Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database

10588

Tacitus, Annals, 2.47

Eodem anno duodecim celebres Asiae urbes conlapsae nocturno motu terrae, quo inprovisior graviorque pestis fuit. neque solitum in tali casu effugium subveniebat in aperta prorumpendi, quia diductis terris hauriebantur. sedisse inmensos montis, visa in arduo quae plana fuerint, effulsisse inter ruinam ignis memorant. asperrima in Sardianos lues plurimum in eosdem misericordiae traxit: nam centies sestertium pollicitus Caesar, et quantum aerario aut fisco pendebant in quinquennium remisit. Magnetes a Sipylo proximi damno ac remedio habiti. Temnios, Philadelphenos, Aegeatas, Apollonidenses, quique Mosteni aut Macedones Hyrcani vocantur, et Hierocaesariam, Myrinam, Cymen, Tmolum levari idem in tempus tributis mittique ex senatu placuit, qui praesentia spectaret refoveretque. delectus est M. Ateius e praetoriis, ne consulari obtinente Asiam aemulatio inter pares et ex eo impedimentum oreretur. In the same year, twelve important cities of Asia collapsed in an earthquake, the time being night, so that the havoc was the less foreseen and the more devastating. Even the usual resource in these catastrophes, a rush to open ground, was unavailing, as the fugitives were swallowed up in yawning chasms. Accounts are given of huge mountains sinking, of former plains seen heaved aloft, of fires flashing out amid the ruin. As the disaster fell heaviest on the Sardians, it brought them the largest measure of sympathy, the Caesar promising ten million sesterces, and remitting for five years their payments to the national and imperial exchequers. The Magnesians of Sipylus were ranked second in the extent of their losses and their indemnity. In the case of the Temnians, Philadelphenes, Aegeates, Apollonideans, the so‑called Mostenians and Hyrcanian Macedonians, and the cities of Hierocaesarea, Myrina, Cyme, and Tmolus, it was decided to exempt them from tribute for the same term and to send a senatorial commissioner to view the state of affairs and administer relief. Since Asia was held by a consular governor, an ex-praetor — Marcus Ateius — was selected, so as to avoid the difficulties which might arise from the jealousy of two officials of similar standing. <

Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

8 results
1. Ovid, Amores, 3.2.31 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
2. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 18.60 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
3. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 2.50, 2.175, 2.293 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) 2.175. 4. After this he raised another disturbance, by expending that sacred treasure which is called Corban upon aqueducts, whereby he brought water from the distance of four hundred furlongs. At this the multitude had great indignation; and when Pilate was come to Jerusalem, they came about his tribunal, and made a clamor at it. 2.293. 6. Moreover, as to the citizens of Jerusalem, although they took this matter very ill, yet did they restrain their passion; but Florus acted herein as if he had been hired, and blew up the war into a flame, and sent some to take seventeen talents out of the sacred treasure, and pretended that Caesar wanted them.
4. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 34.15 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
5. Tacitus, Annals, 1.76, 2.42-2.43, 4.13, 4.13.1, 4.15, 4.55-4.56 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) 1.76.  In the same year, the Tiber, rising under the incessant rains, had flooded the lower levels of the city, and its subsidence was attended by much destruction of buildings and life. Accordingly, Asinius Gallus moved for a reference to the Sibylline Books. Tiberius objected, preferring secrecy as in earth so in heaven: still, the task of coercing the stream was entrusted to Ateius Capito and Lucius Arruntius. Since Achaia and Macedonia protested against the heavy taxation, it was decided to relieve them of their proconsular government for the time being and transfer them to the emperor. A show of gladiators, given in the name of his brother Germanicus, was presided over by Drusus, who took an extravagant pleasure in the shedding of blood however vile — a trait so alarming to the populace that it was said to have been censured by his father. Tiberius' own absence from the exhibition was variously explained. Some ascribed it to his impatience of a crowd; others, to his native morosity and his dread of comparisons; for Augustus had been a good-humoured spectator. I should be slow to believe that he deliberately furnished his son with an occasion for exposing his brutality and arousing the disgust of the nation; yet even this was suggested. 2.42.  For the rest, Tiberius, in the name of Germanicus, made a distribution to the populace of three hundred sesterces a man: as his colleague in the consulship he nominated himself. All this, however, won him no credit for genuine affection, and he decided to remove the youth under a show of honour; some of the pretexts he fabricated, others he accepted as chance offered. For fifty years King Archelaus had been in possession of Cappadocia; to Tiberius a hated man, since he had offered him none of the usual attentions during his stay in Rhodes. The omission was due not to insolence, but to advice from the intimates of Augustus; for, as Gaius Caesar was then in his heyday and had been despatched to settle affairs in the East, the friendship of Tiberius was believed unsafe. When, through the extinction of the Caesarian line, Tiberius attained the empire, he lured Archelaus from Cappadocia by a letter of his mother; who, without dissembling the resentment of her son, offered clemency, if he came to make his petition. Unsuspicious of treachery, or apprehending force, should he be supposed alive to it, he hurried to the capital, was received by an unrelenting sovereign, and shortly afterwards was impeached in the senate. Broken, not by the charges, which were fictitious, but by torturing anxiety, combined with the weariness of age and the fact that to princes even equality — to say nothing of humiliation — is an unfamiliar thing, he ended his days whether deliberately or in the course of nature. His kingdom was converted into a province; and the emperor, announcing that its revenues made feasible a reduction of the one per cent sale-tax, fixed it for the future at one half of this amount. — About the same time, the death of the two kings, Antiochus of Commagene and Philopator of Cilicia, disturbed the peace of their countries, where the majority of men desired a Roman governor, and the minority a monarch. The provinces, too, of Syria and Judaea, exhausted by their burdens, were pressing for a diminution of the tribute. 2.43.  These circumstances, then, and the events in Armenia, which I mentioned above, were discussed by Tiberius before the senate. "The commotion in the East," he added, "could only be settled by the wisdom of Germanicus: for his own years were trending to their autumn, and those of Drusus were as yet scarcely mature." There followed a decree of the Fathers, delegating to Germanicus the provinces beyond the sea, with powers overriding, in all regions he might visit, those of the local governors holding office by allotment or imperial nomination. Tiberius, however, had removed Creticus Silanus from Syria — he was a marriage connection of Germanicus, whose eldest son, Nero, was plighted to his daughter — and had given the appointment to Gnaeus Piso, a man of ungoverned passions and constitutional insubordinacy. For there was a strain of wild arrogance in the blood — a strain derived from his father Piso; who in the Civil War lent strenuous aid against Caesar to the republican party during its resurrection in Africa, then followed the fortunes of Brutus and Cassius, and, on the annulment of his exile, refused to become a suitor for office, until approached with a special request to accept a consulate proffered by Augustus. But, apart from the paternal temper, Piso's brain was fired by the lineage and wealth of his wife Plancina: to Tiberius he accorded a grudging precedence; upon his children he looked down as far beneath him. Nor did he entertain a doubt that he had been selected for the governorship of Syria in order to repress the ambitions of Germanicus. The belief has been held that he did in fact receive private instructions from Tiberius; and Plancina, beyond question, had advice from the ex-empress, bent with feminine jealousy upon persecuting Agrippina. For the court was split and torn by unspoken preferences for Germanicus or for Drusus. Tiberius leaned to the latter as his own issue and blood of his blood. Germanicus, owing to the estrangement of his uncle, had risen in the esteem of the world; and he had a further advantage in the distinction of his mother's family, among whom he could point to Mark Antony for a grandfather and to Augustus for a great-uncle. On the other hand, the plain Roman knight, Pomponius Atticus, who was great-grandfather to Drusus, seemed to reflect no credit upon the ancestral effigies of the Claudian house; while both in fecundity and in fair fame Agrippina, the consort of Germanicus, ranked higher than Drusus' helpmeet, Livia. The brothers, however, maintained a singular uimity, unshaken by the contentions of their kith and kin. 4.13.  Meanwhile Tiberius had in no way relaxed his attention to public business, but, accepting work as a consolation, was dealing with judicial cases at Rome and petitions from the provinces. On his proposal, senatorial resolutions were passed to relieve the towns of Cibyra in Asia and Aegium in Achaia, both damaged by earthquake, by remitting their tribute for three years. Vibius Serenus, too, the proconsul of Further Spain, was condemned on a charge of public violence, and deported, as the result of his savage character, to the island of Amorgus. Carsidius Sacerdos, accused of supplying grain to a public enemy in the person of Tacfarinas, was acquitted; and the same charge failed against Gaius Gracchus. Gracchus had been taken in earliest infancy by his father Sempronius to share his banishment in the company of landless men, destitute of all liberal achievements; later, he eked out a livelihood by mean trading transactions in Africa and Sicily: yet even so he failed to escape the hazards reserved for rank and fortune. Indeed, had not Aelius Lamia and Lucius Apronius, former governors of Africa, come to the rescue of his innocence, he would have been swept to ruin by the fame of his calamitous house and the disasters of his father. 4.13.1.  Meanwhile Tiberius had in no way relaxed his attention to public business, but, accepting work as a consolation, was dealing with judicial cases at Rome and petitions from the provinces. On his proposal, senatorial resolutions were passed to relieve the towns of Cibyra in Asia and Aegium in Achaia, both damaged by earthquake, by remitting their tribute for three years. Vibius Serenus, too, the proconsul of Further Spain, was condemned on a charge of public violence, and deported, as the result of his savage character, to the island of Amorgus. Carsidius Sacerdos, accused of supplying grain to a public enemy in the person of Tacfarinas, was acquitted; and the same charge failed against Gaius Gracchus. Gracchus had been taken in earliest infancy by his father Sempronius to share his banishment in the company of landless men, destitute of all liberal achievements; later, he eked out a livelihood by mean trading transactions in Africa and Sicily: yet even so he failed to escape the hazards reserved for rank and fortune. Indeed, had not Aelius Lamia and Lucius Apronius, former governors of Africa, come to the rescue of his innocence, he would have been swept to ruin by the fame of his calamitous house and the disasters of his father. 4.15.  The same year brought still another bereavement to the emperor, by removing one of the twin children of Drusus, and an equal affliction in the death of a friend. This was Lucilius Longus, his comrade in evil days and good, and the one member of the senate to share his isolation at Rhodes. Hence, in spite of his modest antecedents, a censorian funeral and a statue erected in the Forum of Augustus at the public expense were decreed to him by the Fathers, before whom, at that time, all questions were still dealt with; so much so, that Lucilius Capito, the procurator of Asia, was obliged, at the indictment of the province, to plead his cause before them, the emperor asserting forcibly that "any powers he had given to him extended merely to the slaves and revenues of the imperial domains; if he had usurped the governor's authority and used military force, it was a flouting of his orders: the provincials must be heard." The case was accordingly tried and the defendant condemned. In return for this act of retribution, as well as for the punishment meted out to Gaius Silanus the year before, the Asiatic cities decreed a temple to Tiberius, his mother, and the senate. Leave to build was granted, and Nero returned thanks on that score to the senate and his grandfather — a pleasing sensation to his listeners, whose memory of Germanicus was fresh enough to permit the fancy that his were the features they saw and the accents to which they listened. The youth had, in fact, a modesty and beauty worthy of a prince: endowments the more attractive from the peril of their owner, since the hatred of Sejanus for him was notorious. 4.55.  To divert criticism, the Caesar attended the senate with frequency, and for several days listened to the deputies from Asia debating which of their communities was to erect his temple. Eleven cities competed, with equal ambition but disparate resources. With no great variety each pleaded national antiquity, and zeal for the Roman cause in the wars with Perseus, Aristonicus, and other kings. But Hypaepa and Tralles, together with Laodicea and Magnesia, were passed over as inadequate to the task: even Ilium, though it appealed to Troy as the parent of Rome, had no significance apart from the glory of its past. Some little hesitation was caused by the statement of the Halicarnassians that for twelve hundred years no tremors of earthquake had disturbed their town, and the temple foundations would rest on the living rock. The Pergamenes were refuted by their main argument: they had already a sanctuary of Augustus, and the distinction was thought ample. The state-worship in Ephesus and Miletus was considered to be already centred on the cults of Diana and Apollo respectively: the deliberations turned, therefore, on Sardis and Smyrna. The Sardians read a decree of their "kindred country" of Etruria. "Owing to its numbers," they explained, "Tyrrhenus and Lydus, sons of King Atys, had divided the nation. Lydus had remained in the territory of his fathers, Tyrrhenus had been allotted the task of creating a new settlement; and the Asiatic and Italian branches of the people had received distinctive titles from the names of the two leaders; while a further advance in the Lydian power had come with the despatch of colonists to the peninsula which afterwards took its name from Pelops." At the same time, they recalled the letters from Roman commanders, the treaties concluded with us in the Macedonian war, their ample rivers, tempered climate, and the richness of the surrounding country. 4.56.  The deputies from Smyrna, on the other hand, after retracing the antiquity of their town — whether founded by Tantalus, the seed of Jove; by Theseus, also of celestial stock; or by one of the Amazons — passed on to the arguments in which they rested most confidence: their good offices towards the Roman people, to whom they had sent their naval force to aid not merely in foreign wars but in those with which we had to cope in Italy, while they had also been the first to erect a temple to the City of Rome, at a period (the consulate of Marcus Porcius) when the Roman fortunes stood high indeed, but had not yet mounted to their zenith, as the Punic capital was yet standing and the kings were still powerful in Asia. At the same time, Sulla was called to witness that "with his army in a most critical position through the inclement winter and scarcity of clothing, the news had only to be announced at a public meeting in Smyrna, and the whole of the bystanders stripped the garments from their bodies and sent them to our legions." The Fathers accordingly, when their opinion was taken, gave Smyrna the preference. Vibius Marsus proposed that a supernumerary legate, to take responsibility for the temple, should be assigned to Manius Lepidus, to whom the province of Asia had fallen; and since Lepidus modestly declined to make the selection himself, Valerius Naso was chosen by lot among the ex-praetors and sent out.
6. Tacitus, Histories, 2.55 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) 2.55.  Yet at Rome there was no disorder. The festival of Ceres was celebrated in the usual manner. When it was announced in the theatre on good authority that Otho was no more and that Flavius Sabinus, the city prefect, had administered to all the soldiers in the city the oath of allegiance to Vitellius, the audience greeted the name of Vitellius with applause. The people, bearing laurel and flowers, carried busts of Galba from temple to temple, and piled garlands high in the form of a burial mound by the Lacus Curtius, which the dying Galba had stained with his blood. The senate at once voted for Vitellius all the honours that had been devised during the long reigns of other emperors; besides they passed votes of praise and gratitude to the troops from Germany and dispatched a delegation to deliver this expression of their joy. Letters from Fabius Valens to the consuls were read, written in quite moderate style; but greater satisfaction was felt at Caecina's modesty in not writing at all.
7. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 57.17.7-57.17.8 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) 57.17.7.  So it was that the life of Archelaus was spared for the time being; but he died shortly afterward from some other cause. After this Cappadocia fell to the Romans and was put in charge of a knight as governor. The cities in Asia which had been damaged by the earthquake were assigned to an ex-praetor with five lictors; and large sums of money were remitted from taxes and large sums were also given them by Tiberius. 57.17.8.  For not only did he refrain scrupulously from the possessions of others — so long, that is, as he practised any virtue at all — and would not even accept the inheritances that were left to him by testators who had relatives, but he actually contributed vast sums both to cities and to private individuals, and would not accept any honour or praise for these acts.
8. Strabo, Geography, 13.4.8, 17.1.46, 17.1.53 13.4.8. Callisthenes says that Sardeis was captured first by the Cimmerians, and then by the Treres and the Lycians, as is set forth by Callinus the elegiac poet, and lastly in the time of Cyrus and Croesus. But when Callinus says that the incursion of the Cimmerians was against the Esioneis, at the time of which Sardeis was captured, the Scepsian and his followers surmise that the Asioneis were by Callinus called the Esioneis, in the Ionic dialect; for perhaps Meionia, he says, was called Asia, and accordingly Homer likewise says,on the Asian mead about the streams of the Cayster. The city was later restored in a notable way because of the fertility of its territory, and was inferior to none of its neighbors, though recently it has lost many of its buildings through earthquakes. However, the forethought of Tiberius, our present ruler, has, by his beneficence, restored not only this city but many others — I mean all the cities that shared in the same misfortune at about the same time. 17.1.46. Next to the city of Apollo is Thebes, now called Diospolis, with her hundred gates, through each of which issue two hundred men, with horses and chariots, according to Homer, who mentions also its wealth; not all the wealth the palaces of Egyptian Thebes contain.Other writers use the same language, and consider Thebes as the metropolis of Egypt. Vestiges of its magnitude still exist, which extend 80 stadia in length. There are a great number of temples, many of which Cambyses mutilated. The spot is at present occupied by villages. One part of it, in which is the city, lies in Arabia; another is in the country on the other side of the river, where is the Memnonium. Here are two colossal figures near one another, each consisting of a single stone. One is entire; the upper parts of the other, from the chair, are fallen down, the effect, it is said, of an earthquake. It is believed, that once a day a noise as of a slight blow issues from the part of the statue which remains in the seat and on its base. When I was at those places with Aelius Gallus, and numerous friends and soldiers about him, I heard a noise at the first hour (of the day), but whether proceeding from the base or from the colossus, or produced on purpose by some of those standing around the base, I cannot confidently assert. For from the uncertainty of the cause, I am disposed to believe anything rather than that stones disposed in that manner could send forth sound.Above the Memnonium are tombs of kings in caves, and hewn out of the stone, about forty in number; they are executed with singular skill, and are worthy of notice. Among the tombs are obelisks with inscriptions, denoting the wealth of the kings of that time, and the extent of their empire, as reaching to the Scythians, Bactrians, Indians, and the present Ionia; the amount of tribute also, and the number of soldiers, which composed an army of about a million of men.The priests there are said to be, for the most part, astronomers and philosophers. The former compute the days, not by the moon, but by the sun, introducing into the twelve months of thirty days each five days every year. But in order to complete the whole year, because there is (annually) an excess of a part of a day, they form a period from out of whole days and whole years, the supernumerary portions of which in that period, when collected together, amount to a day. They ascribe to Mercury all knowledge of this kind. To Jupiter, whom they worship above all other deities, a virgin of the greatest beauty and of the most illustrious family (such persons the Greeks call pallades) is dedicated. She prostitutes herself with whom she pleases, until the time occurs for the natural purification of the body; she is afterwards married; but before her marriage, and after the period of prostitution, they mourn for her as for one dead. 17.1.53. Egypt was from the first disposed to peace, from having resources within itself, and because it was difficult of access to strangers. It was also protected on the north by a harbourless coast and the Egyptian Sea; on the east and west by the desert mountains of Libya and Arabia, as I have said before. The remaining parts towards the south are occupied by Troglodytae, Blemmyes, Nubae, and Megabari, Ethiopians above Syene. These are nomads, and not numerous nor warlike, but accounted so by the ancients, because frequently, like robbers, they attacked defenceless persons. Neither are the Ethiopians, who extend towards the south and Meroe, numerous nor collected in a body; for they inhabit a long, narrow, and winding tract of land on the riverside, such as we have before described; nor are they well prepared either for war or the pursuit of any other mode of life.At present the whole country is in the same pacific state, a proof of which is, that the upper country is sufficiently guarded by three cohorts, and these not complete. Whenever the Ethiopians have ventured to attack them, it has been at the risk of danger to their own country. The rest of the forces in Egypt are neither very numerous, nor did the Romans ever once employ them collected into one army. For neither are the Egyptians themselves of a warlike disposition, nor the surrounding nations, although their numbers are very large.Cornelius Gallus, the first governor of the country appointed by (Augustus) Caesar, attacked the city Heroopolis, which had revolted, and took it with a small body of men. He suppressed also in a short time an insurrection in the Thebais, which originated as to the payment of tribute. At a later period Petronius resisted, with the soldiers about his person, a mob of myriads of Alexandrines, who attacked him by throwing stones. He killed some, and compelled the rest to desist.We have before related how Aelius Gallus, when he invaded Arabia with a part of the army stationed in Egypt, exhibited a proof of the unwarlike disposition of the people; and if Syllaeus had not betrayed him, he would have conquered the whole of Arabia Felix.

Subjects of this text:

subject	book bibliographic info
achaia	Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 130
allegory,and interpretation	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 88
apollo	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 88
archiereus	Black, Thomas, and Thompson (2022), Ephesos as a Religious Center under the Principate. 23
artemision,donor list of	Black, Thomas, and Thompson (2022), Ephesos as a Religious Center under the Principate. 23
asia	Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 130; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 88, 218
asinius pollio	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 88
benefaction	Black, Thomas, and Thompson (2022), Ephesos as a Religious Center under the Principate. 23
boscoreale	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 88
bust	Black, Thomas, and Thompson (2022), Ephesos as a Religious Center under the Principate. 23
coins	Kazantzidis and Spatharas (2018), Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art, 266
cult,imperial,in temples	Black, Thomas, and Thompson (2022), Ephesos as a Religious Center under the Principate. 23
dedication	Black, Thomas, and Thompson (2022), Ephesos as a Religious Center under the Principate. 23
delphi,treasury of corinthians	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 88
diana	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 88
earthquake	Black, Thomas, and Thompson (2022), Ephesos as a Religious Center under the Principate. 23
egypt	Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 130
elites	Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 130
estates,private	Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 130
estates,public	Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 130
fannius synistor,p.	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 88
galba	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 88
germanicus,sent to the east by tiberius	Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 242
germanicus	Kazantzidis and Spatharas (2018), Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art, 266
gigantism	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 218
grammateus	Black, Thomas, and Thompson (2022), Ephesos as a Religious Center under the Principate. 23
hope,and religion	Kazantzidis and Spatharas (2018), Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art, 266
hope,temple dedications to	Kazantzidis and Spatharas (2018), Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art, 266
iconography	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 88
imperial ideology,the emperor as a provider of hope	Kazantzidis and Spatharas (2018), Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art, 266
judea (jewish palestine),taxation of,under governors	Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 242
landowners,tenants	Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 130
leadership	Kazantzidis and Spatharas (2018), Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art, 266
livia	Black, Thomas, and Thompson (2022), Ephesos as a Religious Center under the Principate. 23
lucian	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 88
luxury	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 218
lydia	Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 311
macedonia	Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 130; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 88
monster	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 218
nero,colossus of	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 218
otho	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 88
phidias,aphrodite of elis	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 88
phidias,athena parthenus	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 88
plutarch,on allegory	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 88
plutarch,on phidias	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 88
politics,hope in greek and roman	Kazantzidis and Spatharas (2018), Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art, 266
pomponius atticus,t.	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 88
rent	Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 130
rome,as monstrosity	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 218
rome,forum of julius caesar,and tiberius statue	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 218
rome	Black, Thomas, and Thompson (2022), Ephesos as a Religious Center under the Principate. 23
senate	Black, Thomas, and Thompson (2022), Ephesos as a Religious Center under the Principate. 23
simulacra gentium	Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 311
smyrna/izmir	Black, Thomas, and Thompson (2022), Ephesos as a Religious Center under the Principate. 23
spain	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 88
statuary,colossal	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 218
statue,of other people	Black, Thomas, and Thompson (2022), Ephesos as a Religious Center under the Principate. 23
statue base	Black, Thomas, and Thompson (2022), Ephesos as a Religious Center under the Principate. 23
tacitus,on oppressive taxation	Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 242
taxation,capitation tax	Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 130
taxation,land tribute	Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 130
taxation,rates'	Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 130
taxation	Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 130
temple,of livia (smyrna)	Black, Thomas, and Thompson (2022), Ephesos as a Religious Center under the Principate. 23
terrace house	Black, Thomas, and Thompson (2022), Ephesos as a Religious Center under the Principate. 23
tiberius,benefaction of	Black, Thomas, and Thompson (2022), Ephesos as a Religious Center under the Principate. 23
tiberius,colossal statue of	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 218
tiberius,images of	Black, Thomas, and Thompson (2022), Ephesos as a Religious Center under the Principate. 23
tiberius	Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 311
tiberius (emperor)	Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 242
triumph,images displayed in	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 88
valerius publicola,p.,his hebdomades	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 88
vitellius	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 88