Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database

10588

Tacitus, Annals, 3.23

Lepida ludorum diebus qui cognitionem intervene- rant theatrum cum claris feminis ingressa, lamentatione flebili maiores suos ciens ipsumque Pompeium, cuius ea monimenta et adstantes imagines visebantur, tantum misericordiae permovit ut effusi in lacrimas saeva et detestanda Quirinio clamitarent, cuius senectae atque orbitati et obscurissimae domui destinata quondam uxor L. Caesari ac divo Augusto nurus dederetur. dein tormentis servorum patefacta sunt flagitia itumque in sententiam Rubelli Blandi a quo aqua atque igni arcebatur. huic Drusus adsensit quamquam alii mitius censuissent. mox Scauro, qui filiam ex ea genuerat, datum ne bona publicarentur. tum demum aperuit Tiberius compertum sibi etiam ex P. Quirinii servis veneno eum a Lepida petitum. In the course of the Games, which had interrupted the trial, Lepida entered the theatre with a number of women of rank; and there, weeping, wailing, invoking her ancestors and Pompey himself, whom that edifice commemorated, whose statues were standing before their eyes, she excited so much sympathy that the crowd burst into tears, with a fierce and ominous outcry against Quirinius, to whose doting years, barren bed, and petty family they were betraying a woman once destined for the bride of Lucius Caesar and the daughter-in‑law of the deified Augustus. Then, with the torture of her slaves, came the revelation of her crimes; and the motion of Rubellius Blandus, who pressed for her formal outlawry, was carried. Drusus sided with him, though others had proposed more lenient measures. Later, as a concession to Scaurus, who had a son by her, it was decided not to confiscate her property. And now at last Tiberius disclosed that he had ascertained from Quirinius' own slaves that Lepida had attempted their master's life by poison. <

Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

9 results
1. Cicero, On Laws, 2.4 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
2. Cicero, Pro Archia, 30 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) 30. an vero tam parvi pravi Ee animi videamur esse esse om. E omnes qui in re publica atque in his vitae periculis laboribusque versamur ut, cum usque ad extremum spatium nullum tranquillum atque otiosum spiritum duxerimus, nobiscum simul moritura omnia arbitremur? an an an cum b2 χ statuas et imagines, non animorum simulacra, sed corporum, studiose multi summi homines reliquerunt reliquerint Manutius ; consiliorum relinquere ac virtutum nostrarum effigiem nonne nonne non Lambinus multo malle debemus summis ingeniis expressam et politam? ego vero omnia quae gerebam iam tum in gerendo spargere me ac disseminare arbitrabar in orbis terrae memoriam sempiternam. haec vero sive sive om. GEea a meo sensu post mortem afutura afut. G : abfut. (affut. Ee ) cett. est est GEea : sunt cett. , sive, ut sapientissimi homines putaverunt, ad aliquam animi animi om. cod. Vrsini mei partem pertinebit pertinebunt bp2 χς , nunc quidem certe cogitatione quadam speque delector.
3. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 35.23, 36.37-36.38 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
4. Plutarch, Cato The Younger, 43 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
5. Suetonius, Tiberius, 49 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
6. Tacitus, Annals, 2.53-2.54, 3.22, 4.13, 4.15, 5.4, 14.41, 14.61 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) 2.53.  The following year found Tiberius consul for a third time; Germanicus, for a second. The latter, however, entered upon that office in the Achaian town of Nicopolis, which he had reached by skirting the Illyrian coast after a visit to his brother Drusus, then resident in Dalmatia: the passage had been stormy both in the Adriatic and, later, in the Ionian Sea. He spent a few days, therefore, in refitting the fleet; while at the same time, evoking the memory of his ancestors, he viewed the gulf immortalized by the victory of Actium, together with the spoils which Augustus had consecrated, and the camp of Antony. For Augustus, as I have said, was his great-uncle, Antony his grandfather; and before his eyes lay the whole great picture of disaster and of triumph. — He next arrived at Athens; where, in deference to our treaty with an allied and time-honoured city, he made use of one lictor alone. The Greeks received him with most elaborate compliments, and, in order to temper adulation with dignity, paraded the ancient doings and sayings of their countrymen. 2.54.  From Athens he visited Euboea, and crossed over to Lesbos; where Agrippina, in her last confinement, gave birth to Julia. Entering the outskirts of Asia, and the Thracian towns of Perinthus and Byzantium, he then struck through the straits of the Bosphorus and the mouth of the Euxine, eager to make the acquaintance of those ancient and storied regions, though simultaneously he brought relief to provinces outworn by internecine feud or official tyranny. On the return journey, he made an effort to visit the Samothracian Mysteries, but was met by northerly winds, and failed to make the shore. So, after an excursion to Troy and those venerable remains which attest the mutability of fortune and the origin of Rome, he skirted the Asian coast once more, and anchored off Colophon, in order to consult the oracle of the Clarian Apollo. Here it is not a prophetess, as at Delphi, but a male priest, chosen out of a restricted number of families, and in most cases imported from Miletus, who hears the number and the names of the consultants, but no more, then descends into a cavern, swallows a draught of water from a mysterious spring, and — though ignorant generally of writing and of metre — delivers his response in set verses dealing with the subject each inquirer had in mind. Rumour said that he had predicted to Germanicus his hastening fate, though in the equivocal terms which oracles affect. 3.22.  At Rome, in the meantime, Lepida, who, over and above the distinction of the Aemilian family, owned Sulla and Pompey for great-grandsires, was accused of feigning to be a mother by Publius Quirinius, a rich man and childless. There were complementary charges of adulteries, of poisonings, and of inquiries made through the astrologers with reference to the Caesarian house. The defence was in the hands of her brother, Manius Lepidus. Despite her infamy and her guilt, Quirinius, by persisting in his malignity after divorcing her, had gained her a measure of sympathy. It is not easy to penetrate the emperor's sentiments during this trial: so adroitly did he invert and confuse the symptoms of anger and of mercy. He began by requesting the senate not to deal with the charges of treason; then he lured the former consul, Marcus Servilius, with a number of other witnesses, into stating the very facts he had apparently wished to have suppressed. Lepida's slaves, again, were being held in military custody; he transferred them to the consuls, and would not allow them to be questioned under torture upon the issues concerning his own family. Similarly, he exempted Drusus, who was consul designate, from speaking first to the question. By some this was read as a concession relieving the rest of the members from the need of assenting: others took it to mark a sinister purpose on the ground that he would have ceded nothing save the duty of condemning. 4.13.  Meanwhile Tiberius had in no way relaxed his attention to public business, but, accepting work as a consolation, was dealing with judicial cases at Rome and petitions from the provinces. On his proposal, senatorial resolutions were passed to relieve the towns of Cibyra in Asia and Aegium in Achaia, both damaged by earthquake, by remitting their tribute for three years. Vibius Serenus, too, the proconsul of Further Spain, was condemned on a charge of public violence, and deported, as the result of his savage character, to the island of Amorgus. Carsidius Sacerdos, accused of supplying grain to a public enemy in the person of Tacfarinas, was acquitted; and the same charge failed against Gaius Gracchus. Gracchus had been taken in earliest infancy by his father Sempronius to share his banishment in the company of landless men, destitute of all liberal achievements; later, he eked out a livelihood by mean trading transactions in Africa and Sicily: yet even so he failed to escape the hazards reserved for rank and fortune. Indeed, had not Aelius Lamia and Lucius Apronius, former governors of Africa, come to the rescue of his innocence, he would have been swept to ruin by the fame of his calamitous house and the disasters of his father. 4.15.  The same year brought still another bereavement to the emperor, by removing one of the twin children of Drusus, and an equal affliction in the death of a friend. This was Lucilius Longus, his comrade in evil days and good, and the one member of the senate to share his isolation at Rhodes. Hence, in spite of his modest antecedents, a censorian funeral and a statue erected in the Forum of Augustus at the public expense were decreed to him by the Fathers, before whom, at that time, all questions were still dealt with; so much so, that Lucilius Capito, the procurator of Asia, was obliged, at the indictment of the province, to plead his cause before them, the emperor asserting forcibly that "any powers he had given to him extended merely to the slaves and revenues of the imperial domains; if he had usurped the governor's authority and used military force, it was a flouting of his orders: the provincials must be heard." The case was accordingly tried and the defendant condemned. In return for this act of retribution, as well as for the punishment meted out to Gaius Silanus the year before, the Asiatic cities decreed a temple to Tiberius, his mother, and the senate. Leave to build was granted, and Nero returned thanks on that score to the senate and his grandfather — a pleasing sensation to his listeners, whose memory of Germanicus was fresh enough to permit the fancy that his were the features they saw and the accents to which they listened. The youth had, in fact, a modesty and beauty worthy of a prince: endowments the more attractive from the peril of their owner, since the hatred of Sejanus for him was notorious. 5.4.  There was in the senate a certain Julius Rusticus, chosen by the Caesar to compile the official journal of its proceedings, and therefore credited with some insight into his thoughts. Under some fatal impulse — for he had never before given an indication of courage — or possibly through a misapplied acuteness which made him blind to dangers imminent and terrified of dangers uncertain, Rusticus insinuated himself among the doubters and warned the consuls not to introduce the question — "A touch," he insisted, "could turn the scale in the gravest of matters: it was possible that some day the extinction of the house of Germanicus might move the old man's penitence." At the same time, the people, carrying effigies of Agrippina and Nero, surrounded the curia, and, cheering for the Caesar, clamoured that the letter was spurious and that it was contrary to the Emperor's wish that destruction was plotted against his house. On that day, therefore, no tragedy was perpetrated. There were circulated, also, under consular names, fictitious attacks upon Sejanus: for authors in plenty exercised their capricious imagination with all the petulance of anonymity. The result was to fan his anger and to supply him with the material for fresh charges:— "The senate had spurned the sorrow of its emperor, the people had forsworn its allegiance. Already disloyal harangues, disloyal decrees of the Fathers, were listened to and perused: what remained but to take the sword and in the persons whose effigies they had followed as their ensigns to choose their generals and their princes? 14.41.  The same day brought also the fall of a youthful ex-quaestor, Pompeius Aelianus, charged with complicity in the villainies of Fabianus: he was outlawed from Italy and also from Spain, the country of his origin. The same humiliation was inflicted on Valerius Ponticus, because, to save the accused from prosecution before the city prefect, with the intention of defeating for the moment by a legal subterfuge, and in the long run by collusion. A clause was added to the senatorial decree, providing that any person buying or selling this form of connivance was to be liable to the same penalty as if convicted of calumny in a criminal trial. 14.61.  At once exulting crowds scaled the Capitol, and Heaven at last found itself blessed. They hurled down the effigies of Poppaea, they carried the statues of Octavia shoulder-high, strewed them with flowers, upraised them in the forum and the temples. Even the emperor's praises were essayed with vociferous loyalty. Already they were filling the Palace itself with their numbers and their cheers, when bands of soldiers emerged and scattered them in disorder with whipcuts and levelled weapons. All the changes effected by the outbreak were rectified, and the honours of Poppaea were reinstated. She herself, always cruel in her hatreds, and now rendered more so by her fear that either the violence of the multitude might break out in a fiercer storm or Nero follow the trend of popular feeling, threw herself at his knees:— "Her affairs," she said, "were not in a position in which she could fight for her marriage, though it was dearer to her than life: that life itself had been brought to the verge of destruction by those retainers and slaves of Octavia who had conferred on themselves the name of the people and dared in peace what would scarcely happen in war. Those arms had been lifted against the sovereign; only a leader had been lacking, and, once the movement had begun, a leader was easily come by, — the one thing necessary was an excursion from Campania, a personal visit to the capital by her whose distant nod evoked the storm! And apart from this, what was Poppaea's transgression? in what had she offended anyone? Or was the reason that she was on the point of giving an authentic heir to the hearth of the Caesars? Did the Roman nation prefer the progeny of an Egyptian flute-player to be introduced to the imperial throne? — In brief, if policy so demanded, then as an act of grace, but not of compulsion, let him send for the lady who owned him — or else take thought for his security! A deserved castigation and lenient remedies had allayed the first commotion; but let the mob once lose hope of seeing Octavia Nero's wife and they would soon provide her with a husband!
7. Tacitus, Histories, 2.55 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) 2.55.  Yet at Rome there was no disorder. The festival of Ceres was celebrated in the usual manner. When it was announced in the theatre on good authority that Otho was no more and that Flavius Sabinus, the city prefect, had administered to all the soldiers in the city the oath of allegiance to Vitellius, the audience greeted the name of Vitellius with applause. The people, bearing laurel and flowers, carried busts of Galba from temple to temple, and piled garlands high in the form of a burial mound by the Lacus Curtius, which the dying Galba had stained with his blood. The senate at once voted for Vitellius all the honours that had been devised during the long reigns of other emperors; besides they passed votes of praise and gratitude to the troops from Germany and dispatched a delegation to deliver this expression of their joy. Letters from Fabius Valens to the consuls were read, written in quite moderate style; but greater satisfaction was felt at Caecina's modesty in not writing at all.
8. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 9.27.2-9.27.3 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) 9.27.2. Most men consider Love to be the youngest of the gods and the son of Aphrodite. But Olen the Lycian, who composed the oldest Greek hymns, says in a hymn to Eileithyia that she was the mother of Love. Later than Olen, both Pamphos and Orpheus wrote hexameter verse, and composed poems on Love, in order that they might be among those sung by the Lycomidae to accompany the ritual. I read them after conversation with a Torchbearer. of these things I will make no further mention. Hesiod, Hes. Th. 116 foll. or he who wrote the Theogony fathered on Hesiod, writes, I know, that Chaos was born first, and after Chaos, Earth, Tartarus and Love. 9.27.3. Sappho of Lesbos wrote many poems about Love, but they are not consistent. Later on Lysippus made a bronze Love for the Thespians, and previously Praxiteles one of Pentelic marble. The story of Phryne and the trick she played on Praxiteles I have related in another place. See Paus. 1.20.1 . The first to remove the image of Love, it is said, was Gaius the Roman Emperor; Claudius, they say, sent it back to Thespiae, but Nero carried it away a second time.
9. Strabo, Geography, 9.2.25 9.2.25. The Thespiae of today is by Antimachus spelled Thespeia; for there are many names of places which are used in both ways, both in the singular and in the plural, just as there are many which are used both in the masculine and in the feminine, whereas there are others which are used in either one or the other number only. Thespiae is a city near Mt. Helicon, lying somewhat to the south of it; and both it and Helicon are situated on the Crisaean Gulf. It has a seaport Creusa, also called Creusis. In the Thespian territory, in the part lying towards Helicon, is Ascre, the native city of Hesiod; it is situated on the right of Helicon, on a high and rugged place, and is about forty stadia distant from Thespiae. This city Hesiod himself has satirized in verses which allude to his father, because at an earlier time his father changed his abode to this place from the Aeolian Cyme, saying: And he settled near Helicon in a wretched village, Ascre, which is bad in winter, oppressive in summer, and pleasant at no time. Helicon is contiguous to Phocis in its northerly parts, and to a slight extent also in its westerly parts, in the region of the last harbor belonging to Phocis, the harbor which, from the fact in the case, is called Mychus (inmost depth); for, speaking generally, it is above this harbor of the Crisaean Gulf that Helicon and Ascre, and also Thespiae and its seaport Creusa, are situated. This is also considered the deepest recess of the Crisaean Gulf, and in general of the Corinthian Gulf. The length of the coastline from the harbor Mychus to Creusa is ninety stadia; and the length from Creusa as far as the promontory called Holmiae is one hundred and twenty; and hence Pagae and Oinoe, of which I have already spoken, are situated in the deepest recess of the gulf. Now Helicon, not far distant from Parnassus, rivals it both in height and in circuit; for both are rocky and covered with snow, and their circuit comprises no large extent of territory. Here are the sanctuary of the Muses and Hippu-crene and the cave of the nymphs called the Leibethrides; and from this fact one might infer that those who consecrated Helicon to the Muses were Thracians, the same who dedicated Pieris and Leibethrum and Pimpleia to the same goddesses. The Thracians used to be called Pieres, but, now that they have disappeared, the Macedonians hold these places. It has been said that Thracians once settled in this part of Boeotia, having overpowered the Boeotians, as did also Pelasgians and other barbarians. Now in earlier times Thespiae was well known because of the Eros of Praxiteles, which was sculptured by him and dedicated by Glycera the courtesan (she had received it as a gift from the artist) to the Thespians, since she was a native of the place. Now in earlier times travellers would go up to Thespeia, a city otherwise not worth seeing, to see the Eros; and at present it and Tanagra are the only Boeotian cities that still endure; but of all the rest only ruins and names are left.

Subjects of this text:

subject	book bibliographic info
aelius sejanus,l.	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 154
aemilia lepida	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 154; Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 467
agrippina the elder	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 154
antiochus iii the great	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 154
antony,marc	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 87
apamea	Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 128
arabia	Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 128
asia	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 87
augustus	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 87
boulē	Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 128
carthage	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 154
censuses	Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 128
ceralia	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 154
cornelius scipio aemilianus,p.	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 154
cornelius scipio africanus,p.	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 87, 154
cornelius scipio asiaticus ,l.	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 154
egypt	Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 128
elites	Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 128
falsum,cases of	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 467
galba	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 154
germanicus caesar,tours the east	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 87
greece,and roman culture	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 87
greece,and tourism in antiquity	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 87
greece	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 87
gregory,a.	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 154
hostilius mancinus,l.	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 154
identity,roman	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 87
imagines,in funerals	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 87
impietas against,political use of	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 154
julius caesar,c.,his triumph	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 154
julius caesar	Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 128
leen,a.	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 87
lucilius capito,cn.	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 467
lucius (d. a.d.	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 467
memory,and power	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 87
memory	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 87
nero	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 154
nicopolis	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 87
octavia	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 154
ornamenta	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 87
otho	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 154
painting,and political competition	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 154
petreius,m.	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 154
phryne	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 87
pompey the great,statues abused	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 154
porcius cato the younger,m.	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 154
punic wars	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 154
pupius piso calpurnianus,m.	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 87
quaestio	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 467
rome,fire of ad	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 87
rome,forum romanum	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 154
rome,theatre of pompey	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 154
scipio,l.	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 154
senate,in latin and greek,,scope	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 467
spain	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 154
synedrion	Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 128
tacitus	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 87
taxation,by elites	Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 128
taxation,capitation tax	Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 128
taxation,land tribute	Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 128
tiberius	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 154
toparchies'	Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 128
trojans,as romes ancestors	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 87
troy	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 87
tullius cicero,l.,admires demosthenes	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 87
tullius cicero,m.,and roman topography	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 87
tullius cicero,m.,and the de finibus	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 87
tullius cicero,m.,and the de legibus	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 87
tullius cicero,m.,and the pro archia	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 87
tullius cicero,m.,on imagines	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 87
valerius ponticus	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 467
vibius serenus (father)	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 467
virtus,and memory	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 87
vitellius	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 154