Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database

10588

Tacitus, Annals, 2.82

At Romae, postquam Germanici valetudo percrebuit cunctaque ut ex longinquo aucta in deterius adferebantur, dolor ira, et erumpebant questus. ideo nimirum in extremas terras relegatum, ideo Pisoni permissam provinciam; hoc egisse secretos Augustae cum Plancina sermones. vera prorsus de Druso seniores locutos: displicere regnantibus civilia filiorum ingenia, neque ob aliud interceptos quam quia populum Romanum aequo iure complecti reddita libertate agitaverint. hos vulgi sermones audita mors adeo incendit ut ante edictum magistratuum, ante senatus consultum sumpto iustitio desererentur fora, clauderentur domus. passim silentia et gemitus, nihil compositum in ostentationem; et quamquam neque insignibus lugentium abstinerent, altius animis maerebant. forte negotiatores vivente adhuc Germanico Syria egressi laetiora de valetudine eius attulere. statim credita, statim vulgata sunt: ut quisque obvius, quamvis leviter audita in alios atque illi in plures cumulata gaudio transferunt. cursant per urbem, moliuntur templorum foris; iuvat credulitatem nox et promptior inter tenebras adfirmatio. nec obstitit falsis Tiberius donec tempore ac spatio vanescerent: et populus quasi rursum ereptum acrius doluit. But at Rome, when the failure of Germanicus' health became current knowledge, and every circumstance was reported with the aggravations usual in news that has travelled far, all was grief and indignation. A storm of complaints burst out:— "So for this he had been relegated to the ends of earth; for this Piso had received a province; and this had been the drift of Augusta's colloquies with Plancina! It was the mere truth, as the elder men said of Drusus, that sons with democratic tempers were not pleasing to fathers on a throne; and both had been cut off for no other reason than because they designed to restore the age of freedom and take the Roman people into a partnership of equal rights." The announcement of his death inflamed this popular gossip to such a degree that before any edict of the magistrates, before any resolution of the senate, civic life was suspended, the courts deserted, houses closed. It was a town of sighs and silences, with none of the studied advertisements of sorrow; and, while there was no abstention from the ordinary tokens of bereavement, the deeper mourning was carried at the heart. Accidentally, a party of merchants, who had left Syria while Germanicus was yet alive, brought a more cheerful account of his condition. It was instantly believed and instantly disseminated. No man met another without proclaiming his unauthenticated news; and by him it was passed to more, with supplements dictated by joy. Crowds were running in the streets and forcing temple-doors. Credulity throve — it was night, and affirmation is boldest in the dark. Nor did Tiberius check the fictions, but left them to die out with the passage of time; and the people added bitterness for what seemed a second bereavement. <

Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

21 results
1. Euripides, Iphigenia Among The Taurians, 1218 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
2. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 2.65.6-2.65.13 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) 2.65.6. He outlived its commencement two years and six months, and the correctness of his previsions respecting it became better known by his death. 2.65.7. He told them to wait quietly, to pay attention to their marine, to attempt no new conquests, and to expose the city to no hazards during the war, and doing this, promised them a favorable result. What they did was the very contrary, allowing private ambitions and private interests, in matters apparently quite foreign to the war, to lead them into projects unjust both to themselves and to their allies—projects whose success would only conduce to the honor and advantage of private persons, and whose failure entailed certain disaster on the country in the war. 2.65.8. The causes of this are not far to seek. Pericles indeed, by his rank, ability, and known integrity, was enabled to exercise an independent control over the multitude—in short, to lead them instead of being led by them; for as he never sought power by improper means, he was never compelled to flatter them, but, on the contrary, enjoyed so high an estimation that he could afford to anger them by contradiction. 2.65.9. Whenever he saw them unseasonably and insolently elated, he would with a word reduce them to alarm; on the other hand, if they fell victims to a panic, he could at once restore them to confidence. In short, what was nominally a democracy became in his hands government by the first citizen. 2.65.10. With his successors it was different. More on a level with one another, and each grasping at supremacy, they ended by committing even the conduct of state affairs to the whims of the multitude. 2.65.11. This, as might have been expected in a great and sovereign state, produced a host of blunders, and amongst them the Sicilian expedition; though this failed not so much through a miscalculation of the power of those against whom it was sent, as through a fault in the senders in not taking the best measures afterwards to assist those who had gone out, but choosing rather to occupy themselves with private cabals for the leadership of the commons, by which they not only paralyzed operations in the field, but also first introduced civil discord at home. 2.65.12. Yet after losing most of their fleet besides other forces in Sicily, and with faction already domit in the city, they could still for three years make head against their original adversaries, joined not only by the Sicilians, but also by their own allies nearly all in revolt, and at last by the king's son, Cyrus, who furnished the funds for the Peloponnesian navy. Nor did they finally succumb till they fell the victims of their own intestine disorders. 2.65.13. So superfluously abundant were the resources from which the genius of Pericles foresaw an easy triumph in the war over the unaided forces of the Peloponnesians.
3. Cicero, De Finibus, 5.3-5.4 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) 5.3.  "Perfectly true, Piso," rejoined Quintus. "I myself on the way here just now noticed yonder village of Colonus, and it brought to my imagination Sophocles who resided there, and who is as you know my great admiration and delight. Indeed my memory took me further back; for I had a vision of Oedipus, advancing towards this very spot and asking in those most tender verses, 'What place is this?' — a mere fancy no doubt, yet still it affected me strongly." "For my part," said Pomponius, "you are fond of attacking me as a devotee of Epicurus, and I do spend much of my time with Phaedrus, who as you know is my dearest friend, in Epicurus's Gardens which we passed just now; but I obey the old saw: I 'think of those that are alive.' Still I could not forget Epicurus, even if I wanted; the members of our body not only have pictures of him, but even have his likeness on their drinking-cups and rings. 5.4.  "As for our friend Pomponius," I interposed, "I believe he is joking; and no doubt he is a licensed wit, for he has so taken root in Athens that he is almost an Athenian; in fact I expect he will get the surname of Atticus! But I, Piso, agree with you; it is a common experience that places do strongly stimulate the imagination and vivify our ideas of famous men. You remember how I once came with you to Metapontum, and would not go to the house where we were to stay until I had seen the very place where Pythagoras breathed his last and the seat he sat in. All over Athens, I know, there are many reminders of eminent men in the actual place where they lived; but at the present moment it is that alcove over there which appeals to me, for not long ago it belonged to Carneades. I fancy I see him now (for his portrait is familiar), and I can imagine that the very place where he used to sit misses the sound of his voice, and mourns the loss of that mighty intellect.
4. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 5.3-5.4 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) 5.3. Tum Quintus: Est plane, Piso, ut dicis, inquit. nam me ipsum huc modo venientem convertebat ad sese Coloneus ille locus, locus lucus Valckenarius ad Callimach. p. 216 cf. Va. II p. 545 sqq. cuius incola Sophocles ob oculos versabatur, quem scis quam admirer quamque eo delecter. me quidem ad altiorem memoriam Oedipodis huc venientis et illo mollissimo carmine quaenam essent ipsa haec hec ipsa BE loca requirentis species quaedam commovit, iiter scilicet, sed commovit tamen. Tum Pomponius: At ego, quem vos ut deditum Epicuro insectari soletis, sum multum equidem cum Phaedro, quem unice diligo, ut scitis, in Epicuri hortis, quos modo praeteribamus, praeteribamus edd. praeteriebamus sed veteris proverbii admonitu vivorum memini, nec tamen Epicuri epicureum Non. licet oblivisci, si cupiam, cuius imaginem non modo in tabulis nostri familiares, sed etiam in poculis et in anulis nec tamen ... anulis habent Non. p. 70 anulis anellis Non. anelis R ambus anulis V habent. habebant Non. 5.4. Hic ego: Pomponius quidem, inquam, noster iocari videtur, et fortasse suo iure. ita enim se Athenis collocavit, ut sit paene unus ex Atticis, ut id etiam cognomen videatur habiturus. Ego autem tibi, Piso, assentior usu hoc venire, ut acrius aliquanto et attentius de claris viris locorum admonitu admonitum Non. cogitemus. ut acrius...cogitemus Non. p. 190, 191 scis enim me quodam tempore Metapontum venisse tecum neque ad hospitem ante devertisse, devertisse Lambini vetus cod. in marg. ed. rep. ; divertisse quam Pythagorae ipsum illum locum, ubi vitam ediderat, sedemque viderim. hoc autem tempore, etsi multa in omni parte Athenarum sunt in ipsis locis indicia summorum virorum, tamen ego illa moveor exhedra. modo enim fuit Carneadis, Carneadis Mdv. carneades quem videre videor—est enim nota imago—, a sedeque ipsa tanta tanti RN ingenii magnitudine orbata desiderari illam vocem puto. 5.3.  "Perfectly true, Piso," rejoined Quintus. "I myself on the way here just now noticed yonder village of Colonus, and it brought to my imagination Sophocles who resided there, and who is as you know my great admiration and delight. Indeed my memory took me further back; for I had a vision of Oedipus, advancing towards this very spot and asking in those most tender verses, 'What place is this?' — a mere fancy no doubt, yet still it affected me strongly." "For my part," said Pomponius, "you are fond of attacking me as a devotee of Epicurus, and I do spend much of my time with Phaedrus, who as you know is my dearest friend, in Epicurus's Gardens which we passed just now; but I obey the old saw: I 'think of those that are alive.' Still I could not forget Epicurus, even if I wanted; the members of our body not only have pictures of him, but even have his likeness on their drinking-cups and rings. 5.4.  "As for our friend Pomponius," I interposed, "I believe he is joking; and no doubt he is a licensed wit, for he has so taken root in Athens that he is almost an Athenian; in fact I expect he will get the surname of Atticus! But I, Piso, agree with you; it is a common experience that places do strongly stimulate the imagination and vivify our ideas of famous men. You remember how I once came with you to Metapontum, and would not go to the house where we were to stay until I had seen the very place where Pythagoras breathed his last and the seat he sat in. All over Athens, I know, there are many reminders of eminent men in the actual place where they lived; but at the present moment it is that alcove over there which appeals to me, for not long ago it belonged to Carneades. I fancy I see him now (for his portrait is familiar), and I can imagine that the very place where he used to sit misses the sound of his voice, and mourns the loss of that mighty intellect.
5. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 1.33 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)
6. Juvenal, Satires, 14.259-14.262 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
7. Lucan, Pharsalia, 2.22 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
8. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 34.43 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
9. Plutarch, Cicero, 44.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
10. Plutarch, Lucullus, 43.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
11. Plutarch, Pericles, 39.3-39.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) 39.4. The progress of events wrought in the Athenians a swift appreciation of Pericles and a keen sense of his loss. For those who, while he lived, were oppressed by a sense of his power and felt that it kept them in obscurity, straightway on his removal made trial of other orators and popular leaders, only to be led to the confession that a character more moderate than his in its solemn dignity, and more august in its gentleness, had not been created.
12. Suetonius, Caligula, 6.1, 57.1-57.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
13. Suetonius, Domitianus, 23.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
14. Suetonius, Nero, 57 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
15. Tacitus, Annals, 1.5-1.6, 2.72-2.73, 2.83, 3.1-3.2, 3.6, 3.13.2, 5.4, 12.68-12.69, 13.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) 1.5.  While these topics and the like were under discussion, the malady of Augustus began to take a graver turn; and some suspected foul play on the part of his wife. For a rumour had gone the round that, a few months earlier, the emperor, confiding in a chosen few, and attended only by Fabius Maximus, had sailed for Planasia on a visit to Agrippa. "There tears and signs of affection on both sides had been plentiful enough to raise a hope that the youth might yet be restored to the house of his grandfather. Maximus had disclosed the incident to his wife Marcia; Marcia, to Livia. It had come to the Caesar's knowledge; and after the death of Maximus, which followed shortly, possibly by his own hand, Marcia had been heard at the funeral, sobbing and reproaching herself as the cause of her husband's destruction." Whatever the truth of the affair, Tiberius had hardly set foot in Illyricum, when he was recalled by an urgent letter from his mother; and it is not certainly known whether on reaching the town of Nola, he found Augustus still breathing or lifeless. For house and street were jealously guarded by Livia's ring of pickets, while sanguine notices were issued at intervals, until the measures dictated by the crisis had been taken: then one report announced simultaneously that Augustus had passed away and that Nero was master of the empire. 1.6.  The opening crime of the new principate was the murder of Agrippa Postumus; who, though off his guard and without weapons, was with difficulty dispatched by a resolute centurion. In the senate Tiberius made no reference to the subject: his pretence was an order from his father, instructing the tribune in charge to lose no time in making away with his prisoner, once he himself should have looked his last on the world. It was beyond question that by his frequent and bitter strictures on the youth's character Augustus had procured the senatorial decree for his exile: on the other hand, at no time did he harden his heart to the killing of a relative, and it remained incredible that he should have sacrificed the life of a grandchild in order to diminish the anxieties of a stepson. More probably, Tiberius and Livia, actuated in the one case by fear, and in the other by stepmotherly dislike, hurriedly procured the murder of a youth whom they suspected and detested. To the centurion who brought the usual military report, the emperor rejoined that he had given no instructions and the deed would have to be accounted for in the senate. The remark came to the ears of Sallustius Crispus. A partner in the imperial secrets — it was he who had forwarded the note to the tribune — he feared the charge might be fastened on himself, with the risks equally great whether he spoke the truth or lied. He therefore advised Livia not to publish the mysteries of the palace, the counsels of her friends, the services of the soldiery; and also to watch that Tiberius did not weaken the powers of the throne by referring everything and all things to the senate:— "It was a condition of sovereignty that the account balanced only if rendered to a single auditor. 2.72.  Then he turned to his wife, and implored her "by the memory of himself, and for the sake of their common children, to strip herself of pride, to stoop her spirit before the rage of fortune, and never — if she returned to the capital — to irritate those stronger than herself by a competition for power." These words in public: in private there were others, in which he was believed to hint at danger from the side of Tiberius. Soon afterwards he passed away, to the boundless grief of the province and the adjacent peoples. Foreign nations and princes felt the pang — so great had been his courtesy to allies, his humanity to enemies: in aspect and address alike venerable, while he maintained the magnificence and dignity of exalted fortune, he had escaped envy and avoided arrogance. 2.73.  His funeral, devoid of ancestral effigies or procession, was distinguished by eulogies and recollections of his virtues. There were those who, considering his personal appearance, his early age, and the circumstances of his death, — to which they added the proximity of the region where he perished, — compared his decease with that of Alexander the Great: — "Each eminently handsome, of famous lineage, and in years not much exceeding thirty, had fallen among alien races by the treason of their countrymen. But the Roman had borne himself as one gentle to his friends, moderate in his pleasures, content with a single wife and the children of lawful wedlock. Nor was he less a man of the sword; though he lacked the other's temerity, and, when his numerous victories had beaten down the Germanies, was prohibited from making fast their bondage. But had he been the sole arbiter of affairs, of kingly authority and title, he would have overtaken the Greek in military fame with an ease proportioned to his superiority in clemency, self-command, and all other good qualities." The body, before cremation, was exposed in the forum of Antioch, the place destined for the final rites. Whether it bore marks of poisoning was disputable: for the indications were variously read, as pity and preconceived suspicion swayed the spectator to the side of Germanicus, or his predilections to that of Piso. 2.83.  Affection and ingenuity vied in discovering and decreeing honours to Germanicus: his name was to be chanted in the Saliar Hymn; curule chairs surmounted by oaken crowns were to be set for him wherever the Augustal priests had right of place; his effigy in ivory was to lead the procession at the Circus Games, and no flamen or augur, unless of the Julian house, was to be created in his room. Arches were added, at Rome, on the Rhine bank, and on the Syrian mountain of Amanus, with an inscription recording his achievements and the fact that he had died for his country. There was to be a sepulchre in Antioch, where he had been cremated; a funeral monument in Epidaphne, the suburb in which he had breathed his last. His statues, and the localities in which his cult was to be practised, it would be difficult to enumerate. When it was proposed to give him a gold medallion, as remarkable for the size as for the material, among the portraits of the classic orators, Tiberius declared that he would dedicate one himself "of the customary type, and in keeping with the rest: for eloquence was not measured by fortune, and its distinction enough if he ranked with the old masters." The equestrian order renamed the so‑called "junior section" in their part of the theatre after Germanicus, and ruled that on the fifteenth of July the cavalcade should ride behind his portrait. Many of these compliments remain: others were discontinued immediately, or have lapsed with the years. 3.1.  Without once pausing in her navigation of the wintry sea, Agrippina reached the island of Corcyra opposite the Calabrian coast. There, frantic with grief and unschooled to suffering, she spent a few days in regaining her composure. Meanwhile, at news of her advent, there was a rush of people to Brundisium, as the nearest and safest landing-place for the voyager. Every intimate friend was present; numbers of military men, each with his record of service under Germanicus; even many strangers from the local towns, some thinking it respectful to the emperor, the majority following their example. The moment her squadron was sighted in the offing, not only the harbour and the points nearest the sea but the city-walls and house-roofs, all posts, indeed, commanding a wide enough prospect, were thronged by a crowd of mourners, who asked each other if they ought to receive her landing in silence, or with some audible expression of feeling. It was not yet clear to them what the occasion required, when little by little the flotilla drew to shore, not with the accustomed eager oarsmanship, but all with an ordered melancholy. When, clasping the fatal urn, she left the ship with her two children, and fixed her eyes on the ground, a single groan arose from the whole multitude; nor could a distinction be traced between the relative and the stranger, the wailings of women or of men; only, the attendants of Agrippina, exhausted by long-drawn sorrow, were less demonstrative than the more recent mourners by whom they were met. 3.2.  The Caesar had sent two cohorts of his Guard; with further orders that the magistrates of Calabria, Apulia, and Campania should render the last offices to the memory of his son. And so his ashes were borne on the shoulders of tribunes and centurions: before him the standards went unadorned, the Axes reversed; while, at every colony they passed, the commons in black and the knights in official purple burned raiment, perfumes, and other of the customary funeral tributes, in proportion to the resources of the district. Even the inhabitants of outlying towns met the procession, devoted their victims and altars to the departed spirit, and attested their grief with tears and cries. Drusus came up to Tarracina, with Germanicus' brother Claudius and the children who had been left in the capital. The consuls, Marcus Valerius and Marcus Aurelius (who had already begun their magistracy), the senate, and a considerable part of the people, filled the road, standing in scattered parties and weeping as they pleased: for of adulation there was none, since all men knew that Tiberius was with difficulty dissembling his joy at the death of Germanicus. 3.6.  All this Tiberius knew; and, to repress the comments of the crowd, he reminded them in a manifesto that "many illustrious Romans had died for their country, but none had been honoured with such a fervour of regret: a compliment highly valued by himself and by all, if only moderation were observed. For the same conduct was not becoming to ordinary families or communities and to leaders of the state and to an imperial people. Mourning and the solace of tears had suited the first throes of their affliction; but now they must recall their minds to fortitude, as once the deified Julius at the loss of his only daughter, and the deified Augustus at the taking of his grandchildren, had thrust aside their anguish. There was no need to show by earlier instances how often the Roman people had borne unshaken the slaughter of armies, the death of generals, the complete annihilation of historic houses. Statesmen were mortal, the state eternal. Let them return, therefore, to their usual occupations and — as the Megalesian Games would soon be exhibited — resume even their pleasures! 5.4.  There was in the senate a certain Julius Rusticus, chosen by the Caesar to compile the official journal of its proceedings, and therefore credited with some insight into his thoughts. Under some fatal impulse — for he had never before given an indication of courage — or possibly through a misapplied acuteness which made him blind to dangers imminent and terrified of dangers uncertain, Rusticus insinuated himself among the doubters and warned the consuls not to introduce the question — "A touch," he insisted, "could turn the scale in the gravest of matters: it was possible that some day the extinction of the house of Germanicus might move the old man's penitence." At the same time, the people, carrying effigies of Agrippina and Nero, surrounded the curia, and, cheering for the Caesar, clamoured that the letter was spurious and that it was contrary to the Emperor's wish that destruction was plotted against his house. On that day, therefore, no tragedy was perpetrated. There were circulated, also, under consular names, fictitious attacks upon Sejanus: for authors in plenty exercised their capricious imagination with all the petulance of anonymity. The result was to fan his anger and to supply him with the material for fresh charges:— "The senate had spurned the sorrow of its emperor, the people had forsworn its allegiance. Already disloyal harangues, disloyal decrees of the Fathers, were listened to and perused: what remained but to take the sword and in the persons whose effigies they had followed as their ensigns to choose their generals and their princes? 12.68.  Meanwhile, the senate was convened, and consuls and priests formulated their vows for the imperial safety, at a moment when the now lifeless body was being swathed in blankets and warming bandages, while the requisite measures were arranged for securing the accession of Nero. In the first place, Agrippina, heart-broken apparently and seeking to be comforted, held Britannicus to her breast, styled him the authentic portrait of his father, and, by this or the other device, precluded him from leaving his room. His sisters, Antonia and Octavia, she similarly detained. She had barred all avenues of approach with pickets, and ever and anon she issued notices that the emperor's indisposition was turning favourably: all to keep the troops in good hope, and to allow time for the advent of the auspicious moment insisted upon by the astrologers. 12.69.  At last, at midday, on the thirteenth of October, the palace gates swung suddenly open, and Nero, with Burrus in attendance, passed out to the cohort, always on guard in conformity with the rules of the service. There, at a hint from the prefect, he was greeted with cheers and placed in a litter. Some of the men are said to have hesitated, looking back and inquiring:— "Where was Britannicus?" Then, as no lead to the contrary was forthcoming, they acquiesced in the choice presented to them: Nero was carried into the camp; and, after a few introductory words suited to the time, promised a donative on the same generous scale as that of his father, and was saluted as Imperator. The verdict of the troops was followed by the senatorial decrees; nor was any hesitation evinced in the provinces. Divine honours were voted to Claudius, and his funeral solemnities were celebrated precisely as those of the deified Augustus, Agrippina emulating the magnificence of her great-grandmother Livia. His will, however, was not read, lest the preference of the stepson to the son should leave a disquieting impression of injustice and invidiousness upon the mind of the common people. 13.1.  The first death under the new principate, that of Junius Silanus, proconsul of Asia, was brought to pass, without Nero's cognizance, by treachery on the part of Agrippina. It was not that he had provoked his doom by violence of temper, lethargic as he was, and so completely disdained by former despotisms that Gaius Caesar usually styled him "the golden sheep"; but Agrippina, who had procured the death of his brother Lucius Silanus, feared him as a possible avenger, since it was a generally expressed opinion of the multitude that Nero, barely emerged from boyhood and holding the empire in consequence of a crime, should take second place to a man of settled years, innocent character, and noble family, who — a point to be regarded in those days — was counted among the posterity of the Caesars: for Silanus, like Nero, was the son of a great-grandchild of Augustus. Such was the cause of death: the instruments were the Roman knight, Publius Celer, and the freedman Helius, who were in charge of the imperial revenues in Asia. By these poison was administered to the proconsul at a dinner, too openly to avoid detection. With no less speed, Claudius' freedman Narcissus, whose altercations with Agrippina I have already noticed, was forced to suicide by a rigorous confinement and by the last necessity, much against the will of the emperor, with whose still hidden vices his greed and prodigality were in admirable harmony.
16. Tacitus, Histories, 1.4, 1.82 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) 1.82.  The excited soldiers were not kept even by the doors of the palace from bursting into the banquet. They demanded to be shown Otho, and they wounded Julius Martialis, the tribune, and Vitellius Saturninus, prefect of the legion, when they opposed their onrush. On every side were arms and threats directed now against the centurions and tribunes, now against the whole senate, for all were in a state of blind panic, and since they could not fix upon any individual as the object of their wrath, they claimed licence to proceed against all. Finally Otho, disregarding the dignity of his imperial position, stood on his couch and barely succeeded in restraining them with appeals and tears. Then they returned to camp neither willingly nor with guiltless hands. The next day private houses were closed as if the city were in the hands of the enemy; few respectable people were seen in the streets; the rabble was downcast. The soldiers turned their eyes to the ground, but were sorrowful rather than repentant. Licinius Proculus and Plotius Firmus, the prefects, addressed their companies, the one mildly, the other severely, each according to his nature. They ended with the statement that five thousand sesterces were to be paid to each soldier. Only then did Otho dare to enter the camp. He was surrounded by tribunes and centurions, who tore away the insignia of their rank and demanded discharge and safety from their dangerous service. The common soldiers perceived the bad impression that their action had made and settled down to obedience, demanding of their own accord that the ringleaders of the mutiny should be punished.
17. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 56.45.1-56.45.2, 7271.36.4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) 56.45.2.  Indeed, it was possible at once for people of any intelligence to foresee the change in conditions. For the consul Pompeius, upon going out to meet the men who were bearing the body of Augustus, received a blow on the leg and had to be carried back on a litter with the body; and an owl sat on the roof of the senate-house again at the very first meeting of the senate after his death and uttered many ill-omened cries.
18. Gellius, Attic Nights, 6.1.6 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
19. Herodian, History of The Empire After Marcus, 1.4.8 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
20. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Marcus Antoninus, 27.11-27.12 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
21. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 2.14.3

Subjects of this text:

subject	book bibliographic info
acropolis,colonus hill	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 85
acropolis,topography and memory	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 85
aedituus	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 307
aemilius paullus,m.,triumph	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 307
agrippa postumus	Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 163
agrippina	Kazantzidis and Spatharas (2018), Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art, 271
agrippina the elder	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 227; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 134
alexander severus	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 85
ambitio (canvassing)	Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 159
annals	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 227
apollo	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 85
assorus,verres loots	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 307
athenians	Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 254
augustus,emperor,163,164	Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 163
autocracy,autocrat,tyranny,tyrant	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 227
beggars	Tacoma (2016), Models from the Past in Roman Culture: A World of Exempla, 43
blood	Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 134
brigands	Tacoma (2016), Models from the Past in Roman Culture: A World of Exempla, 43
brutus,marcus	Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 159
c. sempronius gracchus	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 227
c. suetonius tranquillus	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 227
calpurnius piso,cn. (governor of syria),trial and death of	Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 134
campus martius,funerals	Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 159
canvassing (ambitio)	Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 159
capitol,during civil unrest	Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 159
carvilius,sp.,dedicates colossal statue to jupiter	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 85
cassius dio	Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 254
civitas	Kazantzidis and Spatharas (2018), Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art, 271
claudius marcellus,m.,ciceros portrayal of	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 307
cn. calpurnius piso	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 227
commodus	Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 254
concursus (running together)	Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 159
consolation	Kazantzidis and Spatharas (2018), Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art, 271
coriolanus	Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 159
cornelius scipio africanus,p.	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 307
crowds	Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 159
curia (senate-house),during civil unrest	Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 159
death	Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 254
domitian,emperor	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 227
emotion	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 227
emperor,princeps	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 227
exemplarity,exemplum,imitation,emulation	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 227
expiation	Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 134
felix and felicitas	Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 134
forum,crowds in	Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 159
forum,during civil unrest	Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 159
forum,political dimensions	Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 159
fugitive slaves	Tacoma (2016), Models from the Past in Roman Culture: A World of Exempla, 43
galba,emperor	Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 159
germanicus	Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 159; Kazantzidis and Spatharas (2018), Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art, 271
germanicus iulius caesar	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 227
gracchus,tiberius	Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 159
grain trade	Tacoma (2016), Models from the Past in Roman Culture: A World of Exempla, 43
greece,and roman culture	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 85
gregory,a.	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 85
grief,mourning	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 227
groups	Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 254
hercules,colossal statue of on capitoline	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 85
horatius	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 85
house,access to	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 307
house,imagines in	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 85
imperial ideology,the emperor as a provider of hope	Kazantzidis and Spatharas (2018), Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art, 271
italian migrants	Tacoma (2016), Models from the Past in Roman Culture: A World of Exempla, 43
jews	Tacoma (2016), Models from the Past in Roman Culture: A World of Exempla, 43
juno,on capitoline	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 307
jupiter best and greatest,temple of,during civil unrest	Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 159
leader(ship)	Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 254
livia (mother of tiberius)	Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 163
livius drusus,m.,his house	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 307
lucullus	Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 159
magic and magi	Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 134
manlius capitolinus,m.	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 85
marcus aurelius	Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 254
memory,and monuments	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 85
memory,and topography	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 85
memory	Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 254
migrant networks	Tacoma (2016), Models from the Past in Roman Culture: A World of Exempla, 43
minds (of in-text characters)	Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 254
moderation	Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 254
monster,evocative potential of	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 85
mourning,grief	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 227
movement in the city,during civil unrest	Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 159
movement in the city,language of	Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 159
movement in the city,walking and running	Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 159
movement in the city	Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 159
nero,emperor	Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 163
nero (emperor)	Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 159
octavian	Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 254
ofella,lucius	Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 159
onlookers	Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 254
pater patriae	Kazantzidis and Spatharas (2018), Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art, 271
people (as social group)	Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 254
phalerum	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 85
plutarch	Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 254
poison	Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 134
pollution,ritual,language of'	Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 134
pollution,ritual	Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 134
pomponius atticus,t.,admires epicurus	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 85
pomponius atticus,t.,admires pythagoras	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 85
pomponius atticus,t.,and athens	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 85
pomponius atticus,t.,visits metapontum	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 85
poor,migration of the	Tacoma (2016), Models from the Past in Roman Culture: A World of Exempla, 43
praise	Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 254
prensare (to keep grasping)	Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 159
private versus public	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 307
pythagoras	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 85
recapitulation	Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 254
rome,capitoline hill	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 85
rome,temple of divus augustus,colossal statue of apollo in	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 85
rome,temple of jupiter capitolinus,dogs guard	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 307
rome,temple of jupiter stator	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 85
rome,temple of mars ultor,its pediment	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 85
rome,temple of mars ultor,robbed	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 307
running	Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 159
samnites	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 85
self-control,moderatio	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 227
senate,and people of rome	Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 159
senate,during civil unrest	Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 159
soldiers	Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 254
sophocles	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 85
speech(es)	Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 254
suetonius tranquillus,c.	Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 163
syrians	Tacoma (2016), Models from the Past in Roman Culture: A World of Exempla, 43
tacitus,on the capitolines destruction	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 85
tacitus,p. cornelius	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 227
tears	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 227
thucydides	Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 254
ti. sempronius gracchus	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 227
tiberius,emperor,accession	Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 163
tiberius,emperor	Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 163; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 227
titus,emperor	Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 159
trade networks	Tacoma (2016), Models from the Past in Roman Culture: A World of Exempla, 43
traders	Tacoma (2016), Models from the Past in Roman Culture: A World of Exempla, 43
tullius cicero,l.,admires demosthenes	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 85
tullius cicero,l.,visits pericles tomb	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 85
tullius cicero,m.,and roman topography	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 85
tullius cicero,m.,and the de finibus	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 85
tullius cicero,m.,his oration against catiline	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 85
tullius cicero,m.,public versus private view of art	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 307
tullius cicero,q.,and athens	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 85
vasaly,a.	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 85
virtues	Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 254
volitare (to flit)	Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 159