Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database

10588

Tacitus, Annals, 6.28

Paulo Fabio L. Vitellio consulibus post longum saeculorum ambitum avis phoenix in Aegyptum venit praebuitque materiem doctissimis indigenarum et Graecorum multa super eo miraculo disserendi. de quibus congruunt et plura ambigua, sed cognitu non absurda promere libet. sacrum Soli id animal et ore ac distinctu pinnarum a ceteris avibus diversum consentiunt qui formam eius effinxere: de numero annorum varia traduntur. maxime vulgatum quingentorum spatium: sunt qui adseverent mille quadringentos sexaginta unum interici, prioresque alites Sesoside primum, post Amaside dominantibus, dein Ptolemaeo, qui ex Macedonibus tertius regnavit, in civitatem cui Heliopolis nomen advolavisse, multo ceterarum volucrum comitatu novam faciem mirantium. sed antiquitas quidem obscura: inter Ptolemaeum ac Tiberium minus ducenti quinquaginta anni fuerunt. unde non nulli falsum hunc phoenicem neque Arabum e terris credidere, nihilque usurpavisse ex his quae vetus memoria firmavit. confecto quippe annorum numero, ubi mors propinquet, suis in terris struere nidum eique vim genitalem adfundere ex qua fetum oriri; et primam adulto curam sepeliendi patris, neque id temere sed sublato murrae pondere temptatoque per longum iter, ubi par oneri, par meatui sit, subire patrium corpus inque Solis aram perferre atque adolere. haec incerta et fabulosis aucta: ceterum aspici aliquando in Aegypto eam volucrem non ambigitur.  In the consulate of Paulus Fabius and Lucius Vitellius, after a long period of ages, the bird known as the phoenix visited Egypt, and supplied the learned of that country and of Greece with the material for long disquisitions on the miracle. I propose to state the points on which they coincide, together with the larger number that are dubious, yet not too absurd for notice. That the creature is sacred to the sun and distinguished from other birds by its head and the variegation of its plumage, is agreed by those who have depicted its form: as to its term of years, the tradition varies. The generally received number is five hundred; but there are some who assert that its visits fall at intervals of 1461 years, and that it was in the reigns, first of Sesosis, then of Amasis, and finally of Ptolemy (third of the Macedonian dynasty), that the three earlier phoenixes flew to the city called Heliopolis with a great escort of common birds amazed at the novelty of their appearance. But while antiquity is obscure, between Ptolemy and Tiberius there were less than two hundred and fifty years: whence the belief has been held that this was a spurious phoenix, not originating on the soil of Arabia, and following none of the practices affirmed by ancient tradition. For — so the tale is told — when its sum of years is complete and death is drawing on, it builds a nest in its own country and sheds on it a procreative influence, from which springs a young one, whose first care on reaching maturity is to bury his sire. Nor is that task performed at random, but, after raising a weight of myrrh and proving it by a far flight, so soon as he is a match for his burden and the course before him, he lifts up his father's corpse, conveys him to the Altar of the Sun, and consigns him to the flames. — The details are uncertain and heightened by fable; but that the bird occasionally appears in Egypt is unquestioned. <

Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

22 results
1. Hesiod, Fragments, 304 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
2. Herodotus, Histories, 2.73 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) 2.73. There is another sacred bird, too, whose name is phoenix. I myself have never seen it, only pictures of it; for the bird seldom comes into Egypt : once in five hundred years, as the people of Heliopolis say. ,It is said that the phoenix comes when his father dies. If the picture truly shows his size and appearance, his plumage is partly golden and partly red. He is most like an eagle in shape and size. ,What they say this bird manages to do is incredible to me. Flying from Arabia to the temple of the sun, they say, he conveys his father encased in myrrh and buries him at the temple of the Sun. ,This is how he conveys him: he first molds an egg of myrrh as heavy as he can carry, then tries lifting it, and when he has tried it, he then hollows out the egg and puts his father into it, and plasters over with more myrrh the hollow of the egg into which he has put his father, which is the same in weight with his father lying in it, and he conveys him encased to the temple of the Sun in Egypt . This is what they say this bird does.
3. Julius Caesar, De Bello Gallico, 6.25-6.28 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
4. Livy, History, 22.57.2-22.57.7 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
5. Ovid, Fasti, 2.684 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) 2.684. The extent of the City of Rome and the world is one.
6. Clement of Rome, 1 Clement, 19.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) 19.3. ἴδωμεν αὐτὸν κατὰ διάνοιαν καὶ ἐμβλέψωμεν τοῖς ὄμμασιν τῆς ψυχῆς εἰς τὸ μακρόθυμον αὐτοῦ βούλημα: νοήσωμεν, πῶς ἀόργητος ὑπάρχει πρὸς πᾶσαν τὴν κτίσιν αὐτοῦ.
7. Martial, Epigrams, 5.7.1-5.7.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
8. Martial, Epigrams, 5.7.1-5.7.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
9. New Testament, 1 Corinthians, 3.3, 13.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) 3.3. for you are still fleshly. For insofar as there is jealousy,strife, and factions among you, aren't you fleshly, and don't you walkin the ways of men? 13.3. If I dole out all my goods tofeed the poor, and if I give my body to be burned, but don't have love,it profits me nothing.
10. New Testament, 2 Corinthians, 12.20 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
11. New Testament, James, 4.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) 4.2. You lust, and don't have. You kill, covet, and can't obtain. You fight and make war. Yet you don't have, because you don't ask.
12. New Testament, Galatians, 5.20 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) 5.20. idolatry, sorcery, hatred, strife, jealousies,outbursts of anger, rivalries, divisions, heresies
13. New Testament, Romans, 13 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
14. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 5.128, 7.35, 9.11, 10.5, 31.12, 34.31 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
15. Statius, Siluae, 3.2.101-3.2.126 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
16. Tacitus, Agricola, 44, 3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
17. Tacitus, Annals, 2.30.1-2.30.2, 2.32.3, 2.69.3, 3.55, 4.1.1, 4.58.2-4.58.3, 6.20.2, 6.21, 6.28.1, 11.11, 11.14, 12.43.1, 12.52.3, 12.64.1, 12.68.3, 13.24.1-13.24.2, 13.58, 14.9.3, 15.44.1-15.44.6, 15.47.1-15.47.2, 16.13.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) 2.30.1.  Besides Trio and Catus, Fonteius Agrippa and Gaius Vibius had associated themselves with the prosecution, and it was disputed which of the four should have the right of stating the case against the defendant. Finally, Vibius announced that, as no one would give way and Libo was appearing without legal representation, he would take the counts one by one. He produced Libo's papers, so fatuous that, according to one, he had inquired of his prophets if he would be rich enough to cover the Appian Road as far as Brundisium with money. There was more in the same vein, stolid, vacuous, or, if indulgently read, pitiable. In one paper, however, the accuser argued, a set of marks, sinister or at least mysterious, had been appended by Libo's hand to the names of the imperial family and a number of senators. As the defendant denied the allegation, it was resolved to question the slaves, who recognized the handwriting, under torture; and, since an old decree prohibited their examination in a charge affecting the life of their master, Tiberius, applying his talents to the discovery of a new jurisprudence, ordered them to be sold individually to the treasury agent: all to procure servile evidence against a Libo, without overriding a senatorial decree! In view of this, the accused asked for an adjournment till the next day, and left for home, after commissioning his relative, Publius Quirinius, to make a final appeal to the emperor. 3.55.  When the Caesar's epistle had been read, the aediles were exempted from such a task; and spendthrift epicureanism, after being practised with extravagant prodigality throughout the century between the close of the Actian War and the struggle which placed Servius Galba on the throne, went gradually out of vogue. The causes of that change may well be investigated. Formerly aristocratic families of wealth or outstanding distinction were apt to be led to their downfall by a passion for magnificence. For it was still legitimate to court or be courted by the populace, by the provincials, by dependent princes; and the more handsome the fortune, the palace, the establishment of a man, the more imposing his reputation and his clientèle. After the merciless executions, when greatness of fame was death, the survivors turned to wiser paths. At the same time, the self-made men, repeatedly drafted into the senate from the municipalities and the colonies, and even from the provinces, introduced the plain-living habits of their own hearths; and although by good fortune or industry very many arrived at an old age of affluence, yet their prepossessions persisted to the end. But the main promoter of the stricter code was Vespasian, himself of the old school in his person and table. Thenceforward, deference to the sovereign and the love of emulating him proved more powerful than legal sanctions and deterrents. Or should we rather say there is a kind of cycle in all things — moral as well as seasonal revolutions? Nor, indeed, were all things better in the old time before us; but our own age too has produced much in the sphere of true nobility and much in that of art which posterity well may imitate. In any case, may the honourable competition of our present with our past long remain! 4.1.1.  The consulate of Gaius Asinius and Gaius Antistius was to Tiberius the ninth year of public order and of domestic felicity (for he counted the death of Germanicus among his blessings), when suddenly fortune disturbed the peace and he became either a tyrant himself or the source of power to the tyrannous. The starting-point and the cause were to be found in Aelius Sejanus, prefect of the praetorian cohorts. of his influence I spoke above: now I shall unfold his origin, his character, and the crime by which he strove to seize on empire. Born at Vulsinii to the Roman knight Seius Strabo, he became in early youth a follower of Gaius Caesar, grandson of the deified Augustus; not without a rumour that he had disposed of his virtue at a price to Apicius, a rich man and a prodigal. Before long, by his multifarious arts, he bound Tiberius fast: so much so that a man inscrutable to others became to Sejanus alone unguarded and unreserved; and the less by subtlety (in fact, he was beaten in the end by the selfsame arts) than by the anger of Heaven against that Roman realm for whose equal damnation he flourished and fell. He was a man hardy by constitution, fearless by temperament; skilled to conceal himself and to incriminate his neighbour; cringing at once and insolent; orderly and modest to outward view, at heart possessed by a towering ambition, which impelled him at whiles to lavishness and luxury, but oftener to industry and vigilance — qualities not less noxious when assumed for the winning of a throne. 6.21.  For all consultations on such business he used the highest part of his villa and the confidential services of one freedman. Along the pathless and broken heights (for the house overlooks a cliff) this illiterate and robust guide led the way in front of the astrologer whose art Tiberius had resolved to investigate, and on his return, had any suspicion arisen of incompetence or of fraud, hurled him into the sea below, lest he should turn betrayer of the secret. Thrasyllus, then, introduced by the same rocky path, after he had impressed his questioner by adroit revelations of his empire to be and of the course of the future, was asked if he had ascertained his own horoscope — what was the character of that year — what the complexion of that day. A diagram which he drew up of the positions and distances of the stars at first gave him pause; then he showed signs of fear: the more careful his scrutiny, the greater his trepidation between surprise and alarm; and at last he exclaimed that a doubtful, almost a final, crisis was hard upon him. He was promptly embraced by Tiberius, who, congratulating him on the fact that he had divined, and was about to escape, his perils, accepted as oracular truth, the predictions he had made, and retained him among his closest friends. 12.43.1.  Many prodigies occurred during the year. Ominous birds took their seat on the Capitol; houses were overturned by repeated shocks of earthquake, and, as the panic spread, the weak were trampled underfoot in the trepidation of the crowd. A shortage of corn, again, and the famine which resulted, were construed as a supernatural warning. Nor were the complaints always whispered. Claudius, sitting in judgement, was surrounded by a wildly clamorous mob, and, driven into the farthest corner of the Forum, was there subjected to violent pressure, until, with the help of a body of troops, he forced a way through the hostile throng. It was established that the capital had provisions for fifteen days, no more; and the crisis was relieved only by the especial grace of the gods and the mildness of the winter. And yet, Heaven knows, in the past, Italy exported supplies for the legions into remote provinces; nor is sterility the trouble now, but we cultivate Africa and Egypt by preference, and the life of the Roman nation has been staked upon cargo-boats and accidents. 12.64.1.  In the consulate of Marcus Asinius and Manius Acilius, it was made apparent by a sequence of prodigies that a change of conditions for the worse was foreshadowed. Fire from heaven played round the standards and tents of the soldiers; a swarm of bees settled on the pediment of the Capitol; it was stated that hermaphrodites had been born, and that a pig had been produced with the talons of a hawk. It was counted among the portents that each of the magistracies found its numbers diminished, since a quaestor, an aedile, and a tribune, together with a praetor and a consul, had died within a few months. But especial terror was felt by Agrippina. Disquieted by a remark let fall by Claudius in his cups, that it was his destiny first to suffer and finally to punish the infamy of his wives, she determined to act — and speedily. First, however, she destroyed Domitia Lepida on a feminine quarrel. For, as the daughter of the younger Antonia, the grand-niece of Augustus, the first cousin once removed of Agrippina, and also the sister of her former husband Gnaeus Domitius, Lepida regarded her family distinctions as equal to those of the princess. In looks, age, and fortune there was little between the pair; and since each was as unchaste, as disreputable, and as violent as the other, their competition in the vices was not less keen than in such advantages as they had received from the kindness of fortune. But the fiercest struggle was on the question whether the domit influence with Nero was to be his aunt or his mother: for Lepida was endeavouring to captivate his youthful mind by a smooth tongue and an open hand, while on the other side Agrippina stood grim and menacing, capable of presenting her son with an empire but not of tolerating him as emperor. 13.24.1.  At the end of the year, the cohort usually present on guard at the Games was withdrawn; the objects being to give a greater appearance of liberty, to prevent the troops from being corrupted by too close contact with the licence of the theatre, and to test whether the populace would continue its orderly behaviour when its custodians were removed. A lustration of the city was carried out by the emperor at the recommendation of the soothsayers, since the temples of Jupiter and Minerva had been struck by lightning. 13.58.  In the same year, the tree in the Comitium, known as the Ruminalis, which eight hundred and thirty years earlier had sheltered the infancy of Remus and Romulus, through the death of its boughs and the withering of its stem, reached a stage of decrepitude which was regarded as a portent, until it renewed its verdure in fresh shoots. 15.44.1.  So far, the precautions taken were suggested by human prudence: now means were sought for appeasing deity, and application was made to the Sibylline books; at the injunction of which public prayers were offered to Vulcan, Ceres, and Proserpine, while Juno was propitiated by the matrons, first in the Capitol, then at the nearest point of the sea-shore, where water was drawn for sprinkling the temple and image of the goddess. Ritual banquets and all-night vigils were celebrated by women in the married state. But neither human help, nor imperial munificence, nor all the modes of placating Heaven, could stifle scandal or dispel the belief that the fire had taken place by order. Therefore, to scotch the rumour, Nero substituted as culprits, and punished with the utmost refinements of cruelty, a class of men, loathed for their vices, whom the crowd styled Christians. Christus, the founder of the name, had undergone the death penalty in the reign of Tiberius, by sentence of the procurator Pontius Pilatus, and the pernicious superstition was checked for a moment, only to break out once more, not merely in Judaea, the home of the disease, but in the capital itself, where all things horrible or shameful in the world collect and find a vogue. First, then, the confessed members of the sect were arrested; next, on their disclosures, vast numbers were convicted, not so much on the count of arson as for hatred of the human race. And derision accompanied their end: they were covered with wild beasts' skins and torn to death by dogs; or they were fastened on crosses, and, when daylight failed were burned to serve as lamps by night. Nero had offered his Gardens for the spectacle, and gave an exhibition in his Circus, mixing with the crowd in the habit of a charioteer, or mounted on his car. Hence, in spite of a guilt which had earned the most exemplary punishment, there arose a sentiment of pity, due to the impression that they were being sacrificed not for the welfare of the state but to the ferocity of a single man. 15.47.1.  At the close of the year, report was busy with portents heralding disaster to come — lightning-flashes in numbers never exceeded, a comet (a phenomenon to which Nero always made atonement in noble blood); two-headed embryos, human or of the other animals, thrown out in public or discovered in the sacrifices where it is the rule to kill pregt victims. Again, in the territory of Placentia, a calf was born close to the road with the head grown to a leg; and there followed an interpretation of the soothsayers, stating that another head was being prepared for the world; but it would be neither strong nor secret, as it had been repressed in the womb, and had been brought forth at the wayside. 16.13.1.  Upon this year, disgraced by so many deeds of shame, Heaven also set its mark by tempest and disease. Campania was wasted by a whirlwind, which far and wide wrecked the farms, the fruit trees, and the crops, and carried its fury to the neighbourhood of the capital, where all classes of men were being decimated by a deadly epidemic. No outward sign of a distempered air was visible. Yet the houses were filled with lifeless bodies, the streets with funerals. Neither sex nor age gave immunity from danger; slaves and the free-born populace alike were summarily cut down, amid the laments of their wives and children, who, themselves infected while tending or mourning the victims, were often burnt upon the same pyre. Knights and senators, though they perished on all hands, were less deplored — as if, by undergoing the common lot, they were cheating the ferocity of the emperor. In the same year, levies were held in Narbonese Gaul, Africa, and Asia, to recruit the legions of Illyricum, in which all men incapacitated by age or sickness were being discharged from the service. The emperor alleviated the disaster at Lugdunum by a grant of four million sesterces to repair the town's losses: the same amount which Lugdunum had previously offered in aid of the misfortunes of the capital.
18. Tacitus, Histories, 1.22.2, 1.86, 1.86.1, 3.56.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) 1.86.  Prodigies which were reported on various authorities also contributed to the general terror. It was said that in the vestibule of the Capitol the reins of the chariot in which Victory stood had fallen from the goddess's hands, that a superhuman form had rushed out of Juno's chapel, that a statue of the deified Julius on the island of the Tiber had turned from west to east on a bright calm day, that an ox had spoken in Etruria, that animals had given birth to strange young, and that many other things had happened which in barbarous ages used to be noticed even during peace, but which now are only heard of in seasons of terror. Yet the chief anxiety which was connected with both present disaster and future danger was caused by a sudden overflow of the Tiber which, swollen to a great height, broke down the wooden bridge and then was thrown back by the ruins of the bridge which dammed the stream, and overflowed not only the low-lying level parts of the city, but also parts which are normally free from such disasters. Many were swept away in the public streets, a larger number cut off in shops and in their beds. The common people were reduced to famine by lack of employment and failure of supplies. Apartment houses had their foundations undermined by the standing water and then collapsed when the flood withdrew. The moment people's minds were relieved of this danger, the very fact that when Otho was planning a military expedition, the Campus Martius and the Flaminian Way, over which he was to advance, were blocked against him was interpreted as a prodigy and an omen of impending disaster rather than as the result of chance or natural causes.
19. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 58.27.1 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) 58.27.1.  And if Egyptian affairs touch Roman interests at all, it may be mentioned that the phoenix was seen that year. All these events were thought to foreshadow the death of Tiberius. Thrasyllus, indeed, did die at this very time, and the emperor himself died in the following spring, in the consulship of Gnaeus Proculus and Pontius Nigrinus.
20. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 8.46.1 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) 8.46.1. The ancient image of Athena Alea, and with it the tusks of the Calydonian boar, were carried away by the Roman emperor Augustus after his defeat of Antonius and his allies, among whom were all the Arcadians except the Mantineans.
21. Augustine, The City of God, 16.8 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) 16.8. It is also asked whether we are to believe that certain monstrous races of men, spoken of in secular history, have sprung from Noah's sons, or rather, I should say, from that one man from whom they themselves were descended. For it is reported that some have one eye in the middle of the forehead; some, feet turned backwards from the heel; some, a double sex, the right breast like a man, the left like a woman, and that they alternately beget and bring forth: others are said to have no mouth, and to breathe only through the nostrils; others are but a cubit high, and are therefore called by the Greeks Pigmies: they say that in some places the women conceive in their fifth year, and do not live beyond their eighth. So, too, they tell of a race who have two feet but only one leg, and are of marvellous swiftness, though they do not bend the knee: they are called Skiopodes, because in the hot weather they lie down on their backs and shade themselves with their feet. Others are said to have no head, and their eyes in their shoulders; and other human or quasi-human races are depicted in mosaic in the harbor esplanade of Carthage, on the faith of histories of rarities. What shall I say of the Cynocephali, whose dog-like head and barking proclaim them beasts rather than men? But we are not bound to believe all we hear of these monstrosities. But whoever is anywhere born a man, that is, a rational, mortal animal, no matter what unusual appearance he presents in color, movement, sound, nor how peculiar he is in some power, part, or quality of his nature, no Christian can doubt that he springs from that one protoplast. We can distinguish the common human nature from that which is peculiar, and therefore wonderful. The same account which is given of monstrous births in individual cases can be given of monstrous races. For God, the Creator of all, knows where and when each thing ought to be, or to have been created, because He sees the similarities and diversities which can contribute to the beauty of the whole. But He who cannot see the whole is offended by the deformity of the part, because he is blind to that which balances it, and to which it belongs. We know that men are born with more than four fingers on their hands or toes on their feet: this is a smaller matter; but far from us be the folly of supposing that the Creator mistook the number of a man's fingers, though we cannot account for the difference. And so in cases where the divergence from the rule is greater. He whose works no man justly finds fault with, knows what He has done. At Hippo-Diarrhytus there is a man whose hands are crescent-shaped, and have only two fingers each, and his feet similarly formed. If there were a race like him, it would be added to the history of the curious and wonderful. Shall we therefore deny that this man is descended from that one man who was first created? As for the Androgyni, or Hermaphrodites, as they are called, though they are rare, yet from time to time there appears persons of sex so doubtful, that it remains uncertain from which sex they take their name; though it is customary to give them a masculine name, as the more worthy. For no one ever called them Hermaphroditesses. Some years ago, quite within my own memory, a man was born in the East, double in his upper, but single in his lower half - having two heads, two chests, four hands, but one body and two feet like an ordinary man; and he lived so long that many had an opportunity of seeing him. But who could enumerate all the human births that have differed widely from their ascertained parents? As, therefore, no one will deny that these are all descended from that one man, so all the races which are reported to have diverged in bodily appearance from the usual course which nature generally or almost universally preserves, if they are embraced in that definition of man as rational and mortal animals, unquestionably trace their pedigree to that one first father of all. We are supposing these stories about various races who differ from one another and from us to be true; but possibly they are not: for if we were not aware that apes, and monkeys, and sphinxes are not men, but beasts, those historians would possibly describe them as races of men, and flaunt with impunity their false and vainglorious discoveries. But supposing they are men of whom these marvels are recorded, what if God has seen fit to create some races in this way, that we might not suppose that the monstrous births which appear among ourselves are the failures of that wisdom whereby He fashions the human nature, as we speak of the failure of a less perfect workman? Accordingly, it ought not to seem absurd to us, that as in individual races there are monstrous births, so in the whole race there are monstrous races. Wherefore, to conclude this question cautiously and guardedly, either these things which have been told of some races have no existence at all; or if they do exist, they are not human races; or if they are human, they are descended from Adam.
22. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 2.45.5

Subjects of this text:

subject	book bibliographic info
a roman amateur	Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 57
aemilius scaurus, m.	Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 210
andromeda	Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 210
animals	Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 210
antonius diogenes	Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 193
apis, egyptian deity	Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 202
assimilated in rome, interpretatio graeca as cerberus	Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 202
astrologers expelled	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 166
astrology, and imperial destinies	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 166
astrology, in tacitus	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 166
astrology, rise of	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 166
astrology, successful/inappropriate	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 166
augustine	Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 193
augustus, and the calydonian boars tusks	Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 210
authentic versus copy, ignorance of	Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 57
beneventum	Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 210
chios	Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 210
clement (author of 1 clement)	Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 212
conquers britain, displays hippocentaur	Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 210
conquers britain, displays phoenix	Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 210
cornelius valerianus	Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 57, 210
cosmos, cosmology, nature	Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 212
cynics	Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 212
decemuiri sacris faciundis	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 205, 216
decline, of religion	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 205
decline, of rome	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 213
dionysus, sanctuary of	Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 210
domitian, emperor, controls celers egyptian experience	Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 202
dream, credibility	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 170
educated, erudite	Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 212
egypt	Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 210
elephants	Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 210
emperors and egypt, claudius	Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 202
emperors and egypt, tiberius	Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 202
expiation	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 205
fatum, diagnosis	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 213
fatum, in tacitus	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 213, 216
fatum, of rome	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 213
ficus ruminalis	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 205, 213, 216
foreign, rites	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 170
foreigners, and religion	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 170
fors, and the gods	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 170
fors, as detail	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 170
fors, fors as category	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 170
fors, forte	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 170, 213
fors, in tacitus	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 170
germania	Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 193
gods, agency deduced	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 205
gods, benevolence	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 170
gods, intervention	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 170, 205
haruspicy, decline	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 166
hellenization of egyptian institutions, in herodotus	Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 202
hellenization of egyptian institutions, in statius	Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 202
incest	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 166
ira deorum	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 205, 213
isaeum campense, temple of isis	Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 202
jaffa	Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 210
jewish war	Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 193
jews, hellenistic	Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 212
judaea	Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 210
julius caesar, c., and the gallic war	Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 193
lentulus spinther, p.	Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 210
licinius mucianus, c., writes history of jewish war	Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 193
licinius mucianus, c., writes on mirabilia	Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 193
licinius sura, l., writes on mirabilia	Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 193
magic, as superstitio	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 166
magic, prosecutions for	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 166
magicians expelled	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 166
metanarrative perspectives	Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 202
mirabilia, and keepers of the wonders	Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 210
mirabilia, in historical writing	Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 193
nature, and chance	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 170
nature, and prodigies	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 170
nero, and signs	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 205
nero, reign predicted	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 166
omens	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 213
pax deorum	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 205
phoenix, bird	Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 202
phoenix	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 205, 213, 216; Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 212; Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 193
platonism	Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 212
pliny the elder, and egyptian deities	Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 202
pliny the elder, the natural history	Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 193
praecepta ad filium	Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 193
prodigies, symbolic	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 205
prodigies, under claudius	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 205
prodigies, under tiberius (lack of)	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 205
provinces	Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 212
rhetoric (study)	Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 212
ritual, error	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 205
rome, comitium	Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 210
rome, founders	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 216
rome, horti caesaris	Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 210
rome, temple of divus augustus, victoria in	Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 57
romulus	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 216
saecula, 100 years	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 216
saecula, beatissimum	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 216
saecula	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 213, 216
saecular games, dating	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 216
saecular games, of augustus	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 216
saecular games, of claudius	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 216
saecular games, of domitian	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 216
saecular games	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 216
saeculum corruptissimum, dating	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 216
saeculum corruptissimum	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 216
sebomenoi	Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 212
senate, and emperor	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 216
senate, failure of authority	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 205
septimius severus	Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 210
series saeculorum	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 213
sophia, and domitian	Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 202
sophia, investigates egyptian deities	Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 202
stoicism, stoics	Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 212
stones, onyx	Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 210
stones	Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 210
superstitio	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 166, 170
syria	Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 193
tacitus, and the fatum of rome	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 213, 216
tacitus, and the phoenix	Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 193
theriomorphism, trademark institution of egypt, investigated by statius	Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 202
thrasyllus (astrologer)	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 166
tiberius, emperor, and signs	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 166, 213
tiberius, emperor, astrologer	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 166
tiberius	Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 57, 193, 210
tullius cicero, m., his book in admirandis	Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 193
tullius cicero, m., public versus private view of art	Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 57
uelut, and interpretation'	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 213
valerius publicola, p., his antiquitates	Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 193
valerius publicola, p., his disciplina	Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 193
valerius publicola, p., writes book of marvels	Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 193
verres, c., his mania for collecting	Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 57
vespasian	Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 193
vices, catalogue of	Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 212