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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



10588
Tacitus, Annals, 11.25


Orationem principis secuto patrum consulto primi Aedui senatorum in urbe ius adepti sunt. datum id foederi antiquo et quia soli Gallorum fraternitatis nomen cum populo Romano usurpant. Isdem diebus in numerum patriciorum adscivit Caesar vetustissimum quemque e senatu aut quibus clari parentes fuerant, paucis iam reliquis familiarum, quas Romulus maiorum et L. Brutus minorum gentium appellaverant, exhaustis etiam quas dictator Caesar lege Cassia et princeps Augustus lege Saenia sublegere; laetaque haec in rem publicam munia multo gaudio censoris inibantur. famosos probris quonam modo senatu depelleret anxius, mitem et recens repertam quam ex severitate prisca rationem adhibuit, monendo secum quisque de se consultaret peteretque ius exuendi ordinis: facilem eius rei veniam; et motos senatu excusatosque simul propositurum ut iudicium censorum ac pudor sponte cedentium permixta ignominiam mollirent. ob ea Vipstanus consul rettulit patrem senatus appellandum esse Claudium: quippe promiscum patris patriae cognomentum; nova in rem publicam merita non usitatis vocabulis honoranda: sed ipse cohibuit consulem ut nimium adsentantem. condiditque lustrum quo censa sunt civium quinquagies novies centena octoginta quattuor milia septuaginta duo. isque illi finis inscitiae erga domum suam fuit: haud multo post flagitia uxoris noscere ac punire adactus est ut deinde ardesceret in nuptias incestas. The emperor's speech was followed by a resolution of the Fathers, and the Aedui became the first to acquire senatorial rights in the capital: a concession to a long-standing treaty and to their position as the only Gallic community enjoying the title of brothers to the Roman people. Much at the same time, the Caesar adopted into the body of patricians all senators of exceptionally long standing or of distinguished parentage: for by now few families remained of the Greater and Lesser Houses, as they were styled by Romulus and Lucius Brutus; and even those selected to fill the void, under the Cassian and Saenian laws, by the dictator Caesar and the emperor Augustus were exhausted. Here the censor had a popular task, and he embarked upon it with delight. How to remove members of flagrantly scandalous character, he hesitated; but adopted a lenient method, recently introduced, in preference to one in the spirit of old-world severity, advising each offender to consider his case himself and to apply for the privilege of renouncing his rank: that leave would be readily granted; and he would publish the names of the expelled and the excused together, so that the disgrace should be softened by the absence of anything to distinguish between censorial condemnation and the modesty of voluntary resignation. In return, the consul Vipstanus proposed that Claudius should be called Father of the Senate:— "The title Father of his Country he would have to share with others: new services to the state ought to be honoured by unusual phrases." But he personally checked the consul as carrying flattery to excess. He also closed the lustrum, the census showing 5,984,072 citizens. And now came the end of his domestic blindness: before long, he was driven to note and to avenge the excesses of his wife — only to burn afterwards for an incestuous union. <


Orationem principis secuto patrum consulto primi Aedui senatorum in urbe ius adepti sunt. datum id foederi antiquo et quia soli Gallorum fraternitatis nomen cum populo Romano usurpant. Isdem diebus in numerum patriciorum adscivit Caesar vetustissimum quemque e senatu aut quibus clari parentes fuerant, paucis iam reliquis familiarum, quas Romulus maiorum et L. Brutus minorum gentium appellaverant, exhaustis etiam quas dictator Caesar lege Cassia et princeps Augustus lege Saenia sublegere; laetaque haec in rem publicam munia multo gaudio censoris inibantur. famosos probris quonam modo senatu depelleret anxius, mitem et recens repertam quam ex severitate prisca rationem adhibuit, monendo secum quisque de se consultaret peteretque ius exuendi ordinis: facilem eius rei veniam; et motos senatu excusatosque simul propositurum ut iudicium censorum ac pudor sponte cedentium permixta ignominiam mollirent. ob ea Vipstanus consul rettulit patrem senatus appellandum esse Claudium: quippe promiscum patris patriae cognomentum; nova in rem publicam merita non usitatis vocabulis honoranda: sed ipse cohibuit consulem ut nimium adsentantem. condiditque lustrum quo censa sunt civium quinquagies novies centena octoginta quattuor milia septuaginta duo. isque illi finis inscitiae erga domum suam fuit: haud multo post flagitia uxoris noscere ac punire adactus est ut deinde ardesceret in nuptias incestas. The emperor's speech was followed by a resolution of the Fathers, and the Aedui became the first to acquire senatorial rights in the capital: a concession to a long-standing treaty and to their position as the only Gallic community enjoying the title of brothers to the Roman people. Much at the same time, the Caesar adopted into the body of patricians all senators of exceptionally long standing or of distinguished parentage: for by now few families remained of the Greater and Lesser Houses, as they were styled by Romulus and Lucius Brutus; and even those selected to fill the void, under the Cassian and Saenian laws, by the dictator Caesar and the emperor Augustus were exhausted. Here the censor had a popular task, and he embarked upon it with delight. How to remove members of flagrantly scandalous character, he hesitated; but adopted a lenient method, recently introduced, in preference to one in the spirit of old-world severity, advising each offender to consider his case himself and to apply for the privilege of renouncing his rank: that leave would be readily granted; and he would publish the names of the expelled and the excused together, so that the disgrace should be softened by the absence of anything to distinguish between censorial condemnation and the modesty of voluntary resignation. In return, the consul Vipstanus proposed that Claudius should be called Father of the Senate:— "The title Father of his Country he would have to share with others: new services to the state ought to be honoured by unusual phrases." But he personally checked the consul as carrying flattery to excess. He also closed the lustrum, the census showing 5,984,072 citizens. And now came the end of his domestic blindness: before long, he was driven to note and to avenge the excesses of his wife — only to burn afterwards for an incestuous union.


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

20 results
1. Cicero, De Oratore, 1.121 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

1.121. quem vero non pudet,—id quod in plerisque video—hunc ego non reprehensione solum, sed etiam poena dignum puto. Equidem et in vobis animum advertere soleo et in me ipso saepissime experior, ut et exalbescam in principiis dicendi et tota mente atque artubus omnibus contremiscam; adulescentulus vero sic initio accusationis exanimatus sum, ut hoc summum beneficium Q. Maximo debuerim, quod continuo consilium dimiserit, simul ac me fractum ac debilitatum metu viderit.'
2. Cicero, Pro Caecina, 77 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

77. sententiam et aequitatem plurimum valere oportere, libidinis, verbo ac littera ius omne intorqueri: vos statuite, recuperatores, utrae voces vobis honestiores et utiliores esse videantur. hoc loco percommode accidit quod non adest is qui paulo ante adfuit et adesse nobis frequenter in hac causa solet, vir ornatissimus, C. Aquilius; nam ipso praesente de virtute eius et prudentia timidius dicerem, quod et ipse pudore quodam adficeretur ex sua laude et me similis ratio pudoris a praesentis laude tardaret; cuius auctoritati dictum est ab illa causa concedi nimium non oportere. non vereor de tali viro ne plus dicam quam vos aut sentiatis aut apud vos commemorari velitis.
3. Ovid, Fasti, 2.813-2.814 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

2.813. Now day had dawned: she sat with hair unbound 2.814. Like a mother who must go to her son’s funeral.
4. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 7.72, 10.368-10.372 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

5. Ovid, Tristia, 3.1.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

6. Strabo, Geography, 4.4.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

4.4.2. The entire race which now goes by the name of Gallic, or Galatic, is warlike, passionate, and always ready for fighting, but otherwise simple and not malicious. If irritated, they rush in crowds to the conflict, openly and without any circumspection; and thus are easily vanquished by those who employ stratagem. For any one may exasperate them when, where, and under whatever pretext he pleases; he will always find them ready for danger, with nothing to support them except their violence and daring. Nevertheless they may be easily persuaded to devote themselves to any thing useful, and have thus engaged both in science and letters. Their power consists both in the size of their bodies and also in their numbers. Their frankness and simplicity lead then easily to assemble in masses, each one feeling indigt at what appears injustice to his neighbour. At the present time indeed they are all at peace, being in subjection and living under the command of the Romans, who have subdued them; but we have described their customs as we understand they existed in former times, and as they still exist amongst the Germans. These two nations, both by nature and in their form of government, are similar and related to each other. Their countries border on each other, being separated by the river Rhine, and are for the most part similar. Germany, however, is more to the north, if we compare together the southern and northern parts of the two countries respectively. Thus it is that they can so easily change their abode. They march in crowds in one collected army, or rather remove with all their families, whenever they are ejected by a more powerful force. They were subdued by the Romans much more easily than the Iberians; for they began to wage war with these latter first, and ceased last, having in the mean time conquered the whole of the nations situated between the Rhine and the mountains of the Pyrenees. For these fighting in crowds and vast numbers, were overthrown in crowds, whereas the Iberians kept themselves in reserve, and broke up the war into a series of petty engagements, showing themselves in different bands, sometimes here, sometimes there, like banditti. All the Gauls are warriors by nature, but they fight better on horseback than on foot, and the flower of the Roman cavalry is drawn from their number. The most valiant of them dwell towards the north and next the ocean.
7. Vergil, Aeneis, 10.846-10.859, 10.870-10.871 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

10.846. Juno made answer: “Can it be thy mind 10.847. gives what thy words refuse, and Turnus' life 10.848. if rescued, may endure? Yet afterward 10.849. ome cruel close his guiltless day shall see— 10.850. or far from truth I stray! O, that I were 10.851. the dupe of empty fears! and O, that thou 10.852. wouldst but refashion to some happier end 10.854. She ceased; and swiftly from the peak of heaven 10.855. moved earthward, trailing cloud-wrack through the air 10.856. and girdled with the storm. She took her way 10.857. to where Troy 's warriors faced Laurentum's line. 10.858. There of a hollow cloud the goddess framed 10.859. a shape of airy, unsubstantial shade 10.870. and hurled a hissing spear with distant aim; 10.871. the thing wheeled round and fled. The foe forthwith
8. Juvenal, Satires, 7.147 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

9. Seneca The Younger, Apocolocyntosis, 3.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

10. Seneca The Younger, De Beneficiis, 6.19.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

11. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 11.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

12. Statius, Thebais, 11.482-11.496 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

13. Suetonius, Claudius, 25-26, 15 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

14. Tacitus, Annals, 11.23-11.24, 12.6-12.7, 12.53, 12.60, 14.49 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

11.23.  In the consulate of Aulus Vitellius and Lucius Vipsanius, the question of completing the numbers of the senate was under consideration, and the leading citizens of Gallia Comata, as it is termed, who had long before obtained federate rights and Roman citizenship, were claiming the privilege of holding magistracies in the capital. Comments on the subject were numerous and diverse; and in the imperial council the debate was conducted with animation on both sides:— "Italy," it was asserted, "was not yet so moribund that she was unable to supply a deliberative body to her own capital. The time had been when a Roman-born senate was enough for nations whose blood was akin to their own; and they were not ashamed of the old republic. Why, even to‑day men quoted the patterns of virtue and of glory which, under the old system, the Roman character had given to the world! Was it too little that Venetians and Insubrians had taken the curia by storm, unless they brought in an army of aliens to give it the look of a taken town? What honours would be left to the relics of their nobility or the poor senator who came from Latium? All would be submerged by those opulent persons whose grandfathers and great-grandfathers, in command of hostile tribes, had smitten our armies by steel and the strong hand, and had besieged the deified Julius at Alesia. But those were recent events! What if there should arise the memory of the men who essayed to pluck down the spoils, sanctified to Heaven, from the Capitol and citadel of Rome? Leave them by all means to enjoy the title of citizens: but the insignia of the Fathers, the glories of the magistracies, — these they must not vulgarize! 11.24.  Unconvinced by these and similar arguments, the emperor not only stated his objections there and then, but, after convening the senate, addressed it as follows: — "In my own ancestors, the eldest of whom, Clausus, a Sabine by extraction, was made simultaneously a citizen and the head of a patrician house, I find encouragement to employ the same policy in my administration, by transferring hither all true excellence, let it be found where it will. For I am not unaware that the Julii came to us from Alba, the Coruncanii from Camerium, the Porcii from Tusculum; that — not to scrutinize antiquity — members were drafted into the senate from Etruria, from Lucania, from the whole of Italy; and that finally Italy itself was extended to the Alps, in order that not individuals merely but countries and nationalities should form one body under the name of Romans. The day of stable peace at home and victory abroad came when the districts beyond the Po were admitted to citizenship, and, availing ourselves of the fact that our legions were settled throughout the globe, we added to them the stoutest of the provincials, and succoured a weary empire. Is it regretted that the Balbi crossed over from Spain and families equally distinguished from Narbonese Gaul? Their descendants remain; nor do they yield to ourselves in love for this native land of theirs. What else proved fatal to Lacedaemon and Athens, in spite of their power in arms, but their policy of holding the conquered aloof as alien-born? But the sagacity of our own founder Romulus was such that several times he fought and naturalized a people in the course of the same day! Strangers have been kings over us: the conferment of magistracies on the sons of freedmen is not the novelty which it is commonly and mistakenly thought, but a frequent practice of the old commonwealth. — 'But we fought with the Senones.' — Then, presumably, the Volscians and Aequians never drew up a line of battle against us. — 'We were taken by the Gauls.' — But we also gave hostages to the Tuscans and underwent the yoke of the Samnites. — And yet, if you survey the whole of our wars, not one was finished within a shorter period than that against the Gauls: thenceforward there has been a continuous and loyal peace. Now that customs, culture, and the ties of marriage have blended them with ourselves, let them bring among us their gold and their riches instead of retaining them beyond the pale! All, Conscript Fathers, that is now believed supremely old has been new: plebeian magistrates followed the patrician; Latin, the plebeian; magistrates from the other races of Italy, the Latin. Our innovation, too, will be parcel of the past, and what to‑day we defend by precedents will rank among precedents. 12.6.  As this engagingly worded preface was followed by flattering expressions of assent from the members, he took a fresh starting-point:— "Since it was the universal advice that the emperor should marry, the choice ought to fall on a woman distinguished by nobility of birth, by experience of motherhood, and by purity of character. No long inquiry was needed to convince them that in the lustre of her family Agrippina came foremost: she had given proof of her fruitfulness, and her moral excellences harmonized with the rest. But the most gratifying point was that, by the dispensation of providence, the union would be between a widow and a prince with experience of no marriage-bed but his own. They had heard from their fathers, and they had seen for themselves, how wives were snatched away at the whim of the Caesars: such violence was far removed from the orderliness of the present arrangement. They were, in fact, to establish a precedent by which the emperor would accept his consort from the Roman people! — Still, marriage with a brother's child, it might be said, was a novelty in Rome. — But it was normal in other countries, and prohibited by no law; while marriage with cousins and second cousins, so long unknown, had with the progress of time become frequent. Usage accommodated itself to the claims of utility, and this innovation too would be among the conventions of to‑morrow. 12.7.  Members were not lacking to rush from the curia, with emulous protestations that, if the emperor hesitated, they would proceed by force. A motley crowd flocked together, and clamoured that such also was the prayer of the Roman people. Waiting no longer, Claudius met them in the Forum, and offered himself to their felicitations, then entered the senate, and requested a decree legitimizing for the future also the union of uncles with their brothers' daughters. None the less, only a single enthusiast for that form of matrimony was discovered — the Roman knight Alledius Severus, whose motive was generally said to have been desire for the favour of Agrippina. — From this moment it was a changed state, and all things moved at the fiat of a woman — but not a woman who, as Messalina, treated in wantonness the Roman Empire as a toy. It was a tight-drawn, almost masculine tyranny: in public, there was austerity and not infrequently arrogance; at home, no trace of unchastity, unless it might contribute to power. A limitless passion for gold had the excuse of being designed to create a bulwark of despotism. 12.53.  At the same time, he submitted a motion to the Fathers, penalizing women who married slaves; and it was resolved that anyone falling so far without the knowledge of the slave's owner should rank as in a state of servitude; while, if he had given sanction, she was to be classed as a freedwoman. That Pallas, whom the Caesar had specified as the inventor of his proposal, should receive the praetorian insignia and fifteen million sesterces, was the motion of the consul designate, Barea Soranus. It was added by Cornelius Scipio that he should be accorded the national thanks, because, descendant though he was of the kings of Arcadia, he postponed his old nobility to the public good, and permitted himself to be regarded as one of the servants of the emperor. Claudius passed his word that Pallas, contented with the honour, declined to outstep his former honest poverty. And there was engraved on official brass a senatorial decree lavishing the praises of old-world frugality upon a freedman, the proprietor of three hundred million sesterces. 12.60.  Several times in this year, the emperor was heard to remark that judgments given by his procurators ought to have as much validity as if the ruling had come from himself. In order that the opinion should not be taken as a chance indiscretion, provision — more extensive and fuller than previously — was made to that effect by a senatorial decree as well. For an order of the deified Augustus had conferred judicial powers on members of the equestrian order, holding the government of Egypt; their decisions to rank as though they had been formulated by the national magistrates. Later, both in other provinces and in Rome, a large number of cases till then falling under the cognizance of the praetors were similarly transferred; and now Claudius handed over in full the judicial power so often disputed by sedition or by arms — when, for instance, the Sempronian rogations placed the equestrian order in possession of the courts; or the Servilian laws retroceded those courts to the senate; or when, in the days of Marius and Sulla, the question actually became a main ground of hostilities. But the competition was then between class and class, and the results of victory were universally valid. Gaius Oppius and Cornelius Balbus were the first individuals who, supported by the might of Caesar, were able to take for their province the conditions of a peace or the determination of a war. It would serve no purpose to mention their successors, a Matius or a Vedius or the other all too powerful names of Roman knights, when the freedmen whom he had placed in charge of his personal fortune were now by Claudius raised to an equality with himself and with the law. 14.49.  The independence of Thrasea broke through the servility of others, and, on the consul authorizing a division, he was followed in the voting by all but a few dissentients — the most active sycophant in their number being Aulus Vitellius, who levelled his abuse at all men of decency, and, as is the wont of cowardly natures, lapsed into silence when the reply came. The consuls, however, not venturing to complete the senatorial decree in form, wrote to the emperor and stated the opinion of the meeting. He, after some vacillation between shame and anger, finally wrote back that "Antistius, unprovoked by any injury, had given utterance to the most intolerable insults upon the sovereign. For those insults retribution had been demanded from the Fathers; and it would have been reasonable to fix a penalty proportioned to the gravity of the offence. Still, as he had proposed to check undue severity in their sentence, he would not interfere with their moderation; they must decide as they pleased — they had been given liberty even to acquit." These observations, and the like, were read aloud, and the imperial displeasure was evident. The consuls, however, did not change the motion on that account; Thrasea did not waive his proposal; nor did the remaining members desert the cause they had approved; one section, lest it should seem to have placed the emperor in an invidious position; a majority, because there was safety in their numbers; Thrasea, through his usual firmness of temper, and a desire not to let slip the credit he had earned.
15. Tacitus, Histories, 1.78, 4.72 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

1.78.  With the same generosity Otho tried to win over the support of communities and provinces. To the colonies of Hispalis and Emerita he sent additional families. To the whole people of the Lingones he gave Roman citizenship and presented the province Baetica with towns in Mauritania. New constitutions were given Cappadocia and Africa, more for display than to the lasting advantage of the provinces. Even while engaged in these acts, which found their excuse in the necessity of the situation and the anxieties that were forced upon him, he did not forget his loves and had the statues of Poppaea replaced by a vote of the senate. It was believed that he also brought up the question of celebrating Nero's memory with the hope of winning over the Roman people; and in fact some set up statues of Nero; moreover on certain days the people and soldiers, as if adding thereby to Otho's nobility and distinction, acclaimed him as Nero Otho; he himself remained undecided, from fear to forbid or shame to acknowledge the title. 4.72.  On the next day Cerialis entered the colony of the Treviri. His soldiers were eager to plunder the town and said "This is Classicus's native city, and Tutor's as well; they are the men whose treason has caused our legions to be besieged and massacred. What monstrous crime had Cremona committed? Yet Cremona was torn from the very bosom of Italy because she delayed the victors one single night. This colony stands on the boundaries of Germany, unharmed, and rejoices in the spoils taken from our armies and in the murder of our commanders. The booty may go to the imperial treasury: it is enough for us to set fire to this rebellious colony and to destroy it, for in that way we can compensate for the destruction of so many of our camps." Cerialis feared the disgrace that he would suffer if men were to believe that he imbued his troops with a spirit of licence and cruelty, and he therefore checked their passionate anger: and they obeyed him, for now that they had given up civil war, they were more moderate with reference to foreign foes. Their attention was then attracted by the sad aspect which the legions summoned from among the Mediomatrici presented. These troops stood there, downcast by the consciousness of their own guilt, their eyes fixed on the ground: when the armies met, there was no exchange of greetings; the soldiers made no answer to those who tried to console or to encourage them; they remained hidden in their tents and avoided the very light of day. It was not so much danger and fear as a sense of their shame and disgrace that paralyzed them, while even the victors were struck dumb. The latter did not dare to speak or make entreaty, but by their tears and silence they continued to ask forgiveness for their fellows, until Cerialis at last quieted them by saying that fate was responsible for all that had resulted from the differences between the soldiers and their commanders or from the treachery of their enemies. He urged them to consider this as the first day of their service and of their allegiance, and he declared that neither the emperor nor he remembered their former misdeeds. Then they were taken into the same camp with the rest, and a proclamation was read in each company forbidding any soldier in quarrel or dispute to taunt a comrade with treason or murder.
16. Valerius Flaccus Gaius, Argonautica, 2.470-2.471, 3.520 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

17. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 60.25.6 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

60.25.6.  So carefully, now, did Claudius guard against both possibilities that he would not even permit one who had acted as assessor to a governor to draw lots at once for the governorship of a province that would naturally fall to him; nevertheless, he allowed some of them to govern for two years, and in some cases he sent out men appointed by himself. Those who requested the privilege of leaving Italy were given permission by Claudius on his own responsibility without action on the part of the senate; yet, in order to appear to be doing this under some form of law, he ordered that a decree should be passed sanctioning this procedure;
18. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 7.29, 8.6 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

7.29. To Montanus. You will first laugh, then feel annoyed, and then laugh again, if ever you read something which you will think almost incredible, unless you see it with your own eyes. I noticed the other day, just before you come to the first milestone on the Tiburtine Road, a monument to Pallas * bearing this inscription 8.6. To Montanus. You must by this time be aware from my last letter that I just lately noticed the monument erected to Pallas, which bore the following inscription Well, then, am I to consider that those who decreed these extravagant praises were merely gratifying his vanity or were acting like abject slaves ? I should say the former if such a spirit were becoming to a senate, and the latter but that no one is such an abject slave as to stoop to such servilities. Are we to ascribe it then to a desire to curry favour with Pallas, or to an insane passion to get on in the world? But who is so utterly mad as to wish to get on in the world at the price of his own shame and the disgrace of his country, especially when l
19. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 7.29, 8.6 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

7.29. To Montanus. You will first laugh, then feel annoyed, and then laugh again, if ever you read something which you will think almost incredible, unless you see it with your own eyes. I noticed the other day, just before you come to the first milestone on the Tiburtine Road, a monument to Pallas * bearing this inscription 8.6. To Montanus. You must by this time be aware from my last letter that I just lately noticed the monument erected to Pallas, which bore the following inscription Well, then, am I to consider that those who decreed these extravagant praises were merely gratifying his vanity or were acting like abject slaves ? I should say the former if such a spirit were becoming to a senate, and the latter but that no one is such an abject slave as to stoop to such servilities. Are we to ascribe it then to a desire to curry favour with Pallas, or to an insane passion to get on in the world? But who is so utterly mad as to wish to get on in the world at the price of his own shame and the disgrace of his country, especially when l
20. Justinian, Digest, 47.9.3.8 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)



Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
augustus Tacoma, Cicero and Roman Education: The Reception of the Speeches and Ancient Scholarship (2020) 44
aurelius sarapion (apollonarius), babatha, archive of Huebner, The Family in Roman Egypt: A Comparative Approach to Intergenerational Solidarity and Conflict (2013) 145
blushing, and pudor Kaster, Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome (2005) 174
caesar Tacoma, Cicero and Roman Education: The Reception of the Speeches and Ancient Scholarship (2020) 50
censor Tacoma, Cicero and Roman Education: The Reception of the Speeches and Ancient Scholarship (2020) 44, 50
citizenship, roman Tacoma, Cicero and Roman Education: The Reception of the Speeches and Ancient Scholarship (2020) 44
claudianum, sc (no., (no. Talbert, The Senate of Imperial Rome (1984) 441
claudianum, sc (no. Talbert, The Senate of Imperial Rome (1984) 441
claudius, against exclusion of foreigners Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 419
claudius, for integration of the empire Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 419
claudius, his speech in lyons Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 418, 419, 420
claudius, legislation under Talbert, The Senate of Imperial Rome (1984) 441
claudius Tacoma, Cicero and Roman Education: The Reception of the Speeches and Ancient Scholarship (2020) 44, 50
clotho Tacoma, Cicero and Roman Education: The Reception of the Speeches and Ancient Scholarship (2020) 44
conscience Kaster, Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome (2005) 174
cornelia de falsis, lex Talbert, The Senate of Imperial Rome (1984) 441
debate, space for Tacoma, Cicero and Roman Education: The Reception of the Speeches and Ancient Scholarship (2020) 44, 50
deification Tacoma, Cicero and Roman Education: The Reception of the Speeches and Ancient Scholarship (2020) 44
emperor, oversees Talbert, The Senate of Imperial Rome (1984) 441
gauls, discussion on their admission into the roman senate Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 418, 419, 420
gauls, good at languages and public rhetoric Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 420
gauls, sacked rome in Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 419
gauls, their wealth Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 419
humour Tacoma, Cicero and Roman Education: The Reception of the Speeches and Ancient Scholarship (2020) 44, 50
identity politics Tacoma, Cicero and Roman Education: The Reception of the Speeches and Ancient Scholarship (2020) 44, 50
imperial census (census of citizens) Huebner, The Family in Roman Egypt: A Comparative Approach to Intergenerational Solidarity and Conflict (2013) 145
imperial rule, and integration Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 419
insubres Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 418
italy Talbert, The Senate of Imperial Rome (1984) 441
juvenal, not critical of africans and gaul Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 420
kenney, e. j. Kaster, Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome (2005) 174
lucretia Kaster, Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome (2005) 174
lustrum' Huebner, The Family in Roman Egypt: A Comparative Approach to Intergenerational Solidarity and Conflict (2013) 145
lyons Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 418; Tacoma, Cicero and Roman Education: The Reception of the Speeches and Ancient Scholarship (2020) 50
macedonianum, sc Talbert, The Senate of Imperial Rome (1984) 441
medea Kaster, Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome (2005) 174
myrrha Kaster, Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome (2005) 174
oratio Talbert, The Senate of Imperial Rome (1984) 441
ornamenta Talbert, The Senate of Imperial Rome (1984) 441
otho Kaster, Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome (2005) 174
pallas Talbert, The Senate of Imperial Rome (1984) 441
peregrini Tacoma, Cicero and Roman Education: The Reception of the Speeches and Ancient Scholarship (2020) 44
pietas (personified) Kaster, Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome (2005) 174
primitive peoples\r\n, human sacrifice offered by Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 418
princeps civilis, and verecundia Kaster, Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome (2005) 174
pudor, and blushing Kaster, Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome (2005) 174
pudor, and speech Kaster, Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome (2005) 174
rhine Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 418
romanization, by claudius Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 418, 419, 420
romanization, by strabo Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 418
saeculares ludi/secular games Talbert, The Senate of Imperial Rome (1984) 441
salutatio Talbert, The Senate of Imperial Rome (1984) 441
senate, in latin and greek, legislation Talbert, The Senate of Imperial Rome (1984) 441
senators absences, residence Talbert, The Senate of Imperial Rome (1984) 441
senators absences, salutatio Talbert, The Senate of Imperial Rome (1984) 441
senatus consultum Talbert, The Senate of Imperial Rome (1984) 441
silanianum, sc Talbert, The Senate of Imperial Rome (1984) 441
slaves Tacoma, Cicero and Roman Education: The Reception of the Speeches and Ancient Scholarship (2020) 44
speech, and pudor Kaster, Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome (2005) 174
statilius taurus corvinus t. (cos. Talbert, The Senate of Imperial Rome (1984) 441
strabo, on aristotles advice to alexander, his sources Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 418
strabo, on aristotles advice to alexander, on gauls and germans as related Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 418
strabo, on aristotles advice to alexander, on the gauls Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 418
strabo, on aristotles advice to alexander, on the roman army and romanization as stabilizing Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 418
tacitus, on the britons, on the discussion about integration in lyons Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 418, 419, 420
tisiphone Kaster, Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome (2005) 174
veneti Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 418
verecundia, and princeps civilis Kaster, Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome (2005) 174
vinicius m. (cos. Talbert, The Senate of Imperial Rome (1984) 441
xenophobia, in athens, in rome Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 418, 419