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10588

Tacitus, Annals, 4.55-4.56
Sed Caesar quo famam averteret adesse frequens senatui legatosque Asiae ambigentis quanam in civitate templum statueretur pluris per dies audivit. undecim urbes certabant, pari ambitione, viribus diversae. neque multum distantia inter se memorabant de vetustate generis, studio in populum Romanum per bella Persi et Aristonici aliorumque regum. verum Hypaepeni Trallianique Laodicenis ac Magnetibus simul tramissi ut parum validi; ne Ilienses quidem, cum parentem urbis Romae Troiam referrent, nisi antiquitatis gloria pollebant. paulum addubitatum quod Halicarnasii mille et ducentos per annos nullo motu terrae nutavisse sedes suas vivoque in saxo fundamenta templi adseveraverant. Pergamenos (eo ipso nitebantur) aede Augusto ibi sita satis adeptos creditum. Ephesii Milesiique, hi Apollinis, illi Dianae caerimonia occupavisse civitates visi. ita Sardianos inter Zmyrnaeosque deliberatum. Sardiani decretum Etruriae recitavere ut consanguinei: nam Tyrrhenum Lydumque Atye rege genitos ob multitudinem divisisse gentem; Lydum patriis in terris resedisse, Tyrrheno datum novas ut conderet sedes; et ducum e nominibus indita vocabula illis per Asiam, his in Italia; auctamque adhuc Lydorum opulentiam missis in Graeciam populis cui mox a Pelope nomen. simul litteras imperatorum et icta nobiscum foedera bello Macedonum ubertatemque fluminum suorum, temperiem caeli ac ditis circum terras memorabant. To divert criticism, the Caesar attended the senate with frequency, and for several days listened to the deputies from Asia debating which of their communities was to erect his temple. Eleven cities competed, with equal ambition but disparate resources. With no great variety each pleaded national antiquity, and zeal for the Roman cause in the wars with Perseus, Aristonicus, and other kings. But Hypaepa and Tralles, together with Laodicea and Magnesia, were passed over as inadequate to the task: even Ilium, though it appealed to Troy as the parent of Rome, had no significance apart from the glory of its past. Some little hesitation was caused by the statement of the Halicarnassians that for twelve hundred years no tremors of earthquake had disturbed their town, and the temple foundations would rest on the living rock. The Pergamenes were refuted by their main argument: they had already a sanctuary of Augustus, and the distinction was thought ample. The state-worship in Ephesus and Miletus was considered to be already centred on the cults of Diana and Apollo respectively: the deliberations turned, therefore, on Sardis and Smyrna. The Sardians read a decree of their "kindred country" of Etruria. "Owing to its numbers," they explained, "Tyrrhenus and Lydus, sons of King Atys, had divided the nation. Lydus had remained in the territory of his fathers, Tyrrhenus had been allotted the task of creating a new settlement; and the Asiatic and Italian branches of the people had received distinctive titles from the names of the two leaders; while a further advance in the Lydian power had come with the despatch of colonists to the peninsula which afterwards took its name from Pelops." At the same time, they recalled the letters from Roman commanders, the treaties concluded with us in the Macedonian war, their ample rivers, tempered climate, and the richness of the surrounding country. <
At Zmyrnaei repetita vetustate, seu Tantalus Iove ortus illos, sive Theseus divina et ipse stirpe, sive una Amazonum condidisset, transcendere ad ea, quis maxime fidebant, in populum Romanum officiis, missa navali copia non modo externa ad bella sed quae in Italia tolerabantur; seque primos templum urbis Romae statuisse, M. Porcio consule, magnis quidem iam populi Romani rebus, nondum tamen ad summum elatis, stante adhuc Punica urbe et validis per Asiam regibus. simul L. Sullam testem adferebant, gravissimo in discrimine exercitus ob asperitatem hiemis et penuriam vestis, cum id Zmyrnam in contionem nuntiatum foret, omnis qui adstabant detraxisse corpori tegmina nostrisque legionibus misisse. ita rogati sententiam patres Zmyrnaeos praetulere. censuitque Vibius Marsus ut M'. Lepido, cui ea provincia obvenerat, super numerum legaretur qui templi curam susciperet. et quia Lepidus ipse deligere per modestiam abnuebat, Valerius Naso e praetoriis sorte missus est. The deputies from Smyrna, on the other hand, after retracing the antiquity of their town — whether founded by Tantalus, the seed of Jove; by Theseus, also of celestial stock; or by one of the Amazons — passed on to the arguments in which they rested most confidence: their good offices towards the Roman people, to whom they had sent their naval force to aid not merely in foreign wars but in those with which we had to cope in Italy, while they had also been the first to erect a temple to the City of Rome, at a period (the consulate of Marcus Porcius) when the Roman fortunes stood high indeed, but had not yet mounted to their zenith, as the Punic capital was yet standing and the kings were still powerful in Asia. At the same time, Sulla was called to witness that "with his army in a most critical position through the inclement winter and scarcity of clothing, the news had only to be announced at a public meeting in Smyrna, and the whole of the bystanders stripped the garments from their bodies and sent them to our legions." The Fathers accordingly, when their opinion was taken, gave Smyrna the preference. Vibius Marsus proposed that a supernumerary legate, to take responsibility for the temple, should be assigned to Manius Lepidus, to whom the province of Asia had fallen; and since Lepidus modestly declined to make the selection himself, Valerius Naso was chosen by lot among the ex-praetors and sent out.

Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

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1. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 34.48, 34.51, 38.38-38.39 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) 34.48.  On the other hand, goodwill and a reputation for superiority in virtue and kindliness — those are your true blessings, those are the objects worthy of emulation and serious regard. And you would pay heed to them, since your present behaviour is ridiculous. And whether it is a question of Aegaeans quarrelling with you, or Apameans with men of Antioch, or, to go farther afield, Smyrnaeans with Ephesians, it is an ass's shadow, as the saying goes, over which they squabble; for the right to lead and to wield authority belongs to others. 34.51.  And yet those states of old possessed real power and great utility, if it be correct to call self-seeking by that name; whereas anyone seeing the disputes and occasions for hostility of the present time would, methinks, blush for shame, for in reality they make one think of fellow-slaves quarrelling with one another over glory and pre-eminence. What then? Is there nothing noble in this our day to merit one's serious pursuit? The greatest things, yes the only things worthy of serious pursuit, were present then, are present now, and always will be; and over these no man, surely, has control, whether to confer them on another or to take them away from him who has them, but, on the contrary, they are always at one's disposal, whether it be a private citizen or the body politic. But the discussion of these matters perhaps would take too long. 38.38.  In truth such marks of distinction, on which you plume yourselves, not only are objects of utter contempt in the eyes of all persons of discernment, but especially in Rome they excite laughter and, what is still more humiliating, are called "Greek failings!" And failings they are indeed, men of Nicomedia, though not Greek, unless some one will claim that in this special particular they are Greek, namely, that those Greeks of old, both Athenians and Spartans, once laid counterclaims to glory. However, I may have said already that their doings were not mere vain conceit but a struggle for real empire — though nowadays you may fancy somehow that they were making a valiant struggle for the right to lead the procession, like persons in some mystic celebration putting up a sham battle over something not really theirs. 38.39.  But if, while the title "metropolis" is your special prerogative, that of leader is shared with others, what do you lose thereby? For I would venture to assert that, even if you lose all your titles, you are losing nothing real. Or what do you expect to be the consequence of that? That the sea will retreat from your shores, or your territory be smaller, or your revenues less? Have you ever yet been present at a play? More properly speaking, almost every day you behold not only tragic actors but the other sort too, the various actors who appear to come upon the scene to give pleasure and enjoyment, but who really benefit those who are sensitive to the action of the play. Well then, does any one in the cast appear to you to be really king or prince or god?
2. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 6.8 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
3. Tacitus, Annals, 2.47, 3.60-3.63, 3.61.2, 4.13.1, 4.14-4.15, 4.43, 4.55.3, 4.56, 4.56.1, 12.61, 15.23.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) 2.47.  In the same year, twelve important cities of Asia collapsed in an earthquake, the time being night, so that the havoc was the less foreseen and the more devastating. Even the usual resource in these catastrophes, a rush to open ground, was unavailing, as the fugitives were swallowed up in yawning chasms. Accounts are given of huge mountains sinking, of former plains seen heaved aloft, of fires flashing out amid the ruin. As the disaster fell heaviest on the Sardians, it brought them the largest measure of sympathy, the Caesar promising ten million sesterces, and remitting for five years their payments to the national and imperial exchequers. The Magnesians of Sipylus were ranked second in the extent of their losses and their indemnity. In the case of the Temnians, Philadelphenes, Aegeates, Apollonideans, the so‑called Mostenians and Hyrcanian Macedonians, and the cities of Hierocaesarea, Myrina, Cyme, and Tmolus, it was decided to exempt them from tribute for the same term and to send a senatorial commissioner to view the state of affairs and administer relief. Since Asia was held by a consular governor, an ex-praetor — Marcus Ateius — was selected, so as to avoid the difficulties which might arise from the jealousy of two officials of similar standing. 3.60.  Tiberius, however, while tightening his grasp on the solid power of the principate, vouchsafed to the senate a shadow of the past by submitting the claims of the provinces to the discussion of its members. For throughout the Greek cities there was a growing laxity, and impunity, in the creation of rights of asylum. The temples were filled with the dregs of the slave population; the same shelter was extended to the debtor against his creditor and to the man suspected of a capital offence; nor was any authority powerful enough to quell the factions of a race which protected human felony equally with divine worship. It was resolved, therefore, that the communities in question should send their charters and deputies to Rome. A few abandoned without a struggle the claims they had asserted without a title: many relied on hoary superstitions or on their services to the Roman nation. It was an impressive spectacle which that day afforded, when the senate scrutinized the benefactions of its predecessors, the constitutions of the provinces, even the decrees of kings whose power antedated the arms of Rome, and the rites of the deities themselves, with full liberty as of old to confirm or change. 3.61.  The Ephesians were the first to appear. "Apollo and Diana," they stated, "were not, as commonly supposed, born at Delos. In Ephesus there was a river Cenchrius, with a grove Ortygia; where Latona, heavy-wombed and supporting herself by an olive-tree which remained to that day, gave birth to the heavenly twins. The grove had been hallowed by divine injunction; and there Apollo himself, after slaying the Cyclopes, had evaded the anger of Jove. Afterwards Father Liber, victor in the war, had pardoned the suppliant Amazons who had seated themselves at the altar. Then the sanctity of the temple had been enhanced, with the permission of Hercules, while he held the crown of Lydia; its privileges had not been diminished under the Persian empire; later, they had been preserved by the Macedonians — last by ourselves. 3.62.  The Magnesians, who followed, rested their case on the rulings of Lucius Scipio and Lucius Sulla, who, after their defeats of Antiochus and Mithridates respectively, had honoured the loyalty and courage of Magnesia by making the shrine of Leucophryne Diana an inviolable refuge. Next, Aphrodisias and Stratonicea adduced a decree of the dictator Julius in return for their early services to his cause, together with a modern rescript of the deified Augustus, who praised the unchanging fidelity to the Roman nation with which they had sustained the Parthian inroad. Aphrodisias, however, was championing the cult of Venus; Stratonicea, that of Jove and Diana of the Crossways. The statement of Hierocaesarea went deeper into the past: the community owned a Persian Diana with a temple dedicated in the reign of Cyrus; and there were references to Perpenna, Isauricus, and many other commanders who had allowed the same sanctity not only to the temple but to the neighbourhood for two miles round. The Cypriotes followed with an appeal for three shrines — the oldest erected by their founder Aërias to the Paphian Venus; the second by his son Amathus to the Amathusian Venus; and a third by Teucer, exiled by the anger of his father Telamon, to Jove of Salamis. 3.63.  Deputations from other states were heard as well; till the Fathers, weary of the details, and disliking the acrimony of the discussion, empowered the consuls to investigate the titles, in search of any latent flaw, and to refer the entire question back to the senate. Their report was that — apart from the communities I have already named — they were satisfied there was a genuine sanctuary of Aesculapius at Pergamum; other claimants relied on pedigrees too ancient to be clear. "For Smyrna cited an oracle of Apollo, at whose command the town had dedicated a temple to Venus Stratonicis; Tenos, a prophecy from the same source, ordering the consecration of a statue and shrine to Neptune. Sardis touched more familiar ground with a grant from the victorious Alexander; Miletus had equal confidence in King Darius. With these two, however, the divine object of adoration was Diana in the one case, Apollo in the other. The Cretans, again, were claiming for an effigy of the deified Augustus." The senate, accordingly, passed a number of resolutions, scrupulously complimentary, but still imposing a limit; and the applicants were ordered to fix the brass records actually inside the temples, both as a solemn memorial and as a warning not to lapse into secular intrigue under the cloak of religion. 4.13.1.  Meanwhile Tiberius had in no way relaxed his attention to public business, but, accepting work as a consolation, was dealing with judicial cases at Rome and petitions from the provinces. On his proposal, senatorial resolutions were passed to relieve the towns of Cibyra in Asia and Aegium in Achaia, both damaged by earthquake, by remitting their tribute for three years. Vibius Serenus, too, the proconsul of Further Spain, was condemned on a charge of public violence, and deported, as the result of his savage character, to the island of Amorgus. Carsidius Sacerdos, accused of supplying grain to a public enemy in the person of Tacfarinas, was acquitted; and the same charge failed against Gaius Gracchus. Gracchus had been taken in earliest infancy by his father Sempronius to share his banishment in the company of landless men, destitute of all liberal achievements; later, he eked out a livelihood by mean trading transactions in Africa and Sicily: yet even so he failed to escape the hazards reserved for rank and fortune. Indeed, had not Aelius Lamia and Lucius Apronius, former governors of Africa, come to the rescue of his innocence, he would have been swept to ruin by the fame of his calamitous house and the disasters of his father. 4.14.  This year also brought delegations from two Greek communities, the Samians and Coans desiring the confirmation of an old right of asylum to the temples of Juno and Aesculapius respectively. The Samians appealed to a decree of the Amphictyonic Council, the principal tribunal for all questions in the period when the Greeks had already founded their city-states in Asia and were domit upon the sea-coast. The Coans had equal antiquity on their side, and, in addition, a claim associated with the place itself: for they had sheltered Roman citizens in the temple of Aesculapius at a time when, by order of King Mithridates, they were being butchered in every island and town of Asia. Next, after various and generally ineffective complaints from the praetors, the Caesar at last brought up the question of the effrontery of the players:— "They were frequently the fomenters of sedition against the state and of debauchery in private houses; the old Oscan farce, the trivial delight of the crowd, had come to such a pitch of indecency and power that it needed the authority of the senate to check it." The players were then expelled from Italy. 4.15.  The same year brought still another bereavement to the emperor, by removing one of the twin children of Drusus, and an equal affliction in the death of a friend. This was Lucilius Longus, his comrade in evil days and good, and the one member of the senate to share his isolation at Rhodes. Hence, in spite of his modest antecedents, a censorian funeral and a statue erected in the Forum of Augustus at the public expense were decreed to him by the Fathers, before whom, at that time, all questions were still dealt with; so much so, that Lucilius Capito, the procurator of Asia, was obliged, at the indictment of the province, to plead his cause before them, the emperor asserting forcibly that "any powers he had given to him extended merely to the slaves and revenues of the imperial domains; if he had usurped the governor's authority and used military force, it was a flouting of his orders: the provincials must be heard." The case was accordingly tried and the defendant condemned. In return for this act of retribution, as well as for the punishment meted out to Gaius Silanus the year before, the Asiatic cities decreed a temple to Tiberius, his mother, and the senate. Leave to build was granted, and Nero returned thanks on that score to the senate and his grandfather — a pleasing sensation to his listeners, whose memory of Germanicus was fresh enough to permit the fancy that his were the features they saw and the accents to which they listened. The youth had, in fact, a modesty and beauty worthy of a prince: endowments the more attractive from the peril of their owner, since the hatred of Sejanus for him was notorious. 4.43.  A hearing was now given to embassies from Lacedaemon and Messene upon the legal ownership of the temple of Diana Limnatis. That it had been consecrated by their own ancestors, and on their own ground, the Lacedaemonians sought to establish by the records of history and the hymns of the poets: it had been wrested from them, however, by the Macedonian arms during their war with Philip, and had been returned later by the decision of Julius Caesar and Mark Antony. In reply, the Messenians brought forward the old partition of the Peloponnese between the descendants of Hercules:— "The Denthaliate district, in which the shrine stood, had been assigned to their king, and memorials of the fact, engraved on rock and ancient bronze, were still extant. But if they were challenged to adduce the evidences of poetry and history, the more numerous and competent witnesses were on their side, nor had Philip decided by arbitrary power, but on the merits of the case: the same had been the judgement of King Antigonus and the Roman commander Mummius; and a similar verdict was pronounced both by Miletus, when that state was commissioned to arbitrate, and, last of all, by Atidius Geminus, the governor of Achaia." The point was accordingly decided in favour of Messene. The Segestans also demanded the restoration of the age-worn temple of Venus on Mount Eryx, and told the familiar tale of its foundation: much to the pleasure of Tiberius, who as a relative willingly undertook the task. At this time, a petition from Massilia was considered, and sanction was given to the precedent set by Publius Rutilius. For, after his banishment by form of law, Rutilius had been presented with the citizenship of Smyrna; on the strength of which, the exile Vulcacius Moschus had naturalized himself at Massilia and bequeathed his estate to the community, as his fatherland. 4.56.  The deputies from Smyrna, on the other hand, after retracing the antiquity of their town — whether founded by Tantalus, the seed of Jove; by Theseus, also of celestial stock; or by one of the Amazons — passed on to the arguments in which they rested most confidence: their good offices towards the Roman people, to whom they had sent their naval force to aid not merely in foreign wars but in those with which we had to cope in Italy, while they had also been the first to erect a temple to the City of Rome, at a period (the consulate of Marcus Porcius) when the Roman fortunes stood high indeed, but had not yet mounted to their zenith, as the Punic capital was yet standing and the kings were still powerful in Asia. At the same time, Sulla was called to witness that "with his army in a most critical position through the inclement winter and scarcity of clothing, the news had only to be announced at a public meeting in Smyrna, and the whole of the bystanders stripped the garments from their bodies and sent them to our legions." The Fathers accordingly, when their opinion was taken, gave Smyrna the preference. Vibius Marsus proposed that a supernumerary legate, to take responsibility for the temple, should be assigned to Manius Lepidus, to whom the province of Asia had fallen; and since Lepidus modestly declined to make the selection himself, Valerius Naso was chosen by lot among the ex-praetors and sent out. 4.56.1.  The deputies from Smyrna, on the other hand, after retracing the antiquity of their town — whether founded by Tantalus, the seed of Jove; by Theseus, also of celestial stock; or by one of the Amazons — passed on to the arguments in which they rested most confidence: their good offices towards the Roman people, to whom they had sent their naval force to aid not merely in foreign wars but in those with which we had to cope in Italy, while they had also been the first to erect a temple to the City of Rome, at a period (the consulate of Marcus Porcius) when the Roman fortunes stood high indeed, but had not yet mounted to their zenith, as the Punic capital was yet standing and the kings were still powerful in Asia. At the same time, Sulla was called to witness that "with his army in a most critical position through the inclement winter and scarcity of clothing, the news had only to be announced at a public meeting in Smyrna, and the whole of the bystanders stripped the garments from their bodies and sent them to our legions." The Fathers accordingly, when their opinion was taken, gave Smyrna the preference. Vibius Marsus proposed that a supernumerary legate, to take responsibility for the temple, should be assigned to Manius Lepidus, to whom the province of Asia had fallen; and since Lepidus modestly declined to make the selection himself, Valerius Naso was chosen by lot among the ex-praetors and sent out. 12.61.  He next proposed to grant immunity to the inhabitants of Cos. of their ancient history he had much to tell:— "The earliest occupants of the island had," he said, "been Argives — or, possibly, Coeus, the father of Latona. Then the arrival of Aesculapius had introduced the art of healing, which attained the highest celebrity among his descendants" — here he gave the names of the descendants and the epochs at which they had all flourished. "Xenophon," he observed again, "to whose knowledge he himself had recourse, derived his origin from the same family; and, as a concession to his prayers, the Coans ought to have been exempted from all forms of tribute for the future and allowed to tet their island as a sanctified place subservient only to its god." There can be no doubt that a large number of services rendered by the islanders to Rome, and of victories in which they had borne their part, could have been cited; but Claudius declined to disguise by external aids a favour which, with his wonted complaisance, he had accorded to an individual.
4. Lucian, The Syrian Goddess, 14 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) 14. Others again maintain that Semiramis of Babylon, who has left many mighty works in Asia, founded this edifice as well; nor did she dedicate it to Hera, but to her own mother, whose name was Derceto. Now, I have seen the semblance of Derceto in Phœnicia, and a wonderful sight it is; one half is a woman, but the part which extends from the thighs to the feet ends in a fish's tail. The effigy, however, which is at Hierapolis is a complete woman. The reasons for this story are plain to understand; they deem fishes holy objects, and never touch them, while of birds they use all but pigeons for food; the pigeon is in their eyes sacred. It appears to them then that what we have described was done in honour of Derceto and Semiramis. The former, because Derceto has the form of a fish; the latter, because the lower half of Semiramis takes the form of a pigeon. I, however, should probably conclude that the temple in question belongs to Semiramis; that the shrine is Derceto's I can in no wise believe, since even amongst the Egyptians there are some who will not touch fish as food, and they certainly do not observe this restriction in favour of Derceto.
5. Epigraphy, Epigr. Tou Oropou, 520
6. Strabo, Geography, 12.2.7, 16.1.2 12.2.7. Only two prefectures have cities, Tyanitis the city Tyana, which lies below the Taurus at the Cilician Gates, where for all is the easiest and most commonly used pass into Cilicia and Syria. It is called Eusebeia near the Taurus; and its territory is for the most part fertile and level. Tyana is situated upon a mound of Semiramis, which is beautifully fortified. Not far from this city are Castabala and Cybistra, towns still nearer to the mountain. At Castabala is the sanctuary of the Perasian Artemis, where the priestesses, it is said, walk with naked feet over hot embers without pain. And here, too, some tell us over and over the same story of Orestes and Tauropolus, asserting that she was called Perasian because she was brought from the other side. So then, in the prefecture Tyanitis, one of the ten above mentioned is Tyana (I am not enumerating along with these prefectures those that were acquired later, I mean Castabala and Cybistra and the places in Cilicia Tracheia, where is Elaeussa, a very fertile island, which was settled in a noteworthy manner by Archelaus, who spent the greater part of his time there), whereas Mazaca, the metropolis of the tribe, is in the Cilician prefecture, as it is called. This city, too, is called Eusebeia, with the additional words near the Argaeus, for it is situated below the Argaeus, the highest mountain of all, whose summit never fails to have snow upon it; and those who ascend it (those are few) say that in clear weather both seas, both the Pontus and the Issian Sea, are visible from it. Now in general Mazaca is not naturally a suitable place for the founding of a city, for it is without water and unfortified by nature; and, because of the neglect of the prefects, it is also without walls (perhaps intentionally so, in order that people inhabiting a plain, with hills above it that were advantageous and beyond range of missiles, might not, through too much reliance upon the wall as a fortification, engage in plundering). Further, the districts all round are utterly barren and untilled, although they are level; but they are sandy and are rocky underneath. And, proceeding a little farther on, one comes to plains extending over many stadia that are volcanic and full of fire-pits; and therefore the necessaries of life must be brought from a distance. And further, that which seems to be an advantage is attended with peril, for although almost the whole of Cappadocia is without timber, the Argaeus has forests all round it, and therefore the working of timber is close at hand; but the region which lies below the forests also contains fires in many places and at the same time has an underground supply of cold water, although neither the fire nor the water emerges to the surface; and therefore most of the country is covered with grass. In some places, also, the ground is marshy, and at night flames rise therefrom. Now those who are acquainted with the country can work the timber, since they are on their guard, but the country is perilous for most people, and especially for cattle, since they fall into the hidden fire-pits. 16.1.2. The name of Syrians seems to extend from Babylonia as far as the Bay of Issus, and, anciently, from this bay to the Euxine.Both tribes of the Cappadocians, those near the Taurus and those near the Pontus, are called to this time Leuco-Syrians (or White Syrians), as though there existed a nation of Black Syrians. These are the people situated beyond the Taurus, and I extend the name of Taurus as far as the Amanus.When the historians of the Syrian empire say that the Medes were overthrown by the Persians, and the Syrians by the Medes, they mean no other Syrians than those who built the royal palaces at Babylon and Nineveh; and Ninus, who built Nineveh in Aturia, was one of these Syrians. His wife, who succeeded her husband, and founded Babylon, was Semiramis. These sovereigns were masters of Asia. Many other works of Semiramis, besides those at Babylon, are extant in almost every part of this continent, as, for example, artificial mounds, which are called mounds of Semiramis, and walls and fortresses, with subterraneous passages; cisterns for water; roads to facilitate the ascent of mountains; canals communicating with rivers and lakes; roads and bridges.The empire they left continued with their successors to the time of [the contest between] Sardanapalus and Arbaces. It was afterwards transferred to the Medes.

Subjects of this text:

subject	book bibliographic info
aesculapius	Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 273
amphiaraia,great	Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 240
amphiaraia,overhauls of	Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 240
amphiaraia,rhomaia	Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 240
anger,divine	Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 315
antiquity	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 33
aphrodisias (caria),basilica	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 33, 39
aphrodisias (caria),sebasteion	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 39
aphrodisias (caria),theatre	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 39
aphrodisias (caria)	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 33, 39
aphrodite	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 33
aphrodite of aphrodisias	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 33
archiereus	Black, Thomas, and Thompson (2022), Ephesos as a Religious Center under the Principate. 23
architecture	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 33, 39
artemis	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 39
artemision,donor list of	Black, Thomas, and Thompson (2022), Ephesos as a Religious Center under the Principate. 23
arykanda (lycia),asia,province of	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 187
asia minor	Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 240
asylum	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 33
athens,athenians,and the amphiareion	Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 240
battle	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 187
benefaction	Black, Thomas, and Thompson (2022), Ephesos as a Religious Center under the Principate. 23
bust	Black, Thomas, and Thompson (2022), Ephesos as a Religious Center under the Principate. 23
claudius,antiquarianism of	Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 273
coins	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 33, 187
cornelius sulla,lucius,and the amphiareion	Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 240
cos	Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 273
crowns	Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 315
cult,imperial,in temples	Black, Thomas, and Thompson (2022), Ephesos as a Religious Center under the Principate. 23
cult,local	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 33, 39
cult,of aphrodite of aphrodisias	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 33
dedication	Black, Thomas, and Thompson (2022), Ephesos as a Religious Center under the Principate. 23
deification,related to conduct of individual in life	Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 315
delos	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 39
diplomacy	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 33, 39
domitian	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 39
earthquake	Black, Thomas, and Thompson (2022), Ephesos as a Religious Center under the Principate. 23
eleusis	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 33
encomium	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 33, 39
ephesus	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 39, 187
etruscans	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 187
euangelia	Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 240
fama	Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 315
festivals	Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 315
first mithridatic war,festivals in the aftermath of	Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 240
founder	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 33, 39, 187
fratres arvales	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 33
gordiouteichos	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 33
grammateus	Black, Thomas, and Thompson (2022), Ephesos as a Religious Center under the Principate. 23
greece	Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 315
greeks	Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 273
hellenistic period	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 187
hero,eponymos	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 33, 39, 187
hero	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 187
identity,local/regional	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 33, 39
lagina,temple of hecate	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 33
lebadeia (boeotia),trophonium	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 33
liber	Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 273
livia	Black, Thomas, and Thompson (2022), Ephesos as a Religious Center under the Principate. 23
lydia/lydians	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 187
lydos	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 187
metropolis	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 33
mithridates vi	Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 240
monumental reuse,of honorific statues	Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 240
mosaic,mounds of semiramis	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 39
myth,foundation	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 33, 39, 187
myth,local	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 33, 39, 187
myth-history	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 187
myth	Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 273
neokoros	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 33
nero (emperor),performance and	Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 315
ninos	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 39
oracles	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 33
orchomenos,charitesia at	Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 240
paean	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 39
panegyric	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 187
peloponnese	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 187
plarasa (caria)	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 33
poetry	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 187
prayer	Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 273
proxeny decrees,decrees of proxenia,decline in inscription of	Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 240
publicani	Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 240
rhoma,rhomaia	Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 240
roman,citizen(ship)	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 187
roman,empire	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 39
rome,romans	Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 240
rome	Black, Thomas, and Thompson (2022), Ephesos as a Religious Center under the Principate. 23
sacrilege'	Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 315
sardis	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 187
semiramis	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 39
senate,flattery of emperor by	Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 315
senate	Black, Thomas, and Thompson (2022), Ephesos as a Religious Center under the Principate. 23
senatus consultum	Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 240
smyrna/izmir	Black, Thomas, and Thompson (2022), Ephesos as a Religious Center under the Principate. 23
smyrna	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 187; Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 240
stadion	Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 240
statue,of other people	Black, Thomas, and Thompson (2022), Ephesos as a Religious Center under the Principate. 23
statue base	Black, Thomas, and Thompson (2022), Ephesos as a Religious Center under the Principate. 23
stratonikeia	Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 240
temple,of livia (smyrna)	Black, Thomas, and Thompson (2022), Ephesos as a Religious Center under the Principate. 23
terrace house	Black, Thomas, and Thompson (2022), Ephesos as a Religious Center under the Principate. 23
thespiai,thespians,mouseia	Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 240
thespiai,thespians,rhomaia at	Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 240
tiberius,benefaction of	Black, Thomas, and Thompson (2022), Ephesos as a Religious Center under the Principate. 23
tiberius,images of	Black, Thomas, and Thompson (2022), Ephesos as a Religious Center under the Principate. 23
tyrrhenos	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 187
vespasian	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 39
victor lists,of the amphiaraia and rhomaia	Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 240
xenophon (doctor of claudius)	Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 273
zeus	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 33