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Tacitus, Annals, 6.41

Per idem tempus Clitarum natio Cappadoci Archelao subiecta, quia nostrum in modum deferre census, pati tributa adigebatur, in iuga Tauri montis abscessit locorumque ingenio sese contra imbellis regis copias tutabatur, donec M. Trebellius legatus, a Vitellio praeside Syriae cum quattuor milibus legionariorum et delectis auxiliis missus, duos collis quos barbari insederant (minori Cadra, alteri Davara nomen est) operibus circumdedit et erumpere ausos ferro, ceteros siti ad deditionem coegit. At Tiridates volentibus Parthis Nicephorium et Anthemusiada ceterasque urbes, quae Macedonibus sitae Graeca vocabula usurpant, Halumque et Artemitam Parthica oppida recepit, certantibus gaudio qui Artabanum Scythas inter eductum ob saevitiam execrati come Tiridatis ingenium Romanas per artes sperabant. About this date, the Cietae, a tribe subject to Archelaus of Cappadocia, pressed to conform with Roman usage by making a return of their property and submitting to a tribute, migrated to the heights of the Tauric range, and, favoured by the nature of the country, held their own against the unwarlike forces of the king; until the legate Marcus Trebellius, despatched by Vitellius from his province of Syria with four thousand legionaries and a picked force of auxiliaries, drew his lines round the two hills which the barbarians had occupied (the smaller is known as Cadra, the other as Davara) and reduced them to surrender — those who ventured to make a sally, by the sword, the others by thirst. Meanwhile, with the acquiescence of the Parthians, Tiridates took over Nicephorium, Anthemusias, and the other cities of Macedonian foundation, carrying Greek names, together with the Parthic towns of Halus and Artemita; enthusiasm running high, as Artabanus, with his Scythian training, had been execrated for his cruelty and it was hoped that Roman culture had mellowed the character of Tiridates. <

Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

5 results
1. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 3.28, 6.8 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

2. Suetonius, Tiberius, 37.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

3. Tacitus, Annals, 2.42, 2.56, 12.49, 14.46 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

2.42.  For the rest, Tiberius, in the name of Germanicus, made a distribution to the populace of three hundred sesterces a man: as his colleague in the consulship he nominated himself. All this, however, won him no credit for genuine affection, and he decided to remove the youth under a show of honour; some of the pretexts he fabricated, others he accepted as chance offered. For fifty years King Archelaus had been in possession of Cappadocia; to Tiberius a hated man, since he had offered him none of the usual attentions during his stay in Rhodes. The omission was due not to insolence, but to advice from the intimates of Augustus; for, as Gaius Caesar was then in his heyday and had been despatched to settle affairs in the East, the friendship of Tiberius was believed unsafe. When, through the extinction of the Caesarian line, Tiberius attained the empire, he lured Archelaus from Cappadocia by a letter of his mother; who, without dissembling the resentment of her son, offered clemency, if he came to make his petition. Unsuspicious of treachery, or apprehending force, should he be supposed alive to it, he hurried to the capital, was received by an unrelenting sovereign, and shortly afterwards was impeached in the senate. Broken, not by the charges, which were fictitious, but by torturing anxiety, combined with the weariness of age and the fact that to princes even equality — to say nothing of humiliation — is an unfamiliar thing, he ended his days whether deliberately or in the course of nature. His kingdom was converted into a province; and the emperor, announcing that its revenues made feasible a reduction of the one per cent sale-tax, fixed it for the future at one half of this amount. — About the same time, the death of the two kings, Antiochus of Commagene and Philopator of Cilicia, disturbed the peace of their countries, where the majority of men desired a Roman governor, and the minority a monarch. The provinces, too, of Syria and Judaea, exhausted by their burdens, were pressing for a diminution of the tribute. 2.56.  That country, from the earliest period, has owned a national character and a geographical situation of equal ambiguity, since with a wide extent of frontier conterminous with our own provinces, it stretches inland right up to Media; so that the Armenians lie interposed between two vast empires, with which, as they detest Rome and envy the Parthian, they are too frequently at variance. At the moment they lacked a king, owing to the removal of Vonones, but the national sentiment leaned to Zeno, a son of the Pontic sovereign Polemo: for the prince, an imitator from earliest infancy of Armenian institutions and dress, had endeared himself equally to the higher and the lower orders by his affection for the chase, the banquet, and the other favourite pastimes of barbarians. Accordingly, in the town of Artaxata, before the consenting nobles and a great concourse of the people, Germanicus placed on his head the emblem of royalty. All save the Romans did homage and acclaimed King Artaxias — an appellation suggested by the name of the city. On the other hand, Cappadocia, reduced to the rank of a province, received Quintus Veranius as governor; and, to encourage hope in the mildness of Roman sway, a certain number of the royal tributes were diminished. Quintus Servaeus was appointed to Commagene, now for the first time transferred to praetorian jurisdiction. 12.49.  The procurator of Cappadocia was Julius Paelignus, a person made doubly contemptible by hebetude of mind and grotesqueness of body, yet on terms of the greatest intimacy with Claudius during the years of retirement when he amused his sluggish leisure with the society of buffoons. The Paelignus had mustered the provincial militia, with the avowed intention of recovering Armenia; but, while he was plundering our subjects in preference to the enemy, the secession of his troops left him defenceless against the barbarian incursions, and he made his way to Radamistus, by whose liberality he was so overpowered that he voluntarily advised him to assume the kingly emblem, and assisted at its assumption in the quality of sponsor and satellite. Ugly reports of the incident spread; and, to make it clear that not all Romans were to be judged by the standard of Paelignus, the legate Helvidius Priscus was sent with a legion to deal with the disturbed situation as the circumstances might require. Accordingly, after crossing Mount Taurus in haste, he had settled more points by moderation than by force, when he was ordered back to Syria, lest he should give occasion for a Parthian war. 14.46.  Under the same consulate, Tarquitius Priscus was found guilty of extortion, at the suit of the Bithynians, much to the joy of the senate, which remembered his accusation of Statilius Taurus, his own proconsul. In the Gallic provinces, an assessment was held by Quintus Volusius, Sextius Africanus, and Trebellius Maximus. Between Volusius and Africanus there subsisted a rivalry due to their rank: for Trebellius they entertained a common contempt, which enabled him to surpass them both.
4. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 55.10, 57.17, 57.17.7 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

55.10. 1.  Augustus limited the number of people to be supplied with grain, a number not previously fixed, to two hundred thousand; and, as some say, he distributed largess of sixty denarii to each man.,1a. How the Forum of Augustus was dedicated.,1b. How the Temple of Mars therein was dedicated.,2.  . . . to Mars, and that he himself and his grandsons should go there as often as they wished, while those who were passing from the class of boys and were being enrolled among the youths of military age should invariably do so; that those who were sent out to commands abroad should make that their starting-point;,3.  that the senate should take its votes there in regard to the granting of triumphs, and that the victors after celebrating them should dedicate to this Mars their sceptre and their crown; that such victors and all others who receive triumphal honours should have their statues in bronze erected in the Forum;,4.  that in case military standards captured by the enemy were ever recovered they should be placed in the temple; that a festival should be celebrated besides the steps of the temple by the cavalry commanders of each year; that a nail should be driven into it by the censors at the close of their terms;,5.  and that even senators should have the right of contracting to supply the horses that were to compete in the Circensian games, and also to take general charge of the temple, just as had been provided by law in the case of the temples of Apollo and of Jupiter Capitolinus.,6.  These matters settled, Augustus dedicated this temple of Mars, although he had granted to Gaius and Lucius once for all the right to consecrate all such buildings by virtue of a kind of consular authority that they exercised in the time-honoured manner. And they did, in fact, have the management of the Circensian games on this occasion, while their brother Agrippa took part along with the boys of the first families in the equestrian exercise called "Troy.",7.  Two hundred and sixty lions were slaughtered in the Circus. There was a gladiatorial combat in the Saepta, and a naval battle between the "Persians" and the "Athenians" was given on the spot where even to‑day some relics of it are still pointed out.,8.  These, it will be understood, were the names given to the contestants; and the "Athenians" prevailed as of old. Afterwards water was let into the Circus Flaminius and thirty-six crocodiles were there slaughtered. Augustus, however, did not serve as consul during all these days, but after holding office for a short time, gave the title of the consulship to another.,9.  These were the celebrations in honour of Mars. To Augustus himself a sacred contest was voted in Neapolis, the Campanian city, nominally because he had restored it when it was prostrated by earthquake and fire, but in reality because its inhabitants, alone of the Campanians, tried in a manner to imitate the customs of the Greeks.,10.  He also was given the strict right to the title of "Father"; for hitherto he had merely been addressed by that title without the formality of a decree. Moreover, he now for the first time appointed two prefects over the Praetorians, Quintus Ostorius Scapula and Publius Salvius Aper, — for I, too, apply this name "prefect" solely to them, of all who exercise a similar office, inasmuch as it has won its way into general use.,11.  Pylades, the dancer, gave a festival, though he did not perform any of the work himself, since he was very old, but merely wore the insignia of office and provided the cost of the entertainment; and the praetor Quintus Crispinus also gave one. I mention this only because it was on this occasion that knights and women of distinction were brought upon the stage.,12.  of this, however, Augustus took no account; but when he at length discovered that his daughter Julia was so dissolute in her conduct as actually to take part in revels and drinking bouts at night in the Forum and on the very rostra, he became exceedingly angry.,13.  He had surmised even before this time that she was not leading a straight life, but refused to believe it. For those who hold positions of command, it appears, are acquainted with everything else better than with their own affairs; and although their own deeds do not escape the knowledge of their associates, they have no precise information regarding what their associates do.,14.  In the present instance, when Augustus learned what was going on, he gave way to a rage so violent that he could not keep the matter to himself, but went so far as to communicate it to senate. As a result Julia was banished to the island of Pandateria, lying off Campania, and her mother Scribonia voluntarily accompanied her.,15.  of the men who had enjoyed her favours, Iullus Antonius, on the ground that his conduct had been prompted by designs upon the monarchy, was put to death along with other prominent persons, while the remainder were banished to islands. And since there was a tribune among them, he was not tried until he had completed his term of office.,16.  As a result of this affair many other women, too, were accused of similar behaviour, but the emperor would not entertain all the suits; instead, he set a definite date as a limit and forbade all prying into what had occurred previous to that time. For although in the case of his daughter he would show no mercy, remarking that he would rather have been Phoebe's father than hers, he nevertheless was disposed to spare the rest. This Phoebe had been a freedwoman of Julia's and her accomplice, and had voluntarily taken her own life before she could be punished. It was for this that Augustus praised her.,17.  Gaius assumed command of the legions on the Ister with peaceful intent. Indeed, he fought no war, not because no war broke out, but because he was learning to rule in quiet and safety, while the dangerous undertakings were regularly assigned to others.,18.  When the Armenians revolted and the Parthians joined with them, Augustus was distressed and at a loss what to do. For he himself was not fit for campaigning by reason of age, while Tiberius, as has been stated, had already withdrawn, and he did not dare send any other influential man; as for Gaius and Lucius, they were young and inexperienced in affairs. Nevertheless, under the stress of necessity, he chose Gaius, gave him the proconsular authority and a wife, — in order that he might also have the increased dignity that attached to a married man, — and appointed advisers to him.,19.  Gaius accordingly set out and was everywhere received with marks of distinction, as befitted one who was the emperor's grandson and was even looked upon as his son. Even Tiberius went to Chios and paid court to him, thus endeavouring to clear himself of suspicion; indeed, he humiliated himself and grovelled at the feet, not only of Gaius, but also of all the associates of Gaius. And Gaius, after going to Syria and meeting with no great success, was wounded.,20.  When the barbarians heard of Gaius' expedition, Phrataces sent men to Augustus to explain what had occurred and to demand the return of his brothers on condition of his accepting peace. The emperor sent him a letter in reply, addressed simply to "Phrataces," without the appellation of "king," in which he directed him to lay aside the royal name and to withdraw from Armenia. Thereupon the Parthian, so far from being cowed, wrote back in a generally haughty tone, styling himself "King of Kings" and addressing Augustus simply as "Caesar." Tigranes did not at once send any envoys, but when Artabazus somewhat later fell ill and died, he sent gifts to Augustus, in view of the fact that his rival had been removed,,21.  and though he did not mention the name "king" in his letter, he really did petition Augustus for the kingship. Influenced by these considerations and at the same time fearing the war with the Parthians, the emperor accepted the gifts and bade him go with good hopes to Gaius in Syria. . . . others who marched against them from Egypt, and did not yield until a tribune from the pretorian guard was sent against them. This man in the course of time checked their incursions, with the result that for a long period no senator governed the cities in this region. 57.17. 1.  The following year Gaius Caecilius and Lucius Flaccus received the title of consuls. And when some brought Tiberius money at the beginning of the year, he would not accept it and published an edict regarding this very practice, in which he used a word that was not Latin.,2.  After thinking it over at night he sent for all who were experts in such matters, for he was extremely anxious to have his diction irreproachable. Thereupon one Ateius Capito declared: "Even if no one has previously used this expression, yet now because of you we shall all cite it as an example of classical usage." But a certain Marcellus replied: "You, Caesar, can confer Roman citizenship upon men, but not upon words.",3.  And the emperor did this man no harm for his remark, in spite of its extreme frankness. His anger was aroused, however, against Archelaus, the king of Cappadocia, because this prince, after having once grovelled before him in order to gain his assistance as advocate when accused by his subjects in the time of Augustus,,4.  had afterwards slighted him on the occasion of his visit to Rhodes, yet had paid court to Gaius when the latter went to Asia. Therefore Tiberius now summoned him on the charge of rebellious conduct and left his fate to the decision of the senate, although the man was not only stricken in years, but also a great sufferer from gout, and was furthermore believed to be demented.,5.  As a matter of fact, he had once lost his mind to such an extent that a guardian was appointed over his domain by Augustus; nevertheless, at the time in question he was no longer weak-witted, but was merely feigning, in the hope of saving himself by this expedient. And he would now have been put to death, had not someone in testifying against him stated that he had once said: "When I get back home, I will show him what sort of sinews I possess." So great a shout of laughter went up at this — for the man was not only unable to stand, but could not even sit up — that Tiberius gave up his purpose of putting him to death.,6.  In fact, the prince's condition was so serious that he was carried into the senate in a covered litter (for it was customary even for men, whenever one of them came there feeling ill, to be carried in reclining, and even Tiberius sometimes did so), and he spoke a few words leaning out of the litter.,7.  So it was that the life of Archelaus was spared for the time being; but he died shortly afterward from some other cause. After this Cappadocia fell to the Romans and was put in charge of a knight as governor. The cities in Asia which had been damaged by the earthquake were assigned to an ex-praetor with five lictors; and large sums of money were remitted from taxes and large sums were also given them by Tiberius.,8.  For not only did he refrain scrupulously from the possessions of others — so long, that is, as he practised any virtue at all — and would not even accept the inheritances that were left to him by testators who had relatives, but he actually contributed vast sums both to cities and to private individuals, and would not accept any honour or praise for these acts.,9.  When embassies came from cities or provinces, he never dealt with them alone, but caused a number of others to participate in the deliberations, especially men who had once governed these peoples. 57.17.7.  So it was that the life of Archelaus was spared for the time being; but he died shortly afterward from some other cause. After this Cappadocia fell to the Romans and was put in charge of a knight as governor. The cities in Asia which had been damaged by the earthquake were assigned to an ex-praetor with five lictors; and large sums of money were remitted from taxes and large sums were also given them by Tiberius.
5. Justinian, Digest, 50.15.4 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
administration,roman imperial Marek (2019) 388
administration,taxes and customs Marek (2019) 388
aias,son of teukros,priest-dynast Marek (2019) 326
archelais Marek (2019) 326
archelaos ii,client-king in cilicia Marek (2019) 326, 388
archelaus i of cappadocia,kingdom of,annexed by tiberius Udoh (2006) 167
archelaus ii (the younger),son of archelaus i of cappadocia,census of,in cilicia tracheia Udoh (2006) 167, 209
archelaus ii (the younger),son of archelaus i of cappadocia Udoh (2006) 167
ariobarzanes,king of the medes Marek (2019) 326
armenia,and rough cilicia Marek (2019) 326
armenia/armenians,orontid and artaxiad dynasty Marek (2019) 326
artavasdes iv,armenian king Marek (2019) 326
augustus,census of,in lusitania Udoh (2006) 209
augustus,emperor Marek (2019) 326
augustus,relations with herod the great Huebner (2018) 44
caesar,gaius julius,dictator Marek (2019) 388
cappadocia,roman province Marek (2019) 326
cappadocia/cappadocians,transformation into roman province Marek (2019) 326
cappadocia Udoh (2006) 167
census,in cappadocia Udoh (2006) 167, 209
census,in client kingdoms Udoh (2006) 167
census,of augustus in lusitania Udoh (2006) 209
census,of nero in gaul Udoh (2006) 209
census,of tiberius in narbonesis Udoh (2006) 209
census,provincial,and judea Udoh (2006) 209
census,provincial,not widespread Udoh (2006) 209
census,provincial Udoh (2006) 209
census,roman-style Udoh (2006) 167
census/censor Marek (2019) 388
censuses,categories of Huebner (2018) 44
censuses,lukes account Huebner (2018) 44
censuses,of client states Huebner (2018) 44
censuses Huebner (2018) 44
cietae,revolt of,against census Udoh (2006) 167
cilicia/cilicians,client-kings in the julio-claudian period Marek (2019) 326
citizenship,roman Marek (2019) 388
client state censuses' Huebner (2018) 44
colonies/colonization,roman Marek (2019) 326
dio cassius,on censuses Udoh (2006) 209
erato,armenian queen Marek (2019) 326
gaius caesar,grandson of augustus Marek (2019) 326
herod the great,taxation under Udoh (2006) 167
herod the great,taxes of,poll tax (tributum capitis) Udoh (2006) 167
herod the great,taxes of Udoh (2006) 167
jews/judaism,tax (fiscus judaicus) Marek (2019) 388
josephus,on herod,revenues from,and augustus Udoh (2006) 167
judea (jewish palestine),and provincial census Udoh (2006) 209
judea (jewish palestine),taxation of,under governors Udoh (2006) 209
kaisareia (tyana) Marek (2019) 326
kaisareia below mt. argaios (mazaka) Marek (2019) 326
kieros Marek (2019) 388
komana (kumani),temple state and city in cappadocia Marek (2019) 326
lycia,roman province,taxation Marek (2019) 388
mazaka Marek (2019) 326
neolithic/chalcolithic age (ca. Marek (2019) 326, 388
olba Marek (2019) 326
phasis river Marek (2019) 326
priest(ess)/priesthood,teucrids Marek (2019) 326
rome/romans,age of augustus Marek (2019) 326
rome/romans,provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Marek (2019) 326
syria,governorship Huebner (2018) 44
tacitus,on archelaus ii Udoh (2006) 167
taxation,in egypt Udoh (2006) 167
taxation,under herod Udoh (2006) 167
taxes,poll tax (tributum capitis) Udoh (2006) 167
taxes,roman,aurum coronarium (crown gold) Marek (2019) 388
taxes,roman,fiscus judaicus Marek (2019) 388
taxes,roman,iron tax Marek (2019) 388
taxes,roman,procurator ad censum agendum Marek (2019) 388
taxes,roman,publicani (tax farmers) Marek (2019) 388
taxes,roman,sales tax Marek (2019) 388
taxes,roman,scriptura (pasture tax) Marek (2019) 388
taxes,roman,tributum capitis (poll tax) Marek (2019) 388
taxes,roman,tributum soli (taxes on crop yields) Marek (2019) 388
taxes,roman,vicesima hereditatium (taxes on inheritances) Marek (2019) 388
taxes,roman,vicesima libertatis (taxes on the manumission of slaves) Marek (2019) 388
taxes,roman Marek (2019) 388
temple state/land,hittite Marek (2019) 326
tiberius (emperor) Udoh (2006) 209
tiberius emperor Marek (2019) 326
tigranes iv,armenian king Marek (2019) 326
tigranes v,armenian king Marek (2019) 326
tomb,cenotaph of gaius Marek (2019) 326
tributum capitis,as poll tax,and census of population Udoh (2006) 167
tyana (tuwana) Marek (2019) 326
veranius,quintus,governor Marek (2019) 326
vonones,armenian king Marek (2019) 326
→ honorary monuments of governors,taxes and customs Marek (2019) 388