Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database

10588

Tacitus, Annals, 11.24

His atque talibus haud permotus princeps et statim contra disseruit et vocato senatu ita exorsus est: 'maiores mei, quorum antiquissimus Clausus origine Sabina simul in civitatem Romanam et in familias patriciorum adscitus est, hortantur uti paribus consiliis in re publica capessenda, transferendo huc quod usquam egregium fuerit. neque enim ignoro Iulios Alba, Coruncanios Camerio, Porcios Tusculo, et ne vetera scrutemur, Etruria Lucaniaque et omni Italia in senatum accitos, postremo ipsam ad Alpis promotam ut non modo singuli viritim, sed terrae, gentes in nomen nostrum coalescerent. tunc solida domi quies et adversus externa floruimus, cum Transpadani in civitatem recepti, cum specie deductarum per orbem terrae legionum additis provincialium validissimis fesso imperio subventum est. num paenitet Balbos ex Hispania nec minus insignis viros e Gallia Narbonensi transivisse? manent posteri eorum nec amore in hanc patriam nobis concedunt. quid aliud exitio Lacedaemoniis et Atheniensibus fuit, quamquam armis pollerent, nisi quod victos pro alienigenis arcebant? at conditor nostri Romulus tantum sapientia valuit ut plerosque populos eodem die hostis, dein civis habuerit. advenae in nos regnaverunt: libertinorum filiis magistratus mandare non, ut plerique falluntur, repens, sed priori populo factitatum est. at cum Senonibus pugnavimus: scilicet Vulsci et Aequi numquam adversam nobis aciem instruxere. capti a Gallis sumus: sed et Tuscis obsides dedimus et Samnitium iugum subiimus. ac tamen, si cuncta bella recenseas, nullum breviore spatio quam adversus Gallos confectum: continua inde ac fida pax. iam moribus artibus adfinitatibus nostris mixti aurum et opes suas inferant potius quam separati habeant. omnia, patres conscripti, quae nunc vetustissima creduntur, nova fuere: plebeii magistratus post patricios, Latini post plebeios, ceterarum Italiae gentium post Latinos. inveterascet hoc quoque, et quod hodie exemplis tuemur, inter exempla erit.' Unconvinced by these and similar arguments, the emperor not only stated his objections there and then, but, after convening the senate, addressed it as follows: — "In my own ancestors, the eldest of whom, Clausus, a Sabine by extraction, was made simultaneously a citizen and the head of a patrician house, I find encouragement to employ the same policy in my administration, by transferring hither all true excellence, let it be found where it will. For I am not unaware that the Julii came to us from Alba, the Coruncanii from Camerium, the Porcii from Tusculum; that — not to scrutinize antiquity — members were drafted into the senate from Etruria, from Lucania, from the whole of Italy; and that finally Italy itself was extended to the Alps, in order that not individuals merely but countries and nationalities should form one body under the name of Romans. The day of stable peace at home and victory abroad came when the districts beyond the Po were admitted to citizenship, and, availing ourselves of the fact that our legions were settled throughout the globe, we added to them the stoutest of the provincials, and succoured a weary empire. Is it regretted that the Balbi crossed over from Spain and families equally distinguished from Narbonese Gaul? Their descendants remain; nor do they yield to ourselves in love for this native land of theirs. What else proved fatal to Lacedaemon and Athens, in spite of their power in arms, but their policy of holding the conquered aloof as alien-born? But the sagacity of our own founder Romulus was such that several times he fought and naturalized a people in the course of the same day! Strangers have been kings over us: the conferment of magistracies on the sons of freedmen is not the novelty which it is commonly and mistakenly thought, but a frequent practice of the old commonwealth. — 'But we fought with the Senones.' — Then, presumably, the Volscians and Aequians never drew up a line of battle against us. — 'We were taken by the Gauls.' — But we also gave hostages to the Tuscans and underwent the yoke of the Samnites. — And yet, if you survey the whole of our wars, not one was finished within a shorter period than that against the Gauls: thenceforward there has been a continuous and loyal peace. Now that customs, culture, and the ties of marriage have blended them with ourselves, let them bring among us their gold and their riches instead of retaining them beyond the pale! All, Conscript Fathers, that is now believed supremely old has been new: plebeian magistrates followed the patrician; Latin, the plebeian; magistrates from the other races of Italy, the Latin. Our innovation, too, will be parcel of the past, and what to‑day we defend by precedents will rank among precedents." <

Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

21 results
1. Cicero, On Divination, 1.27 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) 1.27. Itaque, ut ex ipso audiebam, persaepe revertit ex itinere, cum iam progressus esset multorum dierum viam. Cuius quidem hoc praeclarissimum est, quod, posteaquam a Caesare tetrarchia et regno pecuniaque multatus est, negat se tamen eorum auspiciorum, quae sibi ad Pompeium proficiscenti secunda evenerint, paenitere; senatus enim auctoritatem et populi Romani libertatem atque imperii dignitatem suis armis esse defensam, sibique eas aves, quibus auctoribus officium et fidem secutus esset, bene consuluisse; antiquiorem enim sibi fuisse possessionibus suis gloriam. Ille mihi videtur igitur vere augurari. Nam nostri quidem magistratus auspiciis utuntur coactis; necesse est enim offa obiecta cadere frustum ex pulli ore, cum pascitur; 1.27. This is why, as he told me himself, he had time and again abandoned a journey even though he might have been travelling for many days. By the way, that was a very noble utterance of his which he made after Caesar had deprived him of his tetrarchy and kingdom, and had forced him to pay an indemnity too. Notwithstanding what has happened, said he, I do not regret that the auspices favoured my joining Pompey. By so doing I enlisted my military power in defence of senatorial authority, Roman liberty, and the supremacy of the empire. The birds, at whose instance I followed the course of duty and of honour, counselled well, for I value my good name more than riches. His conception of augury, it seems to me, is the correct one.For with us magistrates make use of auspices, but they are forced auspices, since the sacred chickens in eating the dough pellets thrown must let some fall from their beaks.
2. Cicero, De Lege Agraria, 2.26 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
3. Cicero, Pro Cluentio, 141 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
4. Cicero, Pro Sestio, 95 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
5. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 1.10-1.13, 1.31, 1.61-1.62, 1.89 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) 1.10. 1.  There are some who affirm that the Aborigines, from whom the Romans are originally descended, were natives of Italy, a stock which came into being spontaneously (I call Italy all that peninsula which is bounded by the Ionian Gulf and the Tyrrhenian Sea and, thirdly, by the Alps on the landward side); and these authors say that they were first called Aborigines because they were the founders of the families of their descendants, or, as we should call them, genearchai or prôtogonoi.,2.  Others claim that certain vagabonds without house or home, coming together out of many places, met one another there by chance and took up their abode in the fastnesses, living by robbery and grazing their herds. And these writers change their name, also, to one more suitable to their condition, calling them Aberrigenes, to show that they were wanderers; indeed, according to these, the race of the Aborigines would seem to be no different from those the ancients called Leleges; for this is the name they generally gave to the homeless and mixed peoples who had no fixed abode which they could call their country.,3.  Still others have a story to the effect that they were colonists sent out by those Ligurians who are neighbours of the Umbrians. For the Ligurians inhabit not only many parts of Italy but some parts of Gaul as well, but which of these lands is their native country is not known, since nothing certain is said of them further. 1.11. 1.  But the most learned of the Roman historians, among whom is Porcius Cato, who compiled with the greatest care the "origins" of the Italian cities, Gaius Sempronius and a great many others, say that they were Greeks, part of those who once dwelt in Achaia, and that they migrated many generations before the Trojan war. But they do not go on to indicate either the Greek tribe to which they belonged or the city from which they removed, or the date or the leader of the colony, or as the result of what turns of fortune they left their mother country; and although they are following a Greek legend, they have cited no Greek historian as their authority. It is uncertain, therefore, what the truth of the matter is. But if what they say is true, the Aborigines can be a colony of no other people but of those who are now called Arcadians;,2.  for these were the first of all the Greeks to cross the Ionian Gulf, under the leadership of Oenotrus, the son of Lycaon, and to settle in Italy. This Oenotrus was the fifth from Aezeius and Phoroneus, who were the first kings in the Peloponnesus. For Niobê was the daughter of Phoroneus, and Pelasgus was the son of Niobê and Zeus, it is said; Lycaon was the son of Aezeius and Deïanira was the daughter of Lycaon; Deïanira and Pelasgus were the parents of another Lycaon, whose son Oenotrus was born seventeen generations before the Trojan expedition. This, then, was the time when the Greeks sent the colony into Italy.,3.  Oenotrus left Greece because he was dissatisfied with his portion of his father's land; for, as Lycaon had twenty-two sons, it was necessary to divide Arcadia into as many shares. For this reason Oenotrus left the Peloponnesus, prepared a fleet, and crossed the Ionian Gulf with Peucetius, one of his brothers. They were accompanied by many of their own people — for this nation is said to have been very populous in early times — and by as many other Greeks as had less land than was sufficient for them.,4.  Peucetius landed his people above the Iapygian Promontory, which was the first part of Italy they made, and settled there; and from him the inhabitants of this region were called Peucetians. But Oenotrus with the greater part of the expedition came into the other sea that washes the western regions along the coast of Italy; it was then called the Ausonian Sea, from the Ausonians who dwelt beside it, but after the Tyrrhenians became masters at sea its name was changed to that which it now bears. 1.12. 1.  And finding there much land suitable for pasturage and much for tillage, but for the most part unoccupied, and even that which was inhabited not thickly populated, he cleared some of it of the barbarians and built small towns contiguous to one another on the mountains, which was the customary manner of habitation in use among the ancients. And all the land he occupied, which was very extensive, was called Oenotria, and all the people under his command Oenotrians, which was the third name they had borne. For in the reign of Aezeius they were called Aezeians, when Lycaon succeeded to the rule, Lycaonians, and after Oenotrus led them into Italy they were for a while called Oenotrians.,2.  What I say is supported by the testimony of Sophocles, the tragic poet, in his drama entitled Triptolemus; for he there represents Demeter as informing Triptolemus how large a tract of land he would have to travel over while sowing it with the seeds she had given him. For, after first referring to the eastern part of Italy, which reaches from the Iapygian Promontory to the Sicilian Strait, and then touching upon Sicily on the opposite side, she returns again to the western part of Italy and enumerates the most important nations that inhabit this coast, beginning with the settlement of the Oenotrians. But it is enough to quote merely the iambics in which he says: "And after this, — first, then, upon the right, Oenotria wide-outstretched and Tyrrhene Gulf, And next the Ligurian land shall welcome thee." ,3.  And Antiochus of Syracuse, a very early historian, in his account of the settlement of Italy, when enumerating the most ancient inhabitants in the order in which each of them held possession of any part of it, says that the first who are reported to have inhabited that country are the Oenotrians. His words are these: "Antiochus, the son of Xenophanes, wrote this account of Italy, which comprises all that is most credible and certain out of the ancient tales; this country, which is now called Italy, was formerly possessed by the Oenotrians." Then he relates in what manner they were governed and says that in the course of time Italus came to be their king, after whom they were named Italians; that this man was succeeded by Morges, after whom they were called Morgetes, and that Sicelus, being received as a guest by Morges and setting up a kingdom for himself, divided the nation. After which he adds these words: "Thus those who had been Oenotrians became Sicels, Morgetes and Italians. 1.13. 1.  Now let me also show the origin of the Oenotrian race, offering as my witness another of the early historians, Pherecydes of Athens, who was a genealogist inferior to none. He thus expresses himself concerning the kings of Arcadia: "of Pelasgus and Deïanira was born Lycaon; this man married Cyllenê, a Naiad nymph, after whom Mount Cyllenê is named." Then, having given an account of their children and of the places each of them inhabited, he mentions Oenotrus and Peucetius, in these words: "And Oenotrus, after whom are named the Oenotrians who live in Italy, and Peucetius, after whom are named the Peucetians who live on the Ionian Gulf.",2.  Such, then, are the accounts given by the ancient poets and writers of legends concerning the places of abode and the origin of the Oenotrians; and on their authority I assume that if the Aborigines were in reality a Greek nation, according to the opinion of Cato, Sempronius and many others, they were descendants of these Oenotrians. For I find that the Pelasgians and Cretans and the other nations that lived in Italy came thither afterwards; nor can I discover that any other expedition more ancient than this came from Greece to the western parts of Europe.,3.  I am of the opinion that the Oenotrians, besides making themselves masters of many other regions in Italy, some of which they found unoccupied and others but thinly inhabited, also seized a portion of the country of the Umbrians, and that they were called Aborigines from their dwelling on the mountains (for it is characteristic of the Arcadians to be fond of the mountains), in the same manner as at Athens some are called Hyperakriori, and others Paralioi.,4.  But if any are naturally slow in giving credit to accounts of ancient matters without due examination, let them be slow also in believing the Aborigines to be Ligurians, Umbrians, or any other barbarians, and let them suspend their judgment till they have heard what remains to be told and then determine which opinion out of all is the most probable. 1.31. 1.  Soon after, another Greek expedition landed in this part of Italy, having migrated from Pallantium, a town of Arcadia, about the sixtieth year before the Trojan war, as the Romans themselves say. This colony had for its leader Evander, who is said to have been the son of Hermes and a local nymph of the Arcadians. The Greeks call her Themis and say that she was inspired, but the writers of the early history of Rome call her, in the native language, Carmenta. The nymph's name would be in Greek Thespiôdos or "prophetic singer"; for the Romans call songs carmina, and they agree that this woman, possessed by divine inspiration, foretold to the people in song the things that would come to pass.,2.  This expedition was not sent out by the common consent of the nation, but, a sedition having arisen among the people, the faction which was defeated left the country of their own accord. It chanced that the kingdom of the Aborigines had been inherited at that time by Faunus, a descendant of Mars, it is said, a man of prudence as well as energy, whom the Romans in their sacrifices and songs honour as one of the gods of their country. This man received the Arcadians, who were but few in number, with great friendship and gave them as much of his own land as they desired.,3.  And the Arcadians, as Themis by inspiration kept advising them, chose a hill, not far from the Tiber, which is now near the middle of the city of Rome, and by this hill built a small village sufficient for the complement of the two ships in which they had come from Greece. Yet this village was ordained by fate to excel in the course of time all other cities, whether Greek or barbarian, not only in its size, but also in the majesty of its empire and in every other form of prosperity, and to be celebrated above them all as long as mortality shall endure.,4.  They named the town Pallantium after their mother-city in Arcadia; now, however, the Romans call it Palatium, time having obscured the correct form, and this name has given occasion of the many to suggest absurd etymologies. But some writers, among them Polybius of Megalopolis, related that the town was named after Pallas, a lad who died there; they say that he was the son of Hercules and Lavinia, the daughter of Evander, and that his maternal grandfather raised a tomb to him on the hill and called the place Pallantium, after the lad. 1.61. 1.  That the Trojans, too, were a nation as truly Greek as any and formerly came from the Peloponnesus has long been asserted by some authors and shall be briefly related by me also. The account concerning them is as follows. Atlas was the first king of the country now called Arcadia, and he lived near the mountain called Thaumasius. He had seven daughters, who are said to be numbered now among the constellations under the name of the Pleiades; Zeus married one of these, Electra, and had by her two sons, Iasus and Dardanus.,2.  Iasus remained unmarried, but Dardanus married Chrysê, the daughter of Pallas, by whom he had two sons, Idaeus and Deimas; and these, succeeding Atlas in the kingdom, reign for some time in Arcadia. Afterwards, a great deluge occurring throughout Arcadia, the plains were overflowed and for a long time could not be tilled; and the inhabitants, living upon the mountains and eking out a sorry livelihood, decided that the land remaining would not be sufficient for the support of them all, and so divided themselves into two groups, one of which remained in Arcadia, after making Deimas, the son of Dardanus, their king, while the other left the Peloponnesus on board a large fleet.,3.  And sailing along the coast of Europe, they came to a gulf called Melas and chanced to land on a certain island of Thrace, as to which I am unable to say whether it was previously inhabited or not. They called the island Samothrace, a name compounded of the name of a man and the name of a place. For it belongs to Thrace and its first settler was Samon, the son of Hermes and a nymph of Cyllenê, named Rhenê.,4.  Here they remained but a short time, since the life proved to be no easy one for them, forced to contend, as they were, with both a poor soil and a boisterous sea; but leaving some few of their people in the island, the greater part of them removed once more and went to Asia under Dardanus as leader of their colony (for Iasus had died in the island, being struck with a thunderbolt for desiring to have intercourse with Demeter), and disembarking in the strait now called the Hellespont, they settled in the region which was afterwards called Phrygia. Idaeus, the son of Dardanus, with part of the company occupied the mountains which are now called after him the Idaean mountains, and there built a temple to the Mother of the Gods and instituted mysteries and ceremonies which are observed to this day throughout all Phrygia. And Dardanus built a city named after himself in the region now called the Troad; the land was given to him by Teucer, the king, after whom the country was anciently called Teucris.,5.  Many authors, and particularly Phanodemus, who wrote about the ancient lore of Attica, say that Teucer had come into Asia from Attica, where he had been chief of the deme called Xypetê, and of this tale they offer many proofs. They add that, having possessed himself of a large and fertile country with but a small native population, he was glad to see Dardanus and the Greeks who came with him, both because he hoped for their assistance in his wars against the barbarians and because he desired that the land should not remain unoccupied. But the subject requires that I relate also how Aeneas was descended: this, too, I shall do briefly. Dardanus, after the death of Chrysê, the daughter of Pallas, by whom he had his first sons, married Bateia, the daughter of Teucer, and by her had Erichthonius, who is said to have been the most fortunate of all men, since he inherited both the kingdom of his father and that of his maternal grandfather. 1.62. 2.  of Erichthonius and Callirrhoê, the daughter of Scamander, was born Tros, from whom the nation has received its name; of Tros and Acallaris, the daughter of Eumedes, Assaracus; of Assaracus and Clytodora, the daughter of Laomedon, Capys; of Capys and a Naiad nymph, Hieromnemê, Anchises; of Anchises and Aphroditê, Aeneas. Thus I have shown that the Trojan race, too, was originally Greek. 1.89. 1.  Such, then, are the facts concerning the origin of the Romans which I have been able to discover a reading very diligently many works written by both Greek and Roman authors. Hence, from now on let the reader forever renounce the views of those who make Rome a retreat of barbarians, fugitives and vagabonds, and let him confidently affirm it to be a Greek city, — which will be easy when he shows that it is at once the most hospitable and friendly of all cities, and when he bears in mind that the Aborigines were Oenotrians, and these in turn Arcadians,,2.  and remembers those who joined with them in their settlement, the Pelasgians who were Argives by descent and came into Italy from Thessaly; and recalls, moreover, the arrival of Evander and the Arcadians, who settled round the Palatine hill, after the Aborigines had granted the place to them; and also the Peloponnesians, who, coming along with Hercules, settled upon the Saturnian hill; and, last of all, those who left the Troad and were intermixed with the earlier settlers. For one will find no nation that is more ancient or more Greek than these.,3.  But the admixtures of the barbarians with the Romans, by which the city forgot many of its ancient institutions, happened at a later time. And it may well seem a cause of wonder to many who reflect on the natural course of events that Rome did not become entirely barbarized after receiving the Opicans, the Marsians, the Samnites, the Tyrrhenians, the Bruttians and many thousands of Umbrians, Ligurians, Iberians and Gauls, besides innumerable other nations, some of whom came from Italy itself and some from other regions and differed from one another both in their language and habits; for their very ways of life, diverse as they were and thrown into turmoil by such dissoce, might have been expected to cause many innovations in the ancient order of the city.,4.  For many others by living among barbarians have in a short time forgotten all their Greek heritage, so that they neither speak the Greek language nor observe the customs of the Greeks nor acknowledge the same gods nor have the same equitable laws (by which most of all the spirit of the Greeks differs from that of the barbarians) nor agree with them in anything else whatever that relates to the ordinary intercourse of life. Those Achaeans who are settled near the Euxine sea are a sufficient proof of my contention; for, though originally Eleans, of a nation the most Greek of any, they are now the most savage of all barbarians.
6. Livy, History, 1.1.7, 1.34.5, 9.11.6, 9.11.10, 9.11.12, 39.51.12 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
7. Juvenal, Satires, 7.147 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
8. Seneca The Younger, Apocolocyntosis, 3.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
9. Suetonius, Claudius, 26, 25 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
10. Suetonius, Iulius, 7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
11. Tacitus, Annals, 3.66.1, 11.23, 11.24.7, 11.25, 12.6-12.7, 12.53, 12.60, 13.4.1, 15.23.2, 15.44.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) 3.66.1.  Then, step by step, they passed from the degrading to the brutal. Gaius Silanus, the proconsul of Asia, accused of extortion by the provincials, was attacked simultaneously by the ex-consul Mamercus Scaurus, the praetor Junius Otho, and the aedile Bruttedius Niger, who flung at him the charge of violating the godhead of Augustus and spurning the majesty of Tiberius, while Mamercus made play with the precedents of antiquity — the indictment of Lucius Cotta by Scipio Africanus, of Servius Galba by Cato the Censor, of Publius Rutilius by Marcus Scaurus. Such, as all men know, were the crimes avenged by Scipio and Cato or the famous Scaurus, the great-grandsire of Mamercus, whom that reproach to his ancestors dishonoured by his infamous activity! Junius Otho's old profession had been to keep a school; afterwards, created a senator by the influence of Sejanus, by his effrontery and audacity he brought further ignominy, if possible, upon the meanness of his beginnings. Bruttedius, amply provided with liberal accomplishments, and bound, if he kept the straight road, to attain all distinctions, was goaded by a spirit of haste, which impelled him to outpace first his equals, then his superiors, and finally his own ambitions: an infirmity fatal to many, even of the good, who, disdaining the sure and slow, force a premature success, though destruction may accompany the prize. 11.23.  In the consulate of Aulus Vitellius and Lucius Vipsanius, the question of completing the numbers of the senate was under consideration, and the leading citizens of Gallia Comata, as it is termed, who had long before obtained federate rights and Roman citizenship, were claiming the privilege of holding magistracies in the capital. Comments on the subject were numerous and diverse; and in the imperial council the debate was conducted with animation on both sides:— "Italy," it was asserted, "was not yet so moribund that she was unable to supply a deliberative body to her own capital. The time had been when a Roman-born senate was enough for nations whose blood was akin to their own; and they were not ashamed of the old republic. Why, even to‑day men quoted the patterns of virtue and of glory which, under the old system, the Roman character had given to the world! Was it too little that Venetians and Insubrians had taken the curia by storm, unless they brought in an army of aliens to give it the look of a taken town? What honours would be left to the relics of their nobility or the poor senator who came from Latium? All would be submerged by those opulent persons whose grandfathers and great-grandfathers, in command of hostile tribes, had smitten our armies by steel and the strong hand, and had besieged the deified Julius at Alesia. But those were recent events! What if there should arise the memory of the men who essayed to pluck down the spoils, sanctified to Heaven, from the Capitol and citadel of Rome? Leave them by all means to enjoy the title of citizens: but the insignia of the Fathers, the glories of the magistracies, — these they must not vulgarize! 11.25.  The emperor's speech was followed by a resolution of the Fathers, and the Aedui became the first to acquire senatorial rights in the capital: a concession to a long-standing treaty and to their position as the only Gallic community enjoying the title of brothers to the Roman people. Much at the same time, the Caesar adopted into the body of patricians all senators of exceptionally long standing or of distinguished parentage: for by now few families remained of the Greater and Lesser Houses, as they were styled by Romulus and Lucius Brutus; and even those selected to fill the void, under the Cassian and Saenian laws, by the dictator Caesar and the emperor Augustus were exhausted. Here the censor had a popular task, and he embarked upon it with delight. How to remove members of flagrantly scandalous character, he hesitated; but adopted a lenient method, recently introduced, in preference to one in the spirit of old-world severity, advising each offender to consider his case himself and to apply for the privilege of renouncing his rank: that leave would be readily granted; and he would publish the names of the expelled and the excused together, so that the disgrace should be softened by the absence of anything to distinguish between censorial condemnation and the modesty of voluntary resignation. In return, the consul Vipstanus proposed that Claudius should be called Father of the Senate:— "The title Father of his Country he would have to share with others: new services to the state ought to be honoured by unusual phrases." But he personally checked the consul as carrying flattery to excess. He also closed the lustrum, the census showing 5,984,072 citizens. And now came the end of his domestic blindness: before long, he was driven to note and to avenge the excesses of his wife — only to burn afterwards for an incestuous union. 12.6.  As this engagingly worded preface was followed by flattering expressions of assent from the members, he took a fresh starting-point:— "Since it was the universal advice that the emperor should marry, the choice ought to fall on a woman distinguished by nobility of birth, by experience of motherhood, and by purity of character. No long inquiry was needed to convince them that in the lustre of her family Agrippina came foremost: she had given proof of her fruitfulness, and her moral excellences harmonized with the rest. But the most gratifying point was that, by the dispensation of providence, the union would be between a widow and a prince with experience of no marriage-bed but his own. They had heard from their fathers, and they had seen for themselves, how wives were snatched away at the whim of the Caesars: such violence was far removed from the orderliness of the present arrangement. They were, in fact, to establish a precedent by which the emperor would accept his consort from the Roman people! — Still, marriage with a brother's child, it might be said, was a novelty in Rome. — But it was normal in other countries, and prohibited by no law; while marriage with cousins and second cousins, so long unknown, had with the progress of time become frequent. Usage accommodated itself to the claims of utility, and this innovation too would be among the conventions of to‑morrow. 12.7.  Members were not lacking to rush from the curia, with emulous protestations that, if the emperor hesitated, they would proceed by force. A motley crowd flocked together, and clamoured that such also was the prayer of the Roman people. Waiting no longer, Claudius met them in the Forum, and offered himself to their felicitations, then entered the senate, and requested a decree legitimizing for the future also the union of uncles with their brothers' daughters. None the less, only a single enthusiast for that form of matrimony was discovered — the Roman knight Alledius Severus, whose motive was generally said to have been desire for the favour of Agrippina. — From this moment it was a changed state, and all things moved at the fiat of a woman — but not a woman who, as Messalina, treated in wantonness the Roman Empire as a toy. It was a tight-drawn, almost masculine tyranny: in public, there was austerity and not infrequently arrogance; at home, no trace of unchastity, unless it might contribute to power. A limitless passion for gold had the excuse of being designed to create a bulwark of despotism. 12.53.  At the same time, he submitted a motion to the Fathers, penalizing women who married slaves; and it was resolved that anyone falling so far without the knowledge of the slave's owner should rank as in a state of servitude; while, if he had given sanction, she was to be classed as a freedwoman. That Pallas, whom the Caesar had specified as the inventor of his proposal, should receive the praetorian insignia and fifteen million sesterces, was the motion of the consul designate, Barea Soranus. It was added by Cornelius Scipio that he should be accorded the national thanks, because, descendant though he was of the kings of Arcadia, he postponed his old nobility to the public good, and permitted himself to be regarded as one of the servants of the emperor. Claudius passed his word that Pallas, contented with the honour, declined to outstep his former honest poverty. And there was engraved on official brass a senatorial decree lavishing the praises of old-world frugality upon a freedman, the proprietor of three hundred million sesterces. 12.60.  Several times in this year, the emperor was heard to remark that judgments given by his procurators ought to have as much validity as if the ruling had come from himself. In order that the opinion should not be taken as a chance indiscretion, provision — more extensive and fuller than previously — was made to that effect by a senatorial decree as well. For an order of the deified Augustus had conferred judicial powers on members of the equestrian order, holding the government of Egypt; their decisions to rank as though they had been formulated by the national magistrates. Later, both in other provinces and in Rome, a large number of cases till then falling under the cognizance of the praetors were similarly transferred; and now Claudius handed over in full the judicial power so often disputed by sedition or by arms — when, for instance, the Sempronian rogations placed the equestrian order in possession of the courts; or the Servilian laws retroceded those courts to the senate; or when, in the days of Marius and Sulla, the question actually became a main ground of hostilities. But the competition was then between class and class, and the results of victory were universally valid. Gaius Oppius and Cornelius Balbus were the first individuals who, supported by the might of Caesar, were able to take for their province the conditions of a peace or the determination of a war. It would serve no purpose to mention their successors, a Matius or a Vedius or the other all too powerful names of Roman knights, when the freedmen whom he had placed in charge of his personal fortune were now by Claudius raised to an equality with himself and with the law. 13.4.1.  However, when the mockeries of sorrow had been carried to their close, he entered the curia; and, after an opening reference to the authority of the Fathers and the uimity of the army, stated that "he had before him advice and examples pointing him to an admirable system of government. Nor had his youth been poisoned by civil war or family strife: he brought to his task no hatreds, no wrongs, no desire for vengeance. He then outlined the character of the coming principate, the points which had provoked recent and intense dissatisfaction being specially discounteced:— "He would not constitute himself a judge of all cases, secluding accusers and defendants within the same four walls and allowing the influence of a few individuals to run riot. Under his roof would be no venality, no loophole for intrigue: the palace and the state would be things separate. Let the senate retain its old prerogatives! Let Italy and the public provinces take their stand before the judgement-seats of the consuls, and let the consuls grant them access to the Fathers: for the armies delegated to his charge he would himself be responsible.
12. Tacitus, Dialogus De Oratoribus, 7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
13. Tacitus, Histories, 1.3.1, 3.51.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
14. Apuleius, The Golden Ass, 1.12, 5.30 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
15. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 60.25.6 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) 60.25.6.  So carefully, now, did Claudius guard against both possibilities that he would not even permit one who had acted as assessor to a governor to draw lots at once for the governorship of a province that would naturally fall to him; nevertheless, he allowed some of them to govern for two years, and in some cases he sent out men appointed by himself. Those who requested the privilege of leaving Italy were given permission by Claudius on his own responsibility without action on the part of the senate; yet, in order to appear to be doing this under some form of law, he ordered that a decree should be passed sanctioning this procedure;
16. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 7.29, 8.6 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) 7.29. To Montanus. You will first laugh, then feel annoyed, and then laugh again, if ever you read something which you will think almost incredible, unless you see it with your own eyes. I noticed the other day, just before you come to the first milestone on the Tiburtine Road, a monument to Pallas * bearing this inscription 8.6. To Montanus. You must by this time be aware from my last letter that I just lately noticed the monument erected to Pallas, which bore the following inscription Well, then, am I to consider that those who decreed these extravagant praises were merely gratifying his vanity or were acting like abject slaves ? I should say the former if such a spirit were becoming to a senate, and the latter but that no one is such an abject slave as to stoop to such servilities. Are we to ascribe it then to a desire to curry favour with Pallas, or to an insane passion to get on in the world? But who is so utterly mad as to wish to get on in the world at the price of his own shame and the disgrace of his country, especially when l
17. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 7.29, 8.6 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) 7.29. To Montanus. You will first laugh, then feel annoyed, and then laugh again, if ever you read something which you will think almost incredible, unless you see it with your own eyes. I noticed the other day, just before you come to the first milestone on the Tiburtine Road, a monument to Pallas * bearing this inscription 8.6. To Montanus. You must by this time be aware from my last letter that I just lately noticed the monument erected to Pallas, which bore the following inscription Well, then, am I to consider that those who decreed these extravagant praises were merely gratifying his vanity or were acting like abject slaves ? I should say the former if such a spirit were becoming to a senate, and the latter but that no one is such an abject slave as to stoop to such servilities. Are we to ascribe it then to a desire to curry favour with Pallas, or to an insane passion to get on in the world? But who is so utterly mad as to wish to get on in the world at the price of his own shame and the disgrace of his country, especially when l
18. Justinian, Digest, 47.9.3.8 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)
19. Epigraphy, Cil, 13.1668
20. Strabo, Geography, 4.4.2 4.4.2. The entire race which now goes by the name of Gallic, or Galatic, is warlike, passionate, and always ready for fighting, but otherwise simple and not malicious. If irritated, they rush in crowds to the conflict, openly and without any circumspection; and thus are easily vanquished by those who employ stratagem. For any one may exasperate them when, where, and under whatever pretext he pleases; he will always find them ready for danger, with nothing to support them except their violence and daring. Nevertheless they may be easily persuaded to devote themselves to any thing useful, and have thus engaged both in science and letters. Their power consists both in the size of their bodies and also in their numbers. Their frankness and simplicity lead then easily to assemble in masses, each one feeling indigt at what appears injustice to his neighbour. At the present time indeed they are all at peace, being in subjection and living under the command of the Romans, who have subdued them; but we have described their customs as we understand they existed in former times, and as they still exist amongst the Germans. These two nations, both by nature and in their form of government, are similar and related to each other. Their countries border on each other, being separated by the river Rhine, and are for the most part similar. Germany, however, is more to the north, if we compare together the southern and northern parts of the two countries respectively. Thus it is that they can so easily change their abode. They march in crowds in one collected army, or rather remove with all their families, whenever they are ejected by a more powerful force. They were subdued by the Romans much more easily than the Iberians; for they began to wage war with these latter first, and ceased last, having in the mean time conquered the whole of the nations situated between the Rhine and the mountains of the Pyrenees. For these fighting in crowds and vast numbers, were overthrown in crowds, whereas the Iberians kept themselves in reserve, and broke up the war into a series of petty engagements, showing themselves in different bands, sometimes here, sometimes there, like banditti. All the Gauls are warriors by nature, but they fight better on horseback than on foot, and the flower of the Roman cavalry is drawn from their number. The most valiant of them dwell towards the north and next the ocean.
21. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 3.2.3

Subjects of this text:

subject	book bibliographic info
aaron,high priest	Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 132
aborigines	Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 73
adlection	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 15
aeneas	Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 73
alexander the great	Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 90; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 8
allusion	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 8
annals	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 8
aper,m.	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 15
arcadia/arcadians	Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 73
architecture	Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 189
asclepius	Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 90
athens	Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 132
attis	Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 90
augustus (previously octavian),builds temple of mars,,qualifications	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 15
authority,of ammianus,of tacitus	Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 145
autochthony	Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 73
blood	Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 189
buyers remorse	Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 179
c. iulius caesar	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 8
c. suetonius tranquillus	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 8
caelius rufus,marcus	Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 179
caesar	Tacoma (2020), Cicero and Roman Education: The Reception of the Speeches and Ancient Scholarship, 50
censor	Tacoma (2020), Cicero and Roman Education: The Reception of the Speeches and Ancient Scholarship, 50
claudianum,sc (no.,(no.	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 441
claudianum,sc (no.	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 441
claudius,,legislation under	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 441
claudius,,recruits	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 15
claudius,against exclusion of foreigners	Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 419
claudius,emperor	Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 132; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 8
claudius,for integration of the empire	Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 419
claudius,his speech in lyons	Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 418, 419, 420
claudius	Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 90; Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 73; Tacoma (2020), Cicero and Roman Education: The Reception of the Speeches and Ancient Scholarship, 50
conditor	Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 189
cornelia de falsis,lex	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 441
cybele	Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 90
dardanus	Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 73
david,king	Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 132
debate,space for	Tacoma (2020), Cicero and Roman Education: The Reception of the Speeches and Ancient Scholarship, 50
decline,of morals	Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 145
dionysius of hallicarnassus	Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 73
elisha,prophet	Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 132
emperor,,oversees	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 441
emperor,,recruits	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 15
emperor,princeps	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 8
etruscans/tyrrhenians	Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 73
exempla,in tacitus	Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 145
exemplarity,exemplum,imitation,emulation	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 8
flamininus	Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 132
focalization of experience,in understanding,emotions	Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 179
fragment	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 8
gaius (caligula),,speeches read	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 15
gaius pontius	Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 132
gaul,gauls,sack,of rome	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 8
gauls,discussion on their admission into the roman senate	Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 418, 419, 420
gauls,good at languages and public rhetoric	Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 420
gauls,sacked rome in	Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 419
gauls,their wealth	Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 419
gauls	Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 132
greece/hellas	Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 73
greeks/hellenes,and origins of rome	Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 73
hadrian,,recruits	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 15
hissing,as shaming ritual	Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 179
historiography	Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 145
honestas,evaluation of,in paenitentia	Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 179
horatius cocles	Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 189
humour	Tacoma (2020), Cicero and Roman Education: The Reception of the Speeches and Ancient Scholarship, 50
identity as hybrid and malleable,in roman perception	Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 73
identity politics	Tacoma (2020), Cicero and Roman Education: The Reception of the Speeches and Ancient Scholarship, 50
imitation,emulation,exemplarity,exemplum	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 8
immigrants	Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 73
imperial rule,and integration	Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 419
insubres	Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 418
intertextuality,allusion and imitation,emulation	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 8
italians	Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 73
italy	Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 132; Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 73; Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 441
iulius romulus,m.	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 15
joshua,son of nun	Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 132
juvenal,not critical of africans and gaul	Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 420
latins	Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 73
latus calvus	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 15
lexicalization of emotions,n.	Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 179
lexicalization of emotions	Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 179
lineage and genealogy as identity marker,rome as mixed lineage	Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 73
lyons	Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 418; Tacoma (2020), Cicero and Roman Education: The Reception of the Speeches and Ancient Scholarship, 50
lyons tablet	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 8
macedonianum,sc	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 441
mars	Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 189
mater magna	Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 90
mithridates	Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 90
mos maiorum	Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 90
moses	Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 132
mythic origins as identity marker,of romans	Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 73
oratio	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 441
oratory	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 8
ornamenta	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 441
paenitentia,and evaluation of honestas	Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 179
paenitentia,and evaluation of utilitas	Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 179
pallas	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 441
pelasgians	Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 73
pompey the great	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 8
primitive peoples\r\n,human sacrifice offered by	Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 418
prusias	Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 132
pyrrhus,king	Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 132
real-life	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 8
religio,religio,ritual,and emperors	Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 145
religio,religio,ritual,of	Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 145
remorse,and paenitentia,buyers	Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 179
remorse,and paenitentia,spoken of as regret (and vice versa)	Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 179
republic,the roman,memory and trauma	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 8
rhea silvia	Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 189
rhine	Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 418
roller,matthew	Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 189
romanization,by claudius	Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 418, 419, 420
romanization,by strabo	Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 418
rome/romans,conglomerate character of	Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 73
rome/romans,origins of	Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 73
rome	Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 90
romulus	Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 132, 189
sabines	Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 73
saeculares ludi/secular games	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 441
sallust	Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 132
salutatio	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 441
self-control,moderatio	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 8
senate,and emperor	Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 145
senate,failure of expertise'	Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 145
senate,in latin and greek,,legislation	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 441
senate,in latin and greek,,qualifications	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 15
senate,roman	Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 132
senate,senators	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 8
senators absences,,residence	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 441
senators absences,,salutatio	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 441
senatus consultum	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 441
sibylline books	Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 90
silanianum,sc	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 441
slaves/slavery,servius tullius as descendent of	Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 73
spartans	Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 132
statilius taurus corvinus t. (cos.	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 441
strabo,on aristotles advice to alexander,his sources	Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 418
strabo,on aristotles advice to alexander,on gauls and germans as related	Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 418
strabo,on aristotles advice to alexander,on the gauls	Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 418
strabo,on aristotles advice to alexander,on the roman army and romanization as stabilizing	Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 418
surdinius gallus	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 15
tacitus,on imperial rule	Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 145
tacitus,on the britons,on the discussion about integration in lyons	Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 418, 419, 420
tacitus,p. cornelius	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 8
tacitus	Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 132
tiberius,emperor	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 8
trojan war	Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 73
troy/trojans	Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 73
usage of the past	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 8
utilitas,evaluation of,in paenitentia	Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 179
valerius macedo,q.	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 15
veneti	Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 418
vespasian,,and senators recruits	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 15
vinicius m. (cos.	Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 441
xenophobia,in athens,in rome	Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 418, 419