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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



10588
Tacitus, Annals, 4.12


Ceterum laudante filium pro rostris Tiberio senatus populusque habitum ac voces dolentum simulatione magis quam libens induebat, domumque Germanici revirescere occulti laetabantur. quod principium favoris et mater Agrippina spem male tegens perniciem adceleravere. nam Seianus ubi videt mortem Drusi inultam interfectoribus, sine maerore publico esse, ferox scelerum et, quia prima provenerant, volutare secum quonam modo Germanici liberos perverteret, quorum non dubia successio. neque spargi venenum in tres poterat, egregia custodum fide et pudicitia Agrippinae impenetrabili. igitur contumaciam eius insectari, vetus Augustae odium, recentem Liviae conscientiam exagitare, ut superbam fecunditate, subnixam popularibus studiis inhiare dominationi apud Caesarem arguerent. atque haec callidis criminatoribus, inter quos delegerat Iulium Postumum, per adulterium Mutiliae Priscae inter intimos aviae et consiliis suis peridoneum, quia Prisca in animo Augustae valida anum suapte natura potentiae anxiam insociabilem nurui efficiebat. Agrippinae quoque proximi inliciebantur pravis sermonibus tumidos spiritus perstimulare. However, while Tiberius on the Rostra was pronouncing the panegyric upon his son, the senate and people, from hypocrisy more than impulse, assumed the attitude and accents of mourning, and exulted in secret that the house of Germanicus was beginning again to flourish. This incipient popularity, together with Agrippina's failure to hide her maternal hopes, hastened its destruction. For Sejanus, when he saw the death of Drusus passing unrevenged upon the murders, unlamented by the nation, grew bolder in crime, and, since his first venture had prospered, began to revolve ways and means of eliminating the children of Germanicus, whose succession was a thing undoubted. To distribute poison among the three was impossible; for their custodians were patterns of fidelity, Agrippina's chastity impenetrable. He proceeded, therefore, to declaim against her contumacy, and, by playing upon Augusta's old animosity and Livia's recent sense of guilt, induced them to carry information to the Caesar that, proud of her fruitfulness and confident in the favour of the populace, she was turning a covetous eye to the throne. In addition, Livia, with the help of skilled calumniators — one of the chosen being Julius Postumus, intimate with her grandmother owing to his adulterous connection with Mutilia Prisca, and admirably suited to her own designs through Prisca's influence over Augusta — kept working for the total estrangement from her grandson's wife of an old woman, by nature anxious to maintain her power. Even Agrippina's nearest friends were suborned to infuriate her haughty temper by their pernicious gossip. <


Ceterum laudante filium pro rostris Tiberio senatus populusque habitum ac voces dolentum simulatione magis quam libens induebat, domumque Germanici revirescere occulti laetabantur. quod principium favoris et mater Agrippina spem male tegens perniciem adceleravere. nam Seianus ubi videt mortem Drusi inultam interfectoribus, sine maerore publico esse, ferox scelerum et, quia prima provenerant, volutare secum quonam modo Germanici liberos perverteret, quorum non dubia successio. neque spargi venenum in tres poterat, egregia custodum fide et pudicitia Agrippinae impenetrabili. igitur contumaciam eius insectari, vetus Augustae odium, recentem Liviae conscientiam exagitare, ut superbam fecunditate, subnixam popularibus studiis inhiare dominationi apud Caesarem arguerent. atque haec callidis criminatoribus, inter quos delegerat Iulium Postumum, per adulterium Mutiliae Priscae inter intimos aviae et consiliis suis peridoneum, quia Prisca in animo Augustae valida anum suapte natura potentiae anxiam insociabilem nurui efficiebat. Agrippinae quoque proximi inliciebantur pravis sermonibus tumidos spiritus perstimulare. However, while Tiberius on the Rostra was pronouncing the panegyric upon his son, the senate and people, from hypocrisy more than impulse, assumed the attitude and accents of mourning, and exulted in secret that the house of Germanicus was beginning again to flourish. This incipient popularity, together with Agrippina's failure to hide her maternal hopes, hastened its destruction. For Sejanus, when he saw the death of Drusus passing unrevenged upon the murders, unlamented by the nation, grew bolder in crime, and, since his first venture had prospered, began to revolve ways and means of eliminating the children of Germanicus, whose succession was a thing undoubted. To distribute poison among the three was impossible; for their custodians were patterns of fidelity, Agrippina's chastity impenetrable. He proceeded, therefore, to declaim against her contumacy, and, by playing upon Augusta's old animosity and Livia's recent sense of guilt, induced them to carry information to the Caesar that, proud of her fruitfulness and confident in the favour of the populace, she was turning a covetous eye to the throne. In addition, Livia, with the help of skilled calumniators — one of the chosen being Julius Postumus, intimate with her grandmother owing to his adulterous connection with Mutilia Prisca, and admirably suited to her own designs through Prisca's influence over Augusta — kept working for the total estrangement from her grandson's wife of an old woman, by nature anxious to maintain her power. Even Agrippina's nearest friends were suborned to infuriate her haughty temper by their pernicious gossip.


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1. Tacitus, Annals, 1.8, 2.73, 3.6, 3.71.2-3.71.3, 4.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

1.8.  The only business which he allowed to be discussed at the first meeting of the senate was the funeral of Augustus. The will, brought in by the Vestal Virgins, specified Tiberius and Livia as heirs, Livia to be adopted into the Julian family and the Augustan name. As legatees in the second degree he mentioned his grandchildren and great-grandchildren; in the third place, the prominent nobles — an ostentatious bid for the applause of posterity, as he detested most of them. His bequests were not above the ordinary civic scale, except that he left 43,500,000 sesterces to the nation and the populace, a thousand to every man in the praetorian guards, five hundred to each in the urban troops, and three hundred to all legionaries or members of the Roman cohorts. The question of the last honours was then debated. The two regarded as the most striking were due to Asinius Gallus and Lucius Arruntius — the former proposing that the funeral train should pass under a triumphal gateway; the latter, that the dead should be preceded by the titles of all laws which he had carried and the names of all peoples whom he had subdued. In addition, Valerius Messalla suggested that the oath of allegiance to Tiberius should be renewed annually. To a query from Tiberius, whether that expression of opinion came at his dictation, he retorted — it was the one form of flattery still left — that he had spoken of his own accord, and, when public interests were in question, he would (even at the risk of giving offence) use no man's judgment but his own. The senate clamoured for the body to be carried to the pyre on the shoulders of the Fathers. The Caesar, with haughty moderation, excused them from that duty, and warned the people by edict not to repeat the enthusiastic excesses which on a former day had marred the funeral of the deified Julius, by desiring Augustus to be cremated in the Forum rather than in the Field of Mars, his appointed resting-place. On the day of the ceremony, the troops were drawn up as though on guard, amid the jeers of those who had seen with their eyes, or whose fathers had declared to them, that day of still novel servitude and freedom disastrously re-wooed, when the killing of the dictator Caesar to some had seemed the worst, and to others the fairest, of high exploits:— "And now an aged prince, a veteran potentate, who had seen to it that not even his heirs should lack for means to coerce their country, must needs have military protection to ensure a peaceable burial! 2.73.  His funeral, devoid of ancestral effigies or procession, was distinguished by eulogies and recollections of his virtues. There were those who, considering his personal appearance, his early age, and the circumstances of his death, — to which they added the proximity of the region where he perished, — compared his decease with that of Alexander the Great: — "Each eminently handsome, of famous lineage, and in years not much exceeding thirty, had fallen among alien races by the treason of their countrymen. But the Roman had borne himself as one gentle to his friends, moderate in his pleasures, content with a single wife and the children of lawful wedlock. Nor was he less a man of the sword; though he lacked the other's temerity, and, when his numerous victories had beaten down the Germanies, was prohibited from making fast their bondage. But had he been the sole arbiter of affairs, of kingly authority and title, he would have overtaken the Greek in military fame with an ease proportioned to his superiority in clemency, self-command, and all other good qualities." The body, before cremation, was exposed in the forum of Antioch, the place destined for the final rites. Whether it bore marks of poisoning was disputable: for the indications were variously read, as pity and preconceived suspicion swayed the spectator to the side of Germanicus, or his predilections to that of Piso. 3.6.  All this Tiberius knew; and, to repress the comments of the crowd, he reminded them in a manifesto that "many illustrious Romans had died for their country, but none had been honoured with such a fervour of regret: a compliment highly valued by himself and by all, if only moderation were observed. For the same conduct was not becoming to ordinary families or communities and to leaders of the state and to an imperial people. Mourning and the solace of tears had suited the first throes of their affliction; but now they must recall their minds to fortitude, as once the deified Julius at the loss of his only daughter, and the deified Augustus at the taking of his grandchildren, had thrust aside their anguish. There was no need to show by earlier instances how often the Roman people had borne unshaken the slaughter of armies, the death of generals, the complete annihilation of historic houses. Statesmen were mortal, the state eternal. Let them return, therefore, to their usual occupations and — as the Megalesian Games would soon be exhibited — resume even their pleasures! 4.8.  Sejanus, therefore, decided to lose no time, and chose a poison so gradual in its inroads as to counterfeit the progress of a natural ailment. It was administered to Drusus by help of the eunuch Lygdus, a fact brought to light eight years later. Tiberius, however, through all the days of his son's illness, either unalarmed or to advertise his firmness of mind, continued to visit the senate, doing so even after his death, while he was still unburied. The consuls were seated on the ordinary benches as a sign of mourning: he reminded them of their dignity and their place. The members broke into tears: he repressed their lamentation, and at the same time revived their spirits in a formal speech:— "He was not, indeed, unaware that he might be criticized for appearing before the eyes of the senate while his grief was still fresh. Mourners in general could hardly support the condolences of their own kindred — hardly tolerate the light of day. Nor were they to be condemned as weaklings; but personally he had sought a manlier consolation by taking the commonwealth to his heart." After deploring the extreme old age of his august mother, the still tender years of his grandsons, and his own declining days, he asked for Germanicus' sons, their sole comfort in the present affliction, to be introduced. The consuls went out, and, after reassuring the boys, brought them in and set them before the emperor."Conscript Fathers," he said, "when these children lost their parent, I gave them to their uncle, and begged him, though he had issue of his own, to use them as if they were blood of his blood — to cherish them, build up their fortunes, form them after his own image and for the welfare of posterity. With Drusus gone, I turn my prayers to you; I conjure you in the sight of Heaven and of your country:— These are the great-grandchildren of Augustus, scions of a glorious ancestry; adopt them, train them, do your part — and do mine! Nero and Drusus, these shall be your father and your mother: it is the penalty of your birth that your good and your evil are the good and the evil of the commonwealth.


Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
agrippina the elder (vipsania agrippina), conflict with livia and livilla Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 84, 199
agrippina the elder (vipsania agrippina), dynastic succession and Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 199
allusion Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 230, 233
annals Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 230, 233
antonia the younger Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 199
augustus, emperor Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 230
c. iulius caesar Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 230
caligula Shannon-Henderson, Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s (2019) 240
caninius gallus Shannon-Henderson, Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s (2019) 240
claudius, antiquarianism of Shannon-Henderson, Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s (2019) 240
claudius, worship or worshipful treatment of Shannon-Henderson, Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s (2019) 240
coinage, provincial issues Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 199
consolatio(nes), consolation Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 230
corn-ear crown Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 199
dreams Shannon-Henderson, Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s (2019) 240
drusus the elder Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 230
drusus the younger Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 230, 233
drusus the younger (nero claudius drusus, later drusus iulius caesar), death of Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 199
emotion Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 233
emperor, princeps Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 230, 233
family, imperial, dynastic conflict Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 199
fecunditas, as female virtue Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 84
fecunditas, definition of Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 84
fecunditas, pride in Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 84, 199
funeral Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 230, 233
gemellus, ti. (ti. iulius caesar nero) Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 199
germanicus iulius caesar Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 230, 233
grief, mourning Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 230, 233
imitation, emulation, exemplarity, exemplum Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 230
impiety Shannon-Henderson, Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s (2019) 240
julio-claudian dynasty Shannon-Henderson, Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s (2019) 240
juvenal (d. iunius iuvenalis), on an ideal woman Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 84
livia (drusilla), conflict with agrippina Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 84, 199
livilla (claudia livia iulia), conflict with agrippina Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 84, 199
livilla (claudia livia iulia), dynastic succession and Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 199
memory, cultic, revival and Shannon-Henderson, Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s (2019) 240
men, anxiety over womens control of reproduction Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 84
mourning, grief Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 230, 233
oratory Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 233
patronage Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 199
petra brothers Shannon-Henderson, Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s (2019) 240
populus Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 230, 233
praise (laus) and blame (uituperatio), moralising Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 233
princeps Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 230
prodigies' Shannon-Henderson, Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s (2019) 240
provinces, coinage Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 199
provinces, imperial patronage Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 199
pudicitia, as roman ideal Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 84
pudicitia, fecunditas and Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 84
pudicitia, meaning of Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 84
reproduction, female control of Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 84
republic, the roman, memory and trauma Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 233
res publica Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 230
sejanus (l. aelius seianus) Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 84, 199
self-control, moderatio Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 230
senate, senators Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 230, 233
senate Shannon-Henderson, Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s (2019) 240
succession, imperial, competition for Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 199
succession, imperial, women and maternal line, importance of Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 199
tacitus, p. cornelius Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 230, 233
tacitus (p. ? cornelius tacitus), fecunditas of agrippina the elder Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 84, 199
tears Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 230, 233
tiberius, emperor Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 230, 233
tiberius (ti. claudius nero, later ti. caesar augustus), and agrippina the elder Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 199
tiberius (ti. claudius nero, later ti. caesar augustus), and dynastic succession Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 199
titles, honorific Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 199
virtues, female, list of Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 84
wives, virtues of Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 84
women, ideal Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 84
women, imperial, dynastic succession and Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 199
women, imperial, honorific titles for Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 199
women, imperial, julio-claudian Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 199