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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



10588
Tacitus, Annals, 16.7-16.9


Mortem Poppaeae ut palam tristem, ita recordantibus laetam ob impudicitiam eius saevitiamque, nova insuper invidia Nero complevit prohibendo C. Cassium officio exequiarum, quod primum indicium mali. neque in longum dilatum est, sed Silanus additur, nullo crimine nisi quod Cassius opibus vetustis et gravitate morum, Silanus claritudine generis et modesta iuventa praecellebant. igitur missa ad senatum oratione removendos a re publica utrosque disseruit, obiectavitque Cassio quod inter imagines maiorum etiam C. Cassi effigiem coluisset, ita inscriptam 'duci partium': quippe semina belli civilis et defectionem a domo Caesarum quaesitam; ac ne memoria tantum infensi nominis ad discordias uteretur, adsumpsisse L. Silanum, iuvenem genere nobilem, animo praeruptum, quem novis rebus ostentaret. To the death of Poppaea, outwardly regretted, but welcome to all who remembered her profligacy and cruelty, Nero added a fresh measure of odium by prohibiting Gaius Cassius from attendance at the funeral. It was the first hint of mischief. Nor was the mischief long delayed. Silanus was associated with him; their only crime being that Cassius was eminent for a great hereditary fortune and an austere character, Silanus for a noble lineage and a temperate youth. Accordingly, the emperor sent a speech to the senate, arguing that both should be removed from public life, and objecting to the former that, among his other ancestral effigies, he had honoured a bust of Gaius Cassius, inscribed:— "To the leader of the cause." The seeds of civil war, and revolt from the house of the Caesars, — such were the objects he had pursued. And, not to rely merely on the memory of a hated name as an incentive to faction, he had taken to himself a partner in Lucius Silanus, a youth of noble family and headstrong temper, who was to be his figure-head for a revolution. <


Mortem Poppaeae ut palam tristem, ita recordantibus laetam ob impudicitiam eius saevitiamque, nova insuper invidia Nero complevit prohibendo C. Cassium officio exequiarum, quod primum indicium mali. neque in longum dilatum est, sed Silanus additur, nullo crimine nisi quod Cassius opibus vetustis et gravitate morum, Silanus claritudine generis et modesta iuventa praecellebant. igitur missa ad senatum oratione removendos a re publica utrosque disseruit, obiectavitque Cassio quod inter imagines maiorum etiam C. Cassi effigiem coluisset, ita inscriptam 'duci partium': quippe semina belli civilis et defectionem a domo Caesarum quaesitam; ac ne memoria tantum infensi nominis ad discordias uteretur, adsumpsisse L. Silanum, iuvenem genere nobilem, animo praeruptum, quem novis rebus ostentaret. To the death of Poppaea, outwardly regretted, but welcome to all who remembered her profligacy and cruelty, Nero added a fresh measure of odium by prohibiting Gaius Cassius from attendance at the funeral. It was the first hint of mischief. Nor was the mischief long delayed. Silanus was associated with him; their only crime being that Cassius was eminent for a great hereditary fortune and an austere character, Silanus for a noble lineage and a temperate youth. Accordingly, the emperor sent a speech to the senate, arguing that both should be removed from public life, and objecting to the former that, among his other ancestral effigies, he had honoured a bust of Gaius Cassius, inscribed:— "To the leader of the cause." The seeds of civil war, and revolt from the house of the Caesars, — such were the objects he had pursued. And, not to rely merely on the memory of a hated name as an incentive to faction, he had taken to himself a partner in Lucius Silanus, a youth of noble family and headstrong temper, who was to be his figure-head for a revolution.


Ipsum dehinc Silanum increpuit isdem quibus patruum eius Torquatum, tamquam disponeret iam imperii curas praeficeretque rationibus et libellis et epistulis libertos, inania simul et falsa: nam Silanus intentior metu et exitio patrui ad praecavendum exterritus erat. inducti posthac vocabulo indicum qui in Lepidam, Cassii uxorem, Silani amitam, incestum cum fratris filio et diros sacrorum ritus confingerent. trahebantur ut conscii Vulcacius Tullinus ac Marcellus Cornelius senatores et Calpurnius Fabatus eques Romanus; qui appellato principe instantem damnationem frustrati, mox Neronem circa summa scelera distentum quasi minores evasere. He then attacked Silanus himself in the same strain as his uncle Torquatus, alleging that he was already apportioning the responsibilities of empire, and appointing freedmen to the charge of "accounts, documents, and correspondence": an indictment at once frivolous and false; for the prevalent alarms had made Silanus vigilant, and his uncle's doom has terrified him into especial caution. Next, so‑called informers were introduced to forge against Lepida — wife of Cassius, aunt of Silanus — a tale of incest, committed with her brother's son, and of magical ceremonies. The senators Vulcacius Tullinus and Cornelius Marcellus were brought in as accomplices, with the Roman knight Calpurnius Fabatus. Their imminent condemnation they cheated by appealing to the emperor, and later, as being of minor importance, made good their escape from Nero, now fully occupied by crimes of the first magnitude. <


Ipsum dehinc Silanum increpuit isdem quibus patruum eius Torquatum, tamquam disponeret iam imperii curas praeficeretque rationibus et libellis et epistulis libertos, inania simul et falsa: nam Silanus intentior metu et exitio patrui ad praecavendum exterritus erat. inducti posthac vocabulo indicum qui in Lepidam, Cassii uxorem, Silani amitam, incestum cum fratris filio et diros sacrorum ritus confingerent. trahebantur ut conscii Vulcacius Tullinus ac Marcellus Cornelius senatores et Calpurnius Fabatus eques Romanus; qui appellato principe instantem damnationem frustrati, mox Neronem circa summa scelera distentum quasi minores evasere. He then attacked Silanus himself in the same strain as his uncle Torquatus, alleging that he was already apportioning the responsibilities of empire, and appointing freedmen to the charge of "accounts, documents, and correspondence": an indictment at once frivolous and false; for the prevalent alarms had made Silanus vigilant, and his uncle's doom has terrified him into especial caution. Next, so‑called informers were introduced to forge against Lepida — wife of Cassius, aunt of Silanus — a tale of incest, committed with her brother's son, and of magical ceremonies. The senators Vulcacius Tullinus and Cornelius Marcellus were brought in as accomplices, with the Roman knight Calpurnius Fabatus. Their imminent condemnation they cheated by appealing to the emperor, and later, as being of minor importance, made good their escape from Nero, now fully occupied by crimes of the first magnitude.


Tunc consulto senatus Cassio et Silano exilia decernuntur: de Lepida Caesar statueret. deportatusque in insulam Sardiniam Cassius, et senectus eius expectabatur. Silanus tamquam Naxum deveheretur Ostiam amotus, post municipio Apuliae, cui nomen Barium est, clauditur. illic indignissimum casum sapienter tolerans a centurione ad caedem misso corripitur; suadentique venas abrumpere animum quidem morti destinatum ait, sed non remittere percussori gloriam ministerii. at centurio quamvis inermem, praevalidum tamen et irae quam timori propiorem cernens premi a militibus iubet. nec omisit Silanus obniti et intendere ictus, quantum manibus nudis valebat, donec a centurione vulneribus adversis tamquam in pugna caderet. Then, by decree of the senate, sentences of exile were registered against Cassius and Silanus: on the case of Lepida the Caesar was to pronounce. Cassius was deported to the island of Sardinia, and old age left to do its work. Silanus, ostensibly bound for Naxos, was removed to Ostia, and afterwards confined in an Apulian town by the name of Barium. There, while supporting with philosophy his most unworthy fate, he was seized by a centurion sent for the slaughter. To the suggestion that he should cut an artery, he replied that he had, in fact, made up his mind to die, but could not excuse the assassin his glorious duty. The centurion, however, noticing that, if unarmed, he was very strongly built and betrayed more anger than timidity, ordered his men to overpower him. Silanus did not fail to struggle, and to strike with what vigour his bare fists permitted, until he dropped under the sword of the centurion, as upon a field of battle, his wounds in front. <


Tunc consulto senatus Cassio et Silano exilia decernuntur: de Lepida Caesar statueret. deportatusque in insulam Sardiniam Cassius, et senectus eius expectabatur. Silanus tamquam Naxum deveheretur Ostiam amotus, post municipio Apuliae, cui nomen Barium est, clauditur. illic indignissimum casum sapienter tolerans a centurione ad caedem misso corripitur; suadentique venas abrumpere animum quidem morti destinatum ait, sed non remittere percussori gloriam ministerii. at centurio quamvis inermem, praevalidum tamen et irae quam timori propiorem cernens premi a militibus iubet. nec omisit Silanus obniti et intendere ictus, quantum manibus nudis valebat, donec a centurione vulneribus adversis tamquam in pugna caderet. Then, by decree of the senate, sentences of exile were registered against Cassius and Silanus: on the case of Lepida the Caesar was to pronounce. Cassius was deported to the island of Sardinia, and old age left to do its work. Silanus, ostensibly bound for Naxos, was removed to Ostia, and afterwards confined in an Apulian town by the name of Barium. There, while supporting with philosophy his most unworthy fate, he was seized by a centurion sent for the slaughter. To the suggestion that he should cut an artery, he replied that he had, in fact, made up his mind to die, but could not excuse the assassin his glorious duty. The centurion, however, noticing that, if unarmed, he was very strongly built and betrayed more anger than timidity, ordered his men to overpower him. Silanus did not fail to struggle, and to strike with what vigour his bare fists permitted, until he dropped under the sword of the centurion, as upon a field of battle, his wounds in front.


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

13 results
1. Homer, Odyssey, 12.212 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)

2. Cicero, In Verrem, 2.2.158, 2.2.160 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

3. Livy, History, 40.37.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

4. Lucretius Carus, On The Nature of Things, 2.1-2.6 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

5. Seneca The Elder, Controversies, 8.2 (1st cent. BCE

6. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.202-1.206 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

1.202. till rocks and blazing torches fill the air 1.203. (rage never lacks for arms)—if haply then 1.204. ome wise man comes, whose reverend looks attest 1.205. a life to duty given, swift silence falls; 1.206. all ears are turned attentive; and he sways
7. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 36.22 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

8. Plutarch, Cato The Elder, 19.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

9. Tacitus, Annals, 3.76, 14.12.1, 14.48-14.49, 16.8-16.11, 16.21.1-16.21.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

3.76.  Junia, too, born niece to Cato, wife of Caius Cassius, sister of Marcus Brutus, looked her last on life, sixty-three full years after the field of Philippi. Her will was busily discussed by the crowd; because in disposing of her great wealth she mentioned nearly every patrician of note in complimentary terms, but omitted the Caesar. The slur was taken in good part, and he offered no objection to the celebration of her funeral with a panegyric at the Rostra and the rest of the customary ceremonies. The effigies of twenty great houses preceded her to the tomb — members of the Manlian and Quinctian families, and names of equal splendour. But Brutus and Cassius shone brighter than all by the very fact that their portraits were unseen. 14.12.1.  However, with a notable spirit of emulation among the magnates, decrees were drawn up: thanksgivings were to be held at all appropriate shrines; the festival of Minerva, on which the conspiracy had been brought to light, was to be celebrated with annual games; a golden statue of the goddess, with an effigy of the emperor by her side, was to be erected in the curia, and Agrippina's birthday included among the inauspicious dates. Earlier sycophancies Thrasea Paetus had usually allowed to pass, either in silence or with a curt assent: this time he walked out of the senate, creating a source of danger for himself, but implanting no germ of independence in his colleagues. Portents, also, frequent and futile made their appearance: a woman gave birth to a serpent, another was killed by a thunderbolt in the embraces of her husband; the sun, again, was suddenly obscured, and the fourteen regions of the capital were struck by lightning — events which so little marked the concern of the gods that Nero continued for years to come his empire and his crimes. However, to aggravate the feeling against his mother, and to furnish evidence that his own mildness had increased with her removal, he restored to their native soil two women of high rank, Junia and Calpurnia, along with the ex-praetors Valerius Capito and Licinius Gabolus — all of them formerly banished by Agrippina. He sanctioned the return, even, of the ashes of Lollia Paulina, and the erection of a tomb: Iturius and Calvisius, whom he had himself relegated some little while before, he now released from the penalty. As to Silana, she had died a natural death at Tarentum, to which she had retraced her way, when Agrippina, by whose enmity she had fallen, was beginning to totter or to relent. 14.48.  In the consulate of Publius Marius and Lucius Afinius, the praetor Antistius, whose licence of conduct in his plebeian tribuneship I have already mentioned, composed a number of scandalous verses on the sovereign, and gave them to the public at the crowded table of Ostorius Scapula, with whom he was dining. He was thereupon accused of treason by Cossutianus Capito, who, by the intercession of his father-in‑law Tigellinus, had lately recovered his senatorial rank. This was the first revival of the statute; and it was believed that the object sought was not so much the destruction of Antistius as the glorification of the emperor, whose tribunician veto was to snatch him from death when already condemned by the senate. Although Ostorius had stated in evidence that he had heard nothing, the witnesses on the other side were credited; and the consul designate, Junius Marullus, moved for the accused to be stripped of his praetorship and executed in the primitive manner. The other members were expressing assent, when Thrasea Paetus, after a large encomium upon the Caesar and a most vigorous attack on Antistius, took up the argument:— "It did not follow that the full penalty which a guilty prisoner deserved to undergo was the one that ought to be decided upon, under an excellent emperor and by a senate not fettered by any sort of compulsion. The executioner and the noose were forgotten things; and there were punishments established by various laws under which it was possible to inflict a sentence branding neither the judges with brutality nor the age with infamy. In fact, on an island, with his property confiscated, the longer he dragged out his criminal existence, the deeper would be his personal misery, and he would also furnish a number example of public clemency. 14.49.  The independence of Thrasea broke through the servility of others, and, on the consul authorizing a division, he was followed in the voting by all but a few dissentients — the most active sycophant in their number being Aulus Vitellius, who levelled his abuse at all men of decency, and, as is the wont of cowardly natures, lapsed into silence when the reply came. The consuls, however, not venturing to complete the senatorial decree in form, wrote to the emperor and stated the opinion of the meeting. He, after some vacillation between shame and anger, finally wrote back that "Antistius, unprovoked by any injury, had given utterance to the most intolerable insults upon the sovereign. For those insults retribution had been demanded from the Fathers; and it would have been reasonable to fix a penalty proportioned to the gravity of the offence. Still, as he had proposed to check undue severity in their sentence, he would not interfere with their moderation; they must decide as they pleased — they had been given liberty even to acquit." These observations, and the like, were read aloud, and the imperial displeasure was evident. The consuls, however, did not change the motion on that account; Thrasea did not waive his proposal; nor did the remaining members desert the cause they had approved; one section, lest it should seem to have placed the emperor in an invidious position; a majority, because there was safety in their numbers; Thrasea, through his usual firmness of temper, and a desire not to let slip the credit he had earned. 16.8.  He then attacked Silanus himself in the same strain as his uncle Torquatus, alleging that he was already apportioning the responsibilities of empire, and appointing freedmen to the charge of "accounts, documents, and correspondence": an indictment at once frivolous and false; for the prevalent alarms had made Silanus vigilant, and his uncle's doom has terrified him into especial caution. Next, so‑called informers were introduced to forge against Lepida — wife of Cassius, aunt of Silanus — a tale of incest, committed with her brother's son, and of magical ceremonies. The senators Vulcacius Tullinus and Cornelius Marcellus were brought in as accomplices, with the Roman knight Calpurnius Fabatus. Their imminent condemnation they cheated by appealing to the emperor, and later, as being of minor importance, made good their escape from Nero, now fully occupied by crimes of the first magnitude. 16.9.  Then, by decree of the senate, sentences of exile were registered against Cassius and Silanus: on the case of Lepida the Caesar was to pronounce. Cassius was deported to the island of Sardinia, and old age left to do its work. Silanus, ostensibly bound for Naxos, was removed to Ostia, and afterwards confined in an Apulian town by the name of Barium. There, while supporting with philosophy his most unworthy fate, he was seized by a centurion sent for the slaughter. To the suggestion that he should cut an artery, he replied that he had, in fact, made up his mind to die, but could not excuse the assassin his glorious duty. The centurion, however, noticing that, if unarmed, he was very strongly built and betrayed more anger than timidity, ordered his men to overpower him. Silanus did not fail to struggle, and to strike with what vigour his bare fists permitted, until he dropped under the sword of the centurion, as upon a field of battle, his wounds in front. 16.10.  With not less courage Lucius Vetus, his mother-in‑law Sextia, and his daughter Pollitta, met their doom: they were loathed by the emperor, who took their life to be a standing protest against the slaying of Rubellius Plautus, the son-in‑law of Vetus. But the opportunity for laying bare his ferocity was supplied by the freedman Fortunatus; who, after embezzling his patron's property, now deserted him to turn accuser, and called to his aid Claudius Demianus, imprisoned for heinous offences by Vetus in his proconsulate of Asia, but now freed by Nero as the recompense of delation. Apprized of this, and gathering that he and his freedman were to meet in the struggle as equals, the accused left for his estate at Formiae. There he was placed under a tacit surveillance by the military. He had with him his daughter, who apart from the impending danger, was embittered by a grief which had lasted since the day when she watched the assassins of her husband Plautus — she had clasped the bleeding neck, and still treasured her blood-flecked robe, widowed, unkempt, unconsoled, and fasting except for a little sustece to keep death at bay. Now, at the prompting of her father, she went to Naples; and, debarred from access to Nero, besieged his doors, crying to him to give ear to the guiltless and not surrender to a freedman the one-time partner of his consulate; sometimes with female lamentations, and again in threatening accents which went beyond her sex, until the sovereign showed himself inflexible alike to prayer and to reproach. 16.11.  Accordingly, she carried word to her father to abandon hope and accept the inevitable. At the same time, news came that arrangements were being made for a trial in the senate and a merciless verdict. Nor were there wanting those who advised him to name the Caesar as a principal heir, and thus safeguard the residue for his grandchildren. Rejecting the proposal, however, so as not to sully a life, passed in a near approach to freedom, by an act of servility at the close, he distributed among his slaves what money was available: all portable articles he ordered them to remove for their own uses, reserving only three couches for the final scene. Then, in the same chamber, with the same piece of steel, they severed their veins; and hurriedly, wrapped in the single garment which decency prescribed, they were carried to the baths, the father gazing on his daughter, the grandmother on her grandchild and she on both; all praying with rival earnestness for a quick end to the failing breath, so that they might leave their kith and kin still surviving, and assured of death. Fate observed the proper order; and the two eldest passed away the first, then Pollitta in her early youth. They were indicted after burial; the verdict was that they should be punished in the fashion of our ancestors; and Nero, interposing, allowed them to die unsupervised. Such were the comedies that followed, when the deed of blood was done. 16.21.1.  After the slaughter of so many of the noble, Nero in the end conceived the ambition to extirpate virtue herself by killing Thrasea Paetus and Barea Soranus. To both he was hostile from of old, and against Thrasea there were additional motives; for he had walked out of the senate, as I have mentioned, during the discussion on Agrippina, and at the festival of the Juvenalia his services had not been conspicuous — a grievance which went the deeper that in Patavium, his native place, the same Thrasea had sung in tragic costume at the . . . Games instituted by the Trojan Antenor. Again, on the day when sentence of death was all but passed on the praetor Antistius for his lampoons on Nero, he proposed, and carried, a milder penalty; and, after deliberately absenting himself from the vote of divine honours to Poppaea, he had not assisted at her funeral. These memories were kept from fading by Cossutianus Capito. For, apart from his character with its sharp trend to crime, he was embittered against Thrasea, whose influence, exerted in support of the Cilician envoys prosecuting Capito for extortion, had cost him the verdict.
10. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 60.25.2-60.25.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

60.25.2.  Accordingly, as in earlier times, one of the praetors, one of the tribunes, and one of each of the other groups of officials recited the oaths for their colleagues. This practice was followed for several years. In view of the fact that the city was becoming filled with a great multitude of images (for any who wished were free to have their likenesses appear in public in a painting or in bronze or marble) 60.25.3.  Claudius removed most of them elsewhere and for the future forbade that any private citizen should be allowed to follow the practice, except by permission of the senate or unless he should have built or repaired some public work; for he permitted such persons and their relatives to have their images set up in the places in question.
11. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 9.27.3 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

9.27.3. Sappho of Lesbos wrote many poems about Love, but they are not consistent. Later on Lysippus made a bronze Love for the Thespians, and previously Praxiteles one of Pentelic marble. The story of Phryne and the trick she played on Praxiteles I have related in another place. See Paus. 1.20.1 . The first to remove the image of Love, it is said, was Gaius the Roman Emperor; Claudius, they say, sent it back to Thespiae, but Nero carried it away a second time.
12. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 1.17, 3.7.8, 10.8 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

1.17. To Cornelius Titianus. Faith and loyalty are not yet extinct among men 0 10.8. To Trajan. When, Sir, your late father, * both by a very fine speech and by setting them a most honourable example himself, urged every citizen to deeds of liberality, I sought permission from him to transfer to a neighbouring township all the statues of the emperors which had come into my possession by various bequests and were kept just as I had received them ill my distant estates, and to add thereto a statue of himself. He granted the request and made most flattering references to myself, and I immediately wrote to the decurions asking them to assign me a plot of ground upon which I might erect a temple ** at my own cost, and they offered to let me choose the site myself as a mark of appreciation of the task I had undertaken. But first my own ill-health, then your father's illness, and subsequently the anxieties of the office you bestowed upon me, have prevented my proceeding with the work. However, I think the present is a convenient opportunity for getting on with it, for my month of duty ends on the Kalends of September and the following month contains a number of holidays. I ask, therefore, as a special favour, that you will allow me to adorn with your statue the work which I am about to begin ; and secondly, that in order to complete it as soon as possible, you will grant me leave of absence. It would be alien to my frank disposition if I were to conceal from your goodness the fact that you will, if you grant me leave, be incidentally aiding very materially my private fices. The rent of my estates in that district exceeds 400,000 sesterces, and if the new tets are to be settled in time for the next pruning, the letting of the farms must not be any further delayed. Besides, the succession of bad vintages we have had forces me to consider the question of making certain abatements, and I cannot enter into that question unless I am on the spot. So, Sir, if for these reasons you grant me leave for thirty days, I shall owe to your kindness the speedy fulfilment of a work of loyalty and the settlement of my private fices. I cannot reduce the length of leave I ask for to narrower limits, inasmuch as the township and the estates I have spoken of are more than a hundred and fifty miles from Rome. 0
13. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 1.17, 3.7.8, 10.8 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

1.17. To Cornelius Titianus. Faith and loyalty are not yet extinct among men 0 10.8. To Trajan. When, Sir, your late father, * both by a very fine speech and by setting them a most honourable example himself, urged every citizen to deeds of liberality, I sought permission from him to transfer to a neighbouring township all the statues of the emperors which had come into my possession by various bequests and were kept just as I had received them ill my distant estates, and to add thereto a statue of himself. He granted the request and made most flattering references to myself, and I immediately wrote to the decurions asking them to assign me a plot of ground upon which I might erect a temple ** at my own cost, and they offered to let me choose the site myself as a mark of appreciation of the task I had undertaken. But first my own ill-health, then your father's illness, and subsequently the anxieties of the office you bestowed upon me, have prevented my proceeding with the work. However, I think the present is a convenient opportunity for getting on with it, for my month of duty ends on the Kalends of September and the following month contains a number of holidays. I ask, therefore, as a special favour, that you will allow me to adorn with your statue the work which I am about to begin ; and secondly, that in order to complete it as soon as possible, you will grant me leave of absence. It would be alien to my frank disposition if I were to conceal from your goodness the fact that you will, if you grant me leave, be incidentally aiding very materially my private fices. The rent of my estates in that district exceeds 400,000 sesterces, and if the new tets are to be settled in time for the next pruning, the letting of the farms must not be any further delayed. Besides, the succession of bad vintages we have had forces me to consider the question of making certain abatements, and I cannot enter into that question unless I am on the spot. So, Sir, if for these reasons you grant me leave for thirty days, I shall owe to your kindness the speedy fulfilment of a work of loyalty and the settlement of my private fices. I cannot reduce the length of leave I ask for to narrower limits, inasmuch as the township and the estates I have spoken of are more than a hundred and fifty miles from Rome. 0


Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
acropolis, the museion Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 22
acropolis, the philopappos monument Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 22
acropolis Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 22
aesculapius Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 293
agrippina the younger, empress Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 169
alexandria, library of Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 22
alexandria, the museion Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 22
alexandria Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 22
annals Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 169
apollo Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 293
atella Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 293
augustus, statues to himself forbidden Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 293
authentic versus copy, and pleasure Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 108
calatia Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 293
calgacus Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 169
campania Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 293
capua Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 293
cassius longinus, c., image venerated Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 108
cassius longinus, c. Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 94, 108
cato the younger Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 169
civil war, discordia Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 169
conquers britain, statues to himself forbidden Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 293
construction Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 293
cornelius scipio africanus, p., image in temple of jupiter capitolinus Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 108
cossutianus capito Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 169
elagabalus Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 293
emperor, princeps Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 169
fragment Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 169
funeral Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 169
grief, mourning Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 169
hannibal Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 108
hercules Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 94
his villa Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 94
house, atrium Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 94
house, imagines in Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 94
house, tablinum Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 94
imagines, displayed in atria Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 94
imitatio Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 94
impietas against, veneration of Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 108
impietas against, viewer response to Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 108
intratextuality Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 169
julius caesar, c., image in jupiter capitolinus temple Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 108
junia tertulla Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 94, 108
junius brutus, m., image venerated Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 108
lararium Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 108
leontini Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 108
macleod, r. Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 22
memory Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 22
mnemosyne Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 22
monster, construction of Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 293
mousaeus Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 22
muse Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 22
museion Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 22
museum, ancient definition of Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 22
museum, and memory Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 22
nero, emperor Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 169
nero, executes l. junius silanus Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 293
nerva Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 293
nile Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 94
octavius, cn., naval victory over perseus Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 22
oratory Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 169
p. clodius thrasea paetus Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 169
palestrina Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 94
phidias, and olympian zeus Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 108
plato, his academy Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 22
plutarch, on divine nature of statuary Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 108
polyclitus, the doryphorus Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 94
polyclitus, the polyclitan canon Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 94
pontifices, authority over statuary Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 293
poppaea sabina, empress Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 169
praxiteles, aphrodite of cnidos Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 94
princeps Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 169
prosecutes marius priscus, his estate at tifernum Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 293
ptolemy i soter Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 22
punic wars Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 293
realism Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 94
res gestae Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 94
rome, temple of jupiter capitolinus, scipios statue in Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 108
rome, temple of jupiter capitolinus Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 108
salus Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 293
senate, senators Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 169
servilius geminus, c. Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 293
sibyl, and sibylline books Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 293
silius italicus, venerates vergils image Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 108
statuary, imperial oversight of Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 293
statuary, miraculous properties of Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 108
statuary, over-population of Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 293
statuary, sacred nature of Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 108
strabo, on the library of alexandria Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 22
style Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 94
syracuse Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 108
t. clodius eprius marcellus Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 169
tacitus, p. cornelius Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 169
tauromenium Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 108
titinius capito, cn., and l. junius silanus Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 293
titinius capito, cn., venerates brutus and cassius images Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 94, 108
trajan, pliny and statuary Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 293
tullius cicero, m., on sacred nature of statuary Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 108
tullius cicero, m., public versus private view of art Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 94
tyndaris Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 108
venus, of cnidos Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 94
vergil, image venerated Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 108
verres, c., and the verralia Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 108
verres, c., cicero prosecutes Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 108
verres, c., public statue of Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 108
verres, c., statues overturned Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 108
viewers, shared values of' Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 108
zeus, olympian Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 108