Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database

10588

Tacitus, Annals, 3.33-3.34
Inter quae Severus Caecina censuit ne quem magistratum cui provincia obvenisset uxor comitaretur, multum ante repetito concordem sibi coniugem et sex partus enixam, seque quae in publicum statueret domi servavisse, cohibita intra Italiam, quamquam ipse pluris per provincias quadraginta stipendia explevisset. haud enim frustra placitum olim ne feminae in socios aut gentis externas traherentur: inesse mulierum comitatui quae pacem luxu, bellum formidine morentur et Romanum agmen ad similitudinem barbari incessus convertant. non imbecillum tantum et imparem laboribus sexum sed, si licentia adsit, saevum, ambitiosum, potestatis avidum; incedere inter milites, habere ad manum centuriones; praesedisse nuper feminam exercitio cohortium, decursu legionum. cogitarent ipsi quotiens repetundarum aliqui arguerentur plura uxoribus obiectari: his statim adhaerescere deterrimum quemque provincialium, ab his negotia suscipi, transigi; duorum egressus coli, duo esse praetoria, pervicacibus magis et impotentibus mulierum iussis quae Oppiis quondam aliisque legibus constrictae nunc vinclis exolutis domos, fora, iam et exercitus regerent. In the course of the debate, Caecina Severus moved that no magistrate, who had been allotted a province, should be accompanied by his wife. He explained beforehand at some length that "he had a consort after his own heart, who had borne him six children: yet he had conformed in private to the rule he was proposing for the public; and, although he had served his forty campaigns in one province or other, she had always been kept within the boundaries of Italy. There was point in the old regulation which prohibited the dragging of women to the provinces or foreign countries: in a retinue of ladies there were elements apt, by luxury or timidity, to retard the business of peace or war and to transmute a Roman march into something resembling an Eastern procession. Weakness and a lack of endurance were not the only failings of the sex: give them scope, and they turned hard, intriguing, ambitious. They paraded among the soldiers; they had the centurions at beck and call. Recently a woman had presided at the exercises of the cohorts and the manoeuvres of the legions. Let his audience reflect that, whenever a magistrate was on trial for malversation, the majority of the charges were levelled against his wife. It was to the wife that the basest of the provincials at once attached themselves; it was the wife who took in hand and transacted business. There were two potentates to salute in the streets; two government-houses; and the more headstrong and autocratic orders came from the women, who, once held in curb by the Oppian and other laws, had now cast their chains and ruled supreme in the home, the courts, and by now the army itself." <
Paucorum haec adsensu audita: plures obturbabant neque relatum de negotio neque Caecinam dignum tantae rei censorem. mox Valerius Messalinus, cui parens Mes- sala ineratque imago paternae facundiae, respondit multa duritiae veterum in melius et laetius mutata; neque enim, ut olim, obsideri urbem bellis aut provincias hostilis esse. et pauca feminarum necessitatibus concedi quae ne coniugum quidem penatis, adeo socios non onerent; cetera promisca cum marito nec ullum in eo pacis impedimentum. bella plane accinctis obeunda: sed revertentibus post laborem quod honestius quam uxorium levamentum? at quasdam in ambitionem aut avaritiam prolapsas. quid? ipsorum magistratuum nonne plerosque variis libidinibus obnoxios? non tamen ideo neminem in provinciam mitti. corruptos saepe pravitatibus uxorum maritos: num ergo omnis caelibes integros? placuisse quondam Oppias leges, sic temporibus rei publicae postulantibus: remissum aliquid postea et mitigatum, quia expedierit. frustra nostram ignaviam alia ad vocabula transferri: nam viri in eo culpam si femina modum excedat. porro ob unius aut alterius imbecillum animum male eripi maritis consortia rerum secundarum adversarumque. simul sexum natura invalidum deseri et exponi suo luxu, cupidinibus alienis. vix praesenti custodia manere inlaesa coniugia: quid fore si per pluris annos in modum discidii oblitterentur? sic obviam irent iis quae alibi peccarentur ut flagitiorum urbis meminissent. addidit pauca Drusus de matrimonio suo; nam principibus adeunda saepius longinqua imperii. quoties divum Augustum in Occidentem atque Orientem meavisse comite Livia! se quoque in Illyricum profectum et, si ita conducat, alias ad gentis iturum, haud semper aequo animo si ab uxore carissima et tot communium liberorum parente divelleretur. sic Caecinae sententia elusa. A few members listened to the speech with approval: most interrupted with protests that neither was there a motion on the subject nor was Caecina a competent censor in a question of such importance. He was presently answered by Valerius Messalinus, a son of Messala, in whom there resided some echo of his father's eloquence:— "Much of the old-world harshness had been improved and softened; for Rome was no longer environed with wars, nor were the provinces hostile. A few allowances were now made to the needs of women; but not such as to embarrass even the establishment of their consorts, far less our allies: everything else the wife shared with her husband, and in peace the arrangement created no difficulties. Certainly, he who set about a war must gird up his loins; but, when he returned after his labour, what consolations more legitimate than those of his helpmeet? — But a few women had lapsed into intrigue or avarice. — Well, were not too many of the magistrates themselves vulnerable to temptation in more shapes than one? Yet governors still went out to governorships! — Husbands had often been corrupted by the depravity of their wives. — And was every single man, then, incorruptible? The Oppian laws in an earlier day were sanctioned because the circumstances of the commonwealth so demanded: later remissions and mitigations were due to expediency. It was vain to label our own inertness with another title: if the woman broke bounds, the fault lay with the husband. Moreover, it was unjust that, through the weakness of one or two, married men in general should be torn from their partners in weal and woe, while at the same time a sex frail by nature was left alone, exposed to its own voluptuousness and the appetites of others. Hardly by surveillance on the spot could the marriage-tie be kept undamaged: what would be the case if, for a term of years, it were dissolved as completely as by divorce? While they were taking steps to meet abuses elsewhere, it would be well to remember the scandals of the capital! Drusus added a few sentences upon his own married life:— "Princes not infrequently had to visit the remote parts of the empire. How often had the deified Augustus travelled to west and east with Livia for his companion! He had himself made an excursion to Illyricum; and, if there was a purpose to serve, he was prepared to go to other countries — but not always without a pang, if he were severed from the well-beloved wife who was the mother of their many common children." Caecina's motion was thus evaded. <

Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

4 results
1. Aristophanes, Lysistrata, 743, 762-780, 742 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) 742. ὦ πότνι' Εἰλείθυι' ἐπίσχες τοῦ τόκου
2. Xenophon, Hellenica, 4.8.39 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) 4.8.39. Thus he spoke, and taking his shield from his shieldbearer, fell fighting on that spot. His favourite youth, however, remained by his side, and likewise from among the Lacedaemonians about twelve of the governors, who had come from their cities and joined him, fought and fell with him. But the rest of the Lacedaemonians fled and fell one after another, the enemy pursuing as far as the city. Furthermore, about two hundred of the other troops of Anaxibius were killed, and about fifty of the Abydene hoplites. And after accomplishing these things Iphicrates went back again to the Chersonese.
3. Plautus, Pseudolus, 1181, 1180 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
4. Tacitus, Annals, 1.40-1.41, 2.33-2.34, 2.38, 2.55, 3.34, 3.51, 3.52.2, 3.60.2, 3.69, 13.10-13.11, 15.22, 15.39.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) 1.40.  During these alarms, Germanicus was universally blamed for not proceeding to the upper army, where he could count on obedience and on help against the rebels:— "Discharges, donations, and soft-hearted measures had done more than enough mischief. Or, if he held his own life cheap, why keep an infant son and a pregt wife among madmen who trampled on all laws, human or divine? These at any rate he ought to restore to their grandfather and the commonwealth." He was long undecided, and Agrippina met the proposal with disdain, protesting that she was a descendant of the deified Augustus, and danger would not find her degenerate. At last, bursting into tears, he embraced their common child, together with herself and the babe to be, and so induced her to depart. Feminine and pitiable the procession began to move — the commander's wife in flight with his infant son borne on her breast, and round her the tearful wives of his friends, dragged like herself from their husbands. Nor were those who remained less woe-begone. 1.41.  The picture recalled less a Caesar at the zenith of force and in his own camp than a scene in a taken town. The sobbing and wailing drew the ears and eyes of the troops themselves. They began to emerge from quarters:— "Why," they demanded, "the sound of weeping? What calamity had happened? Here were these ladies of rank, and not a centurion to guard them, not a soldier, no sign of the usual escort or that this was the general's wife! They were bound for the Treviri — handed over to the protection of foreigners." There followed shame and pity and memories of her father Agrippa, of Augustus her grandfather. She was the daughter-in‑law of Drusus, herself a wife of notable fruitfulness and shining chastity. There was also her little son, born in the camp and bred the playmate of the legions; whom soldier-like they had dubbed "Bootikins" — Caligula — because, as an appeal to the fancy of the rank and file, he generally wore the footgear of that name. Nothing, however, swayed them so much as their jealousy of the Treviri. They implored, they obstructed:— "She must come back, she must stay," they urged; some running to intercept Agrippina, the majority hurrying back to Germanicus. Still smarting with grief and indignation, he stood in the centre of the crowd, and thus began:— 2.33.  At the next session, the ex-consul, Quintus Haterius, and Octavius Fronto, a former praetor, spoke at length against the national extravagance; and it was resolved that table-plate should not be manufactured in solid gold, and that Oriental silks should no longer degrade the male sex. Fronto went further, and pressed for a statutory limit to silver, furniture, and domestics: for it was still usual for a member to precede his vote by mooting any point which he considered to be in the public interest. Asinius Gallus opposed:— "With the expansion of the empire, private fortunes had also grown; nor was this new, but consot with extremely ancient custom. Wealth was one thing with the Fabricii, another with the Scipios; and all was relative to the state. When the state was poor, you had frugality and cottages: when it attained a pitch of splendour such as the present, the individual also throve. In slaves or plate or anything procured for use there was neither excess nor moderation except with reference to the means of the owner. Senators and knights had a special property qualification, not because they differed in kind from their fellow-men, but in order that those who enjoyed precedence in place, rank, and dignity should enjoy it also in the easements that make for mental peace and physical well-being. And justly so — unless your distinguished men, while saddled with more responsibilities and greater dangers, were to be deprived of the relaxations compensating those responsibilities and those dangers." — With his virtuously phrased confession of vice, Gallus easily carried with him that audience of congenial spirits. Tiberius, too, had added that it was not the time for a censorship, and that, if there was any loosening of the national morality, a reformer would be forthcoming. 2.34.  During the debate, Lucius Piso, in a diatribe against the intrigues of the Forum, the corruption of the judges, and the tyranny of the advocates with their perpetual threats of prosecution, announced his retirement — he was migrating from the capital, and would live his life in some sequestered, far-away country nook. At the same time, he started to leave the Curia. Tiberius was perturbed; and, not content with having mollified him by a gentle remonstrance, induced his relatives also to withhold him from departure by their influence or their prayers. — It was not long before the same Piso gave an equally striking proof of the independence of his temper by obtaining a summons against Urgulania, whose friendship with the ex-empress had raised her above the law. Urgulania declined to obey, and, ignoring Piso, drove to the imperial residence: her antagonist, likewise, stood his ground, in spite of Livia's complaint that his act was an outrage and humiliation to herself. Tiberius, who reflected that it would be no abuse of his position to indulge his mother up to the point of promising to appear at the praetorian court and lend his support to Urgulania, set out from the palace, ordering his guards to follow at a distance. The people, flocking to the sight, watched him while with great composure of countece he protracted the time and the journey by talking on a variety of topics, until, as his relatives failed to control Piso, Livia gave orders for the sum in demand to be paid. This closed an incident of which Piso had some reason to be proud, while at the same time it added to the emperor's reputation. For the rest, the influence of Urgulania lay so heavy on the state that, in one case on trial before the senate, she disdained to appear as a witness, and a praetor was sent to examine her at home, although the established custom has always been for the Vestal Virgins, when giving evidence, to be heard in the Forum and courts of justice. 2.38.  The senate's inclination to agree incited Tiberius to a more instant opposition. His speech in effect ran thus:— "If all the poor of the earth begin coming here and soliciting money for their children, we shall never satisfy individuals, but we shall exhaust the state. And certainly, if our predecessors ruled that a member, in his turn to speak, might occasionally go beyond the terms of the motion and bring forward a point in the public interest, it was not in order that we should sit here to promote our private concerns and personal fortunes, while rendering the position of the senate and its head equally invidious whether they bestow or withhold their bounty. For this is no petition, but a demand — an unseasonable and unexpected demand, when a member rises in a session convened for other purposes, puts pressure on the kindly feeling of the senate by a catalogue of the ages and number of his children, brings the same compulsion to bear indirectly upon myself, and, so to say, carries the Treasury by storm though, if we drain it by favouritism, we shall have to refill it by crime. The deified Augustus gave you money, Hortalus; but not under pressure, nor with a proviso that it should be given always. Otherwise, if a man is to have nothing to hope or fear from himself, industry will languish, indolence thrive, and we shall have the whole population waiting, without a care in the world, for outside relief, incompetent to help itself, and an incubus to us." These sentences and the like, though heard with approval by the habitual eulogists of all imperial actions honourable or dishonourable, were by most received with silence or a suppressed murmur. Tiberius felt the chill, and, after a short pause, observed that Hortalus had had his answer; but, if the senate thought it proper, he would present each of his male children with two hundred thousand sesterces. Others expressed their thanks; Hortalus held his peace: either his nerve failed him, or even in these straits of fortune he clung to the traditions of his race. Nor in the future did Tiberius repeat his charity, though the Hortensian house kept sinking deeper into ignominious poverty. 2.55.  Meanwhile Gnaeus Piso, in haste to embark upon his schemes, first alarmed the community of Athens by a tempestuous entry, then assailed them in a virulent speech, which included an indirect attack on Germanicus for "compromising the dignity of the Roman name by his exaggerated civilities, not to the Athenians (whose repeated disasters had extinguished the breed) but to the present cosmopolitan rabble. For these were the men who had leagued themselves with Mithridates against Sulla, with Antony against the deified Augustus!" He upbraided them even with their ancient history; their ill-starred outbreaks against Macedon and their violence towards their own countrymen. Private resentment, also, embittered him against the town, as the authorities refused to give up at his request a certain Theophilus, whom the verdict of the Areopagus had declared guilty of forgery. After this, quick sailing by a short route through the Cyclades brought him up with Germanicus at Rhodes. The prince was aware of the invectives with which he had been assailed; yet he behaved with such mildness that, when a rising storm swept Piso toward the rock-bound coast, and the destruction of his foe could have been referred to misadventure, he sent warships to help in extricating him from his predicament. Even so, Piso was not mollified; and, after reluctantly submitting to the loss of a single day, he left Germanicus and completed the journey first. Then, the moment he reached Syria and the legions, by bounties and by bribery, by attentions to the humblest private, by dismissals of the veteran centurions and the stricter commanding officers, whom he replaced by dependants of his own or by men of the worst character, by permitting indolence in the camp, licence in the towns, and in the country a vagrant and riotous soldiery, he carried corruption to such a pitch that in the language of the rabble he was known as the Father of the Legions. Nor could Plancina contain herself within the limits of female decorum: she attended cavalry exercises and infantry manoeuvres; she flung her gibes at Agrippina or Germanicus; some even of the loyal troops being ready to yield her a disloyal obedience; for a whispered rumour was gaining ground that these doings were not unacceptable to the emperor. The state of affairs was known to Germanicus, but his more immediate anxiety was to reach Armenia first. 3.34.  A few members listened to the speech with approval: most interrupted with protests that neither was there a motion on the subject nor was Caecina a competent censor in a question of such importance. He was presently answered by Valerius Messalinus, a son of Messala, in whom there resided some echo of his father's eloquence:— "Much of the old-world harshness had been improved and softened; for Rome was no longer environed with wars, nor were the provinces hostile. A few allowances were now made to the needs of women; but not such as to embarrass even the establishment of their consorts, far less our allies: everything else the wife shared with her husband, and in peace the arrangement created no difficulties. Certainly, he who set about a war must gird up his loins; but, when he returned after his labour, what consolations more legitimate than those of his helpmeet? — But a few women had lapsed into intrigue or avarice. — Well, were not too many of the magistrates themselves vulnerable to temptation in more shapes than one? Yet governors still went out to governorships! — Husbands had often been corrupted by the depravity of their wives. — And was every single man, then, incorruptible? The Oppian laws in an earlier day were sanctioned because the circumstances of the commonwealth so demanded: later remissions and mitigations were due to expediency. It was vain to label our own inertness with another title: if the woman broke bounds, the fault lay with the husband. Moreover, it was unjust that, through the weakness of one or two, married men in general should be torn from their partners in weal and woe, while at the same time a sex frail by nature was left alone, exposed to its own voluptuousness and the appetites of others. Hardly by surveillance on the spot could the marriage-tie be kept undamaged: what would be the case if, for a term of years, it were dissolved as completely as by divorce? While they were taking steps to meet abuses elsewhere, it would be well to remember the scandals of the capital! Drusus added a few sentences upon his own married life:— "Princes not infrequently had to visit the remote parts of the empire. How often had the deified Augustus travelled to west and east with Livia for his companion! He had himself made an excursion to Illyricum; and, if there was a purpose to serve, he was prepared to go to other countries — but not always without a pang, if he were severed from the well-beloved wife who was the mother of their many common children." Caecina's motion was thus evaded. 3.51.  A single ex-consul, Rubellius Blandus, concurred with Lepidus: the remainder followed Agrippa's motion; and Priscus was led to the cells and immediately executed. This promptitude drew a typically ambiguous reprimand from Tiberius in the senate. He commended the loyalty of members, who avenged so sharply insults, however slight, to the head of the state, but deprecated such a hurried punishment of a verbal offence. Lepidus he praised; Agrippa he did not blame. It was therefore resolved that no senatorial decree should be entered in the Treasury before the lapse of nine full days, all prisoners under sentence of death to be reprieved for that period. But the senate had not liberty to repent, nor was Tiberius usually softened by the interval. 3.69.  Tiberius approved; but Cornelius Dolabella, to pursue the sycophancy further, proposed, after an attack on Silanus' character, that no man of scandalous life and bankrupt reputation should be eligible for a province, the decision in such cases to rest with the emperor. "For delinquencies were punished by the law; but how much more merciful to the delinquent, how much better for the provincial, to provide against all irregularities beforehand!" The Caesar spoke in opposition:— "True, the reports with regard to Silanus were not unknown to him; but judgments could not be based on rumour. Many a man by his conduct in his province had reversed the hopes or fears entertained concerning him: some natures were roused to better things by great position, others became sluggish. It was neither possible for a prince to comprehend everything within his own knowledge, nor desirable that he should be influenced by the intrigues of others. The reason why laws were made retrospective towards the thing done was that things to be were indeterminable. It was on this principle their forefathers had ruled that, if an offence had preceded, punishment should follow; and they must not now overturn a system wisely invented and always observed. Princes had enough of burdens — enough, even, of power: the rights of the subject shrank as autocracy grew; and, where it was possible to proceed by form of law, it was a mistake to employ the fiat of the sovereign." This democratic doctrines were hailed with a pleasure answering to their rarity on the lips of Tiberius. He himself, tactful and moderate when not swayed by personal anger, added that "Gyarus was a bleak and uninhabited island. Out of consideration for the Junian house and for a man once their peer, they might allow him to retire to Cythnus instead. This was also the desire of Silanus' sister Torquata, a Vestal of old-world saintliness." The proposal was adopted without discussion. 13.10.  In the same year, Nero applied to the senate for a statue to his father Gnaeus Domitius, and for consular decorations for Asconius Labeo, who had acted as his guardian. At the same time he vetoed an offer of effigies in solid gold or silver to himself; and, although a resolution had been passed by the Fathers that the new year should begin in December, the month which had given Nero to the world, he retained as the opening day of the calendar the first of January with its old religious associations. Nor were prosecutions allowed in the cases of the senator Carrinas Celer, who was accused by a slave, and of Julius Densus of the equestrian order, whose partiality for Britannicus was being turned into a criminal charge. 13.11.  In the consulate of Claudius Nero and Lucius Antistius, while the magistrates were swearing allegiance to the imperial enactments, the prince withheld his colleague Antistius from swearing to his own: a measure which the senate applauded warmly, in the hope that his youthful mind, elated by the fame attaching even to small things, would proceed forthwith to greater. There followed, in fact, a display of leniency towards Plautius Lateranus, degraded from his rank for adultery with Messalina, but now restored to the senate by the emperor, who pledged himself to clemency in a series of speeches, which Seneca, either to attest the exalted qualities of his teaching or to advertise his ingenuity, kept presenting to the public by the lips of the sovereign. 15.22.  The proposal was greeted with loud assent: it proved impossible, however, to complete a decree, as the consuls declined to admit that there was a motion on the subject. Later, at the suggestion of the emperor, a rule was passed that no person should at a provincial diet propose the presentation in the senate of an address of thanks to a Caesarian or senatorial governor, and that no one should undertake the duties of such a deputation. In the same consulate, the Gymnasium was struck by lightning and burned to the ground, a statue of Nero, which it contained, being melted into a shapeless piece of bronze. An earthquake also demolished to a large extent the populous Campanian town of Pompeii; and the debt of nature was paid by the Vestal Virgin Laelia, whose place was filled by the appointment of Cornelia, from the family of the Cossi.

Subjects of this text:

subject	book bibliographic info
acta senatus,,use of	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 330
aelius sejanus,l. ancestry,,honors	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 259
aemilius lepidus,m'. (cos. a.d."	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 247, 259
aemilius lepidus,m. (cos. a.d.	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 264, 330
aemilius scauruc,mamercus	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 330
afranius dexter,cn.	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 264
africa,,governorship	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 247, 264
agrippa postumus	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 330
alexander the great	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 9
allusion	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 9
annals	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 9
asia,,governorship	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 247
asia (roman province)	Heller and van Nijf (2017), The Politics of Honour in the Greek Cities of the Roman Empire, 282
asinius gallus,c	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 264
asinius rufus	Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 93
asylum,right of	Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 155
augustus,emperor	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 9
aurelius cotta maximus messalinus,m.	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 247, 259
caecina severus,a.	Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 93, 94; Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 247, 259, 264
calpumius piso,cn. (cos.,speaks in senate	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 264
capitol (rome)	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 259
cato the younger	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 9
child-rearing,willingness for	Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 93
childlessness,literary topos of	Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 93
childlessness,voluntary	Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 93
children,as social capital	Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 93, 94
children,desire for	Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 93
claudius,,speaks	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 330
claudius,emperor	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 9
claudius timarchus	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 259
clodius thrasea paetus,p.,in senate absence,,at trial of claudius timarchus	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 259
clutorius priscus	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 330
consuls	Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 155
cornelius dolabella,p.	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 259
designatus,position of	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 247
domitius after,cn.	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 264
domitius corbulo,cn.	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 330
dress,,order of speeches	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 247
drusus the younger (nero claudius drusus,later drusus iulius caesar),debate with caecina severus	Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 94
elite,roman,and voluntary childlessness	Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 93
emperor,princeps	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 9
fathers,desire to be	Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 93
fathers,social benefits for	Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 93, 94
fecunditas,as social capital	Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 93, 94
governor,roman	Heller and van Nijf (2017), The Politics of Honour in the Greek Cities of the Roman Empire, 282
grandfathers	Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 93
greeks	Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 155
haterius,q.	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 247, 264
haterius agrippa,d.	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 330
helvidius priscus,c. (elder)	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 259
hortalus,m.	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 330
imitation,emulation,exemplarity,exemplum	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 9
interrogatio,,development of	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 264
intertextuality,allusion and imitation,emulation	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 9
iunius silanus,c. (cos. a.d.)	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 247
lex oppia	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 9
libertas	Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 155
ligustinus,sp.	Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 94
livia (drusilla),as exemplum	Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 94
lycia (roman province)	Heller and van Nijf (2017), The Politics of Honour in the Greek Cities of the Roman Empire, 282
lyons tablet	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 9
m. furius camillus	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 9
marriage,roman	Hubbard (2014), A Companion to Greek and Roman Sexualities, 231
memory,cultic,subjectivity of	Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 155
men,desire for children	Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 93
men,fecunditas and	Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 93, 94
men,ideal	Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 94
men,praise for	Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 93, 94
nero,,relationship	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 330
nero,emperor	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 9
octavius fronto	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 247, 264
patronage	Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 93
pliny (younger),consul,,describes sessions	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 264
pompeius,sex.	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 247
pompey the great	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 9
praetorius	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 247
praise for asinius rufus	Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 93
prostitution,athenian	Hubbard (2014), A Companion to Greek and Roman Sexualities, 231
prostitution,roman	Hubbard (2014), A Companion to Greek and Roman Sexualities, 231
provinces and provincials	Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 155
real-life	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 9
relatio,,requested by members	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 330
republicanism	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 9
res prolatae	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 264
rubellius blandus,c	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 330
senate,in latin and greek,,character	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 264
senate,in latin and greek,,first century	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 247, 259, 264
senate,in latin and greek,,intervention	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 264
senate,in latin and greek,,order of speakers	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 247
senate,in latin and greek,,speaking "off the question,"	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 247, 259, 264
senate,senators	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 9
senate	Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 155
senatus consultum,,"writing,"	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 247
sententias,,"off the question,"	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 259
sententias,,order	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 247
silius a. caecina largus,c. (cos. a.d.	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 259
slavery,in military campaigns	Hubbard (2014), A Companion to Greek and Roman Sexualities, 231
social capital	Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 93, 94
suicide	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 9
sulla,l. (noble)	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 330
tacitus,,arrangement of material	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 247, 330
tacitus,,use of acta senatus	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 330
tacitus,p. cornelius	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 9
temples'	Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 155
terentius varro,m	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 247
tiberius,,attends	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 330
tiberius,,censures items	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 330
tiberius,,concern to maintain attendance	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 247, 259, 264
tiberius,,speaks	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 259
triumph	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 9
troy,trojans	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 9
tyrants,voluntary childlessness	Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 93
urgulania	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 247
usage of the past	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 9
valerius messala messalinus,m.	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 247, 264
varenus rufus	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 259
vibius serenus (father)	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 330
vitellius (emperor),,speaks	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 264
voluntary childlessness	Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 93
wife of roman governor	Heller and van Nijf (2017), The Politics of Honour in the Greek Cities of the Roman Empire, 282
women,imperial,as exempla	Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 94