 15.20.5 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)

10.2.6.  such men being, in their opinion, more divine and more worthy of admiration than those who always act by calculation. They are not aware that one of the two things deserves praise and the other only congratulation, the latter being common to ordinary men 10.2.7.  whereas what is praiseworthy belongs alone to men of sound judgement and mental ability, whom we should consider to be the most divine and most beloved by the gods. 10.9.2.  Although authors agree that he made these calculations, yet when they come to the accomplishment of his plan, they attribute for some unknown reason the success not to the man and his foresight, but to the gods and to chance 10.9.3.  and that in spite of all probability and in spite of the testimony of those who lived with him, and of the fact that Scipio himself in his letter to Philip explained clearly that it was after making the calculations which I have just recited that he undertook all his operations in Spain and particularly the siege of New Carthage. 15.20.5.  But at the same time who among those who reasonably find fault with Fortune for her conduct of affairs, will not be reconciled to her when he learns how she afterwards made them pay the due penalty, and how she exhibited to their successors as a warning for their edification the exemplary chastisement she inflicted on these princes?
3. Horace, Odes, 2.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

2.1. 1. Now the necessity which Archelaus was under of taking a journey to Rome was the occasion of new disturbances; for when he had mourned for his father seven days, and had given a very expensive funeral feast to the multitude (which custom is the occasion of poverty to many of the Jews, because they are forced to feast the multitude; for if anyone omits it, he is not esteemed a holy person), he put on a white garment, and went up to the temple 2.1. And, indeed, at the feast of unleavened bread, which was now at hand, and is by the Jews called the Passover, and used to be celebrated with a great number of sacrifices, an innumerable multitude of the people came out of the country to worship; some of these stood in the temple bewailing the Rabbins [that had been put to death], and procured their sustece by begging, in order to support their sedition. 2.1. but after this family distribution, he gave between them what had been bequeathed to him by Herod, which was a thousand talents, reserving to himself only some inconsiderable presents, in honor of the deceased.
4. Livy, History, 31.1.1-31.1.5 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

5. Lucan, Pharsalia, 1.33-1.45 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

6. Suetonius, Caligula, 16.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

7. Suetonius, Claudius, 41.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

8. Tacitus, Agricola, 1.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

9. Tacitus, Annals, 1.2, 1.4.2, 1.10, 1.72, 3.27-3.28, 4.2, 4.32-4.35, 4.58.3, 6.20.2, 6.46.3, 11.21 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

1.2.  When the killing of Brutus and Cassius had disarmed the Republic; when Pompey had been crushed in Sicily, and, with Lepidus thrown aside and Antony slain, even the Julian party was leaderless but for the Caesar; after laying down his triumviral title and proclaiming himself a simple consul content with tribunician authority to safeguard the commons, he first conciliated the army by gratuities, the populace by cheapened corn, the world by the amenities of peace, then step by step began to make his ascent and to unite in his own person the functions of the senate, the magistracy, and the legislature. Opposition there was none: the boldest spirits had succumbed on stricken fields or by proscription-lists; while the rest of the nobility found a cheerful acceptance of slavery the smoothest road to wealth and office, and, as they had thriven on revolution, stood now for the new order and safety in preference to the old order and adventure. Nor was the state of affairs unpopular in the provinces, where administration by the Senate and People had been discredited by the feuds of the magnates and the greed of the officials, against which there was but frail protection in a legal system for ever deranged by force, by favouritism, or (in the last resort) by gold. 1.10.  On the other side it was argued that "filial duty and the critical position of the state had been used merely as a cloak: come to facts, and it was from the lust of dominion that he excited the veterans by his bounties, levied an army while yet a stripling and a subject, subdued the legions of a consul, and affected a leaning to the Pompeian side. Then, following his usurpation by senatorial decree of the symbols and powers of the praetorship, had come the deaths of Hirtius and Pansa, — whether they perished by the enemy's sword, or Pansa by poison sprinkled on his wound, and Hirtius by the hands of his own soldiery, with the Caesar to plan the treason. At all events, he had possessed himself of both their armies, wrung a consulate from the unwilling senate, and turned against the commonwealth the arms which he had received for the quelling of Antony. The proscription of citizens and the assignments of land had been approved not even by those who executed them. Grant that Cassius and the Bruti were sacrificed to inherited enmities — though the moral law required that private hatreds should give way to public utility — yet Pompey was betrayed by the simulacrum of a peace, Lepidus by the shadow of a friendship: then Antony, lured by the Tarentine and Brundisian treaties and a marriage with his sister, had paid with life the penalty of that delusive connexion. After that there had been undoubtedly peace, but peace with bloodshed — the disasters of Lollius and of Varus, the execution at Rome of a Varro, an Egnatius, an Iullus." His domestic adventures were not spared; the abduction of Nero's wife, and the farcical questions to the pontiffs, whether, with a child conceived but not yet born, she could legally wed; the debaucheries of Vedius Pollio; and, lastly, Livia, — as a mother, a curse to the realm; as a stepmother, a curse to the house of the Caesars. "He had left small room for the worship of heaven, when he claimed to be himself adored in temples and in the image of godhead by flamens and by priests! Even in the adoption of Tiberius to succeed him, his motive had been neither personal affection nor regard for the state: he had read the pride and cruelty of his heart, and had sought to heighten his own glory by the vilest of contrasts." For Augustus, a few years earlier, when requesting the Fathers to renew the grant of the tribunician power to Tiberius, had in the course of the speech, complimentary as it was, let fall a few remarks on his demeanour, dress, and habits which were offered as an apology and designed for reproaches. However, his funeral ran the ordinary course; and a decree followed, endowing him a temple and divine rites. 1.72.  In this year triumphal distinctions were voted to Aulus Caecina, Lucius Apronius, and Caius Silius, in return for their services with Germanicus. Tiberius rejected the title Father of his Country, though it had been repeatedly pressed upon him by the people: and, disregarding a vote of the senate, refused to allow the taking of an oath to obey his enactments. "All human affairs," so ran his comment, "were uncertain, and the higher he climbed the more slippery his position." Yet even so he failed to inspire the belief that his sentiments were not monarchical. For he had resuscitated the Lex Majestatis, a statute which in the old jurisprudence had carried the same name but covered a different type of offence — betrayal of an army; seditious incitement of the populace; any act, in short, of official maladministration diminishing the "majesty of the Roman nation." Deeds were challenged, words went immune. The first to take cognizance of written libel under the statute was Augustus; who was provoked to the step by the effrontery with which Cassius Severus had blackened the characters of men and women of repute in his scandalous effusions: then Tiberius, to an inquiry put by the praetor, Pompeius Macer, whether process should still be granted on this statute, replied that "the law ought to take its course." He, too, had been ruffled by verses of unknown authorship satirizing his cruelty, his arrogance, and his estrangement from his mother. 3.28.  Then came Pompey's third consulate. But this chosen reformer of society, operating with remedies more disastrous than the abuses, this maker and breaker of his own enactments, lost by the sword what he was holding by the sword. The followed twenty crowded years of discord, during which law and custom ceased to exist: villainy was immune, decency not rarely a sentence of death. At last, in his sixth consulate, Augustus Caesar, feeling his power secure, cancelled the behests of his triumvirate, and presented us with laws to serve our needs in peace and under a prince. Thenceforward the fetters were tightened: sentries were set over us and, under the Papia-Poppaean law, lured on by rewards; so that, if a man shirked the privileges of paternity, the state, as universal parent, might step into the vacant inheritance. But they pressed their activities too far: the capital, Italy, every corner of the Roman world, had suffered from their attacks, and the positions of many had been wholly ruined. Indeed, a reign of terror was threatened, when Tiberius, for the fixing of a remedy, chose by lot five former consuls, five former praetors, and an equal number of ordinary senators: a body which, by untying many of the legal knots, gave for the time a measure of relief. 4.2.  The power of the prefectship, which had hitherto been moderate, he increased by massing the cohorts, dispersed through the capital, in one camp; in order that commands should reach them simultaneously, and that their numbers, their strength, and the sight of one another, might in themselves breed confidence and in others awe. His pretext was that scattered troops became unruly; that, when a sudden emergency called, help was more effective if the helpers were compact; and that there would be less laxity of conduct, if an encampment was created at a distance from the attractions of the city. Their quarters finished, he began little by little to insinuate himself into the affections of the private soldiers, approaching them and addressing them by name, while at the same time he selected personally their centurions and tribunes. Nor did he fail to hold before the senate the temptation of those offices and governorships with which he invested his satellites: for Tiberius, far from demurring, was complaisant enough to celebrate "the partner of his toils" not only in conversation but before the Fathers and the people, and to allow his effigies to be honoured, in theatre, in forum, and amid the eagles and altars of the legions. 4.32.  I am not unaware that very many of the events I have described, and shall describe, may perhaps seem little things, trifles too slight for record; but no parallel can be drawn between these chronicles of mine and the work of the men who composed the ancient history of the Roman people. Gigantic wars, cities stormed, routed and captive kings, or, when they turned by choice to domestic affairs, the feuds of consul and tribune, land-laws and corn-laws, the duel of nobles and commons — such were the themes on which they dwelt, or digressed, at will. Mine is an inglorious labour in a narrow field: for this was an age of peace unbroken or half-heartedly challenged, of tragedy in the capital, of a prince careless to extend the empire. Yet it may be not unprofitable to look beneath the surface of those incidents, trivial at the first inspection, which so often set in motion the great events of history. 4.33.  For every nation or city is governed by the people, or by the nobility, or by individuals: a constitution selected and blended from these types is easier to commend than to create; or, if created, its tenure of life is brief. Accordingly, as in the period of alternate plebeian domice and patrician ascendancy it was imperative, in one case, to study the character of the masses and the methods of controlling them; while, in the other, those who had acquired the most exact knowledge of the temper of the senate and the aristocracy were accounted shrewd in their generation and wise; so to‑day, when the situation has been transformed and the Roman world is little else than a monarchy, the collection and the chronicling of these details may yet serve an end: for few men distinguish right and wrong, the expedient and the disastrous, by native intelligence; the majority are schooled by the experience of others. But while my themes have their utility, they offer the minimum of pleasure. Descriptions of countries, the vicissitudes of battles, commanders dying on the field of honour, such are the episodes that arrest and renew the interest of the reader: for myself, I present a series of savage mandates, of perpetual accusations, of traitorous friendships, of ruined innocents, of various causes and identical results — everywhere monotony of subject, and satiety. Again, the ancient author has few detractors, and it matters to none whether you praise the Carthaginian or the Roman arms with the livelier enthusiasm. But of many, who underwent either the legal penalty or a form of degradation in the principate of Tiberius, the descendants remain; and, assuming the actual families to be now extinct, you will still find those who, from a likeness of character, read the ill deeds of others as an innuendo against themselves. Even glory and virtue create their enemies — they arraign their opposites by too close a contrast. But I return to my subject. 4.34.  The consulate of Cornelius Cossus and Asinius Agrippa opened with the prosecution of Cremutius Cordus upon the novel and till then unheard-of charge of publishing a history, eulogizing Brutus, and styling Cassius the last of the Romans. The accusers were Satrius Secundus and Pinarius Natta, clients of Sejanus. That circumstance sealed the defendant's fate — that and the lowering brows of the Caesar, as he bent his attention to the defence; which Cremutius, resolved to take his leave of life, began as follows:— "Conscript Fathers, my words are brought to judgement — so guiltless am I of deeds! Nor are they even words against the sole persons embraced by the law of treason, the sovereign or the parent of the sovereign: I am said to have praised Brutus and Cassius, whose acts so many pens have recorded, whom not one has mentioned save with honour. Livy, with a fame for eloquence and candour second to none, lavished such eulogies on Pompey that Augustus styled him 'the Pompeian': yet it was without prejudice to their friendship. Scipio, Afranius, this very Cassius, this Brutus — not once does he describe them by the now fashionable titles of brigand and parricide, but time and again in such terms as he might apply to any distinguished patriots. The works of Asinius Pollio transmit their character in noble colours; Messalla Corvinus gloried to have served under Cassius: and Pollio and Corvinus lived and died in the fulness of wealth and honour! When Cicero's book praised Cato to the skies, what did it elicit from the dictator Caesar but a written oration as though at the bar of public opinion? The letters of Antony, the speeches of Brutus, contain invectives against Augustus, false undoubtedly yet bitter in the extreme; the poems — still read — of Bibaculus and Catullus are packed with scurrilities upon the Caesars: yet even the deified Julius, the divine Augustus himself, tolerated them and left them in peace; and I hesitate whether to ascribe their action to forbearance or to wisdom. For things contemned are soon things forgotten: anger is read as recognition. 4.35.  "I leave untouched the Greeks; with them not liberty only but licence itself went unchastised, or, if a man retaliated, he avenged words by words. But what above all else was absolutely free and immune from censure was the expression of an opinion on those whom death had removed beyond the range of rancour or of partiality. Are Brutus and Cassius under arms on the plains of Philippi, and I upon the platform, firing the nation to civil war? Or is it the case that, seventy years since their taking-off, as they are known by their effigies which the conqueror himself did not abolish, so a portion of their memory is enshrined likewise in history? — To every man posterity renders his wage of honour; nor will there lack, if my condemnation is at hand, those who shall remember, not Brutus and Cassius alone, but me also!" He then left the senate, and closed his life by self-starvation. The Fathers ordered his books to be burned by the aediles; but copies remained, hidden and afterwards published: a fact which moves us the more to deride the folly of those who believe that by an act of despotism in the present there can be extinguished also the memory of a succeeding age. On the contrary, genius chastised grows in authority; nor have alien kings or the imitators of their cruelty effected more than to crown themselves with ignominy and their victims with renown. 11.21.  As to the origin of Curtius Rufus, whom some have described as the son of a gladiator, I would not promulgate a falsehood and I am ashamed to investigate the truth. On reaching maturity, he joined the train of a quaestor to whom Africa had been allotted, and, in the town of Adrumetum, was loitering by himself in an arcade deserted during the mid-day heat, when a female form of superhuman size rose before him, and a voice was heard to say: "Thou, Rufus, art he that shall come into this province as proconsul." With such an omen to raise his hopes, he left for the capital, and, thanks to the bounty of his friends backed by his own energy of character, attained the quaestorship, followed — in spite of patrician competitors — by a praetorship due to the imperial recommendation; for Tiberius had covered the disgrace of his birth by the remark: "Curtius Rufus I regard as the creation of himself." Afterwards, long of life and sullenly cringing to his betters, arrogant to his inferiors, unaccommodating among his equals, he held consular office, the insignia of triumph, and finally Africa; and by dying there fulfilled the destiny foreshadowed.
10. Tacitus, Histories, 1.2.1, 1.4, 1.8, 1.12, 1.16, 1.16.2, 1.18, 1.22.1-1.22.2, 2.101 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

11. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 53.19.1-53.19.5 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

53.19.1.  In this way the government was changed at that time for the better and in the interest of greater security; for it was no doubt quite impossible for the people to be saved under a republic. Nevertheless, the events occurring after this time can not be recorded in the same manner as those of previous times. 53.19.2.  Formerly, as we know, all matters were reported to the senate and to the people, even if they happened at a distance; hence all learned of them and many recorded them, and consequently the truth regarding them, no matter to what extent fear or favour, friendship or enmity, coloured the reports of certain writers, was always to a certain extent to be found in the works of the other writers who wrote of the same events and in the public records. 53.19.3.  But after this time most things that happened began to be kept secret and concealed, and even though some things are perchance made public, they are distrusted just because they can not be verified; for it is suspected that everything is said and done with reference to the wishes of the men in power at the time and of their associates. 53.19.4.  As a result, much that never occurs is noised abroad, and much that happens beyond a doubt is unknown, and in the case of nearly every event a version gains currency that is different from the way it really happened. Furthermore, the very magnitude of the empire and the multitude of things that occur render accuracy in regard to them most difficult. 53.19.5.  In Rome, for example, much is going on, and much in the subject territory, while, as regards our enemies, there is something happening all the time, in fact, every day, and concerning these things no one except the participants can easily have correct information, and most people do not even hear of them at all.
12. Herodian, History of The Empire After Marcus, 1.2.5, 2.15.6-2.15.7, 3.8.10 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

13. Lucian, How To Write History, 52-54, 2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

14. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 2.1, 9.19 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

2.1. To Romanus. Not for many years have the Roman people seen so striking and even so memorable a spectacle as that provided by the public funeral of Verginius Rufus, one of our noblest and most distinguished citizens, and not less fortunate than distinguished. He lived in a blaze of glory for thirty years. * He read poems and histories composed in his honour, and so enjoyed in life the fame that awaited him among posterity. He held the consulship three times, so that he might attain the highest distinction open to a private citizen, as he had declined to lay hands on the sovereign power. He escaped unscathed from the Emperors, who were suspicious of his motives and hated him for his virtues; while the best Emperor of them all, and the one who was his devoted friend, he left behind him safely installed on the throne, as though his life had been preserved for this very reason, that he might be honoured with a public funeral. He was eighty-three years of age when he died, sublimely calm, and respected by all. He enjoyed good health, for though his hands were palsied they gave him no pain He died full of years, full of honours, full even of the honours he refused. We shall seek his like in vain; we shall lose in him a living example of an earlier age. I shall miss him most of all, for my affection equalled my admiration, not only of his public virtue but of his private life. In the first place, we came from the same district, we belonged to neighbouring municipalities, our estates and property lay alongside, and, moreover, he was left as my guardian and showed me all the affection of a parent. When I was a candidate for office he honoured me with his support; in all my elections he left his private retreat and hastened to escort me in all my entries upon office - though for years he had ceased to show his friends these attentions, - and on the day when the priests are accustomed to nominate those they think to be worthiest of the priesthood he always gave me his nomination. Even in his last illness, when he was afraid lest he should be appointed one of the commission of five who were being appointed on the decree of the senate to lessen public expenditure, he chose me, young as I am - though he had a number of friends still surviving who were much older than I and men of consular rank - to act as his substitute, and he used these words I wished to write to you on many other subjects, but my whole mind is given up to and fixed on this one subject of thought. I keep thinking of Verginius, I dream of him, and, though my dreams are illusory, they are so vivid that I seem to hear his voice, to speak to him, to embrace him. It may be that we have other citizens like him in his virtues, and shall continue to have them, but there is none to equal with him in glory. Farewell. 9.19. To Ruso. You say that you have read in one of my letters that Verginius Rufus ordered the following inscription to be placed on his tomb I, who enjoyed his intimate regard and approval, can bear witness that only on one occasion did he in my presence refer to his own actions, and that came about in the following way 0
15. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 2.1, 9.19 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

2.1. To Romanus. Not for many years have the Roman people seen so striking and even so memorable a spectacle as that provided by the public funeral of Verginius Rufus, one of our noblest and most distinguished citizens, and not less fortunate than distinguished. He lived in a blaze of glory for thirty years. * He read poems and histories composed in his honour, and so enjoyed in life the fame that awaited him among posterity. He held the consulship three times, so that he might attain the highest distinction open to a private citizen, as he had declined to lay hands on the sovereign power. He escaped unscathed from the Emperors, who were suspicious of his motives and hated him for his virtues; while the best Emperor of them all, and the one who was his devoted friend, he left behind him safely installed on the throne, as though his life had been preserved for this very reason, that he might be honoured with a public funeral. He was eighty-three years of age when he died, sublimely calm, and respected by all. He enjoyed good health, for though his hands were palsied they gave him no pain He died full of years, full of honours, full even of the honours he refused. We shall seek his like in vain; we shall lose in him a living example of an earlier age. I shall miss him most of all, for my affection equalled my admiration, not only of his public virtue but of his private life. In the first place, we came from the same district, we belonged to neighbouring municipalities, our estates and property lay alongside, and, moreover, he was left as my guardian and showed me all the affection of a parent. When I was a candidate for office he honoured me with his support; in all my elections he left his private retreat and hastened to escort me in all my entries upon office - though for years he had ceased to show his friends these attentions, - and on the day when the priests are accustomed to nominate those they think to be worthiest of the priesthood he always gave me his nomination. Even in his last illness, when he was afraid lest he should be appointed one of the commission of five who were being appointed on the decree of the senate to lessen public expenditure, he chose me, young as I am - though he had a number of friends still surviving who were much older than I and men of consular rank - to act as his substitute, and he used these words I wished to write to you on many other subjects, but my whole mind is given up to and fixed on this one subject of thought. I keep thinking of Verginius, I dream of him, and, though my dreams are illusory, they are so vivid that I seem to hear his voice, to speak to him, to embrace him. It may be that we have other citizens like him in his virtues, and shall continue to have them, but there is none to equal with him in glory. Farewell. 9.19. To Ruso. You say that you have read in one of my letters that Verginius Rufus ordered the following inscription to be placed on his tomb I, who enjoyed his intimate regard and approval, can bear witness that only on one occasion did he in my presence refer to his own actions, and that came about in the following way 0


Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
acilius glabrio,m.,actium,battle of Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45
actium,battle of Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 48, 49
adulatio Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 175
aelius antipater Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 3
aelius spartianus Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 240
agricola Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 48
antiochus iv Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 238
antonia minor Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45
artaxerxes ii Beneker et al. (2022), Plutarch’s Unexpected Silences: Suppression and Selection in the Lives and Moralia, 30
asinius pollio,c. Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 49
asinius quadratus Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 3
astrologers expelled,successful/inappropriate Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 175
astrology,and imperial destinies Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 175
astrology,successful/inappropriate Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 175
audience,and memory of civil wars Bowditch (2001), Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion: On the Nature of the Gods and On Divination, 75
augustus/octavian,maiestas and Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45
augustus Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 77, 79; Kirichenko (2022), Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age, 240
author Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 385
authority Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 385
autocracy Kirichenko (2022), Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age, 240
autopsy Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 3
caesar,julius Bowditch (2001), Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion: On the Nature of the Gods and On Divination, 75
calatinus,atilius Kazantzidis and Spatharas (2018), Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art, 26
caligula (roman emperor) Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45
cassius dio Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 3
cassius severus Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45
cato,the younger Bowditch (2001), Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion: On the Nature of the Gods and On Divination, 75
cato the elder Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 49
cato the elder (porcius cato,m. censorius) Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 86
characterisation Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 3
civil wars,as subject of poetry Bowditch (2001), Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion: On the Nature of the Gods and On Divination, 75
claudius (roman emperor) Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45
cluvius rufus König and Whitton (2018), Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96–138 21
commodus Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 3
conventions or themes,moral focus Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 77
conventions or themes,political or military focus Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 77
credo,as technical term Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 175
cremutius cordus Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45, 49
cyrus the younger Beneker et al. (2022), Plutarch’s Unexpected Silences: Suppression and Selection in the Lives and Moralia, 30
decline,historical,moral decline Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 77, 79
decline,historical Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 77, 79
dio cassius Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 49
domitian,emperor Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 48, 49
domitian Kirichenko (2022), Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age, 240; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 86
domitian (roman emperor) Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45, 49
downfall Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 3
elites Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 79
encomium Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 3
eros Kirichenko (2022), Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age, 240
eyewitness reports Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 3
fama König and Whitton (2018), Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96–138 21
fatum,and emperors Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 175
fatum,and individuals Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 175
fatum,in tacitus Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 175
fatum,response to Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 175
fides Kazantzidis and Spatharas (2018), Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art, 26
flattery Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 3
flavians Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 77
florus Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 48, 49
fortuna,and fatum Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 175
fortuna,as outcome Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 175
fortune,τύχη/fortuna Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 238
forum holitorium Kazantzidis and Spatharas (2018), Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art, 26
freedom of speech König and Whitton (2018), Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96–138 21
frontinus König and Whitton (2018), Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96–138 21
fronto (m. cornelius fronto),principia historiae Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 49
fronto (m. cornelius fronto) Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 49
frugalitas Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 86
frugi Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 86
galba,emperor Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 48
galba Kazantzidis and Spatharas (2018), Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art, 220
galba (roman emperor) Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45
gallicanus Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 240
golden age Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 79
herodotus Beneker et al. (2022), Plutarch’s Unexpected Silences: Suppression and Selection in the Lives and Moralia, 30; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 385
histories Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 48, 49
historiography,civil wars and Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 49
historiography,principate and Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45, 49
historiography,tacituss views of Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45
historiography Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 3
homer Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 385
hope,and religion Kazantzidis and Spatharas (2018), Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art, 26
hope,personification of Kazantzidis and Spatharas (2018), Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art, 26
julius caesar,c.,assassination of Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45
labienus,ti. Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45
lampridius Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 240
libertas,republican Bowditch (2001), Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion: On the Nature of the Gods and On Divination, 75
libertas Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 48
livia Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45
livy Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 79; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 385; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 49
lucan Kirichenko (2022), Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age, 240
lucian Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 49
lucius verus (roman emperor),parthian campaign of Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 49
lucius verus (roman emperor) Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 49
maiandrius,mantinea,battle of Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 385
marcus aurelius (roman emperor) Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 49
martial Kirichenko (2022), Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age, 240
memory Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 48
moderatio Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 86
modestia Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 86
monarchy,transition from democracy (republic) Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45
munatius sulla cerialis,m.,nero (roman emperor) Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45
munatius sulla cerialis,m.,nerva (roman emperor) Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 49
muse Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 385
narrator Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 3
nero,emperor Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 162
nero Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 175; Kirichenko (2022), Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age, 240
nerva,emperor Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 48
nerva Kirichenko (2022), Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age, 240; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 86
octavian Bowditch (2001), Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion: On the Nature of the Gods and On Divination, 75
opponents Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 238
optimism Kazantzidis and Spatharas (2018), Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art, 220
oratory Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 49
otho (m. salvius otho,roman emperor) Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45
parsimonia Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 86
pax,peace Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 48, 49
performance,public,of poetry Bowditch (2001), Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion: On the Nature of the Gods and On Divination, 75
periodisation of history Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 77
persius Kirichenko (2022), Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age, 240
petronius Kirichenko (2022), Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age, 240
pleasure (in historiography) Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 3
pliny the younger,and tacitus König and Whitton (2018), Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96–138 21
pliny the younger Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 49; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 86
pollio,asinius,and historiography Bowditch (2001), Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion: On the Nature of the Gods and On Divination, 75
polybius Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 385
populus Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 48
principate,the roman Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 48
principate,transition from republic Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45
principate Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45
prolepsis Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 3
providence,πρόνοια/providentia Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 238
recapitulation Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 3
recitatio Bowditch (2001), Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion: On the Nature of the Gods and On Divination, 75
republic,the roman,memory and trauma Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 48, 49
res publica Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 48
reversal Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 79
rome Kirichenko (2022), Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age, 240
sallust Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 79; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 385; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 49
senate,failure of expertise' Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 175
septimius severus Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 3
slavery,slaves Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 48
tacitus,p. cornelius,accounts of false nero Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 162
tacitus,p. cornelius,remarks on own practice Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 162
tacitus,p. cornelius Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 48, 49
tacitus Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 385; Kirichenko (2022), Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age, 240
tacitus (p. cornelius tacitus),annals Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 49
tacitus (p. cornelius tacitus),government,analysis of Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45
tacitus (p. cornelius tacitus),historical approach of Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 49
tacitus (p. cornelius tacitus),histories Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45, 49
tacitus (p. cornelius tacitus),partiality of Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45
tacitus (p. cornelius tacitus) Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45, 49
teleology\n,view of history Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 79
temporal terminology\n,saeculum Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 77
theodicy Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 238
tiberius,emperor,and fatum Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 175
tiberius,emperor,astrologer Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 175
tiberius (roman emperor),maiestas and Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45
tiberius (roman emperor) Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45
titus (roman emperor) Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45
trajan,emperor Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 48
trajan Kirichenko (2022), Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age, 240; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 86
trajan (roman emperor) Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 49
trauma,republic,the roman Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 49
uetus Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 48
valerius messalla corvinus,m. Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 49
verginius rufus,l. Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 86
verginius rufus König and Whitton (2018), Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96–138 21
vespasian,and fatum Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 175
vespasian,and signs Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 175
vespasian (roman emperor) Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45
vitellius,and astrology Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 175
vitellius (roman emperor) Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45
voice (narrative) Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 3
xenophon Beneker et al. (2022), Plutarch’s Unexpected Silences: Suppression and Selection in the Lives and Moralia, 30