Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database

10587

Tacitus, Agricola, 21

nan The following winter was spent in prosecuting sound measures. So that a scattered and uneducated population, always ready on that account for war, might become accustomed through amenity to a quiet and peaceful life, he exhorted individuals and encouraged tribes to construct housing, market-places, and temples; praising the prompt, rebuking the idle, such that rivalry for compliments replaced coercion. Moreover he began to educate the chieftains’ sons in the liberal arts, preferring native British intellect to any training obtained in Gaul, so that a nation which previously rejected the use of Latin began to aspire to eloquence therein. Furthermore the wearing of our clothing was seen as a distinction, and the toga became fashionable. Gradually they succumbed to the allurements of promenading, bathing, and fine dining. Inexperienced as they were, they called these aspects of their subjugation, civilisation.

Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

12 results
1. Livy, History, 23.18.12 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
2. Philo of Alexandria, On The Contemplative Life, 21, 40-63, 68, 14 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) 14. The Greeks celebrate Anaxagoras and Democritus, because they, being smitten with a desire for philosophy, allowed all their estates to be devoured by cattle. I myself admire the men who thus showed themselves superior to the attractions of money; but how much better were those who have not permitted cattle to devour their possessions, but have supplied the necessities of mankind, of their own relations and friends, and have made them rich though they were poor before? For surely that was inconsiderate conduct (that I may avoid saying that any action of men whom Greece has agreed to admire was a piece of insanity); but this is the act of sober men, and one which has been carefully elaborated by exceeding prudence.
3. Philo of Alexandria, On The Embassy To Gaius, 166 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) 166. The greater portion of these men ere Egyptians, wicked, worthless men, who had imprinted the venom and evil disposition of their native asps and crocodiles on their own souls, and gave a faithful representation of them there. And the leader of the whole Egyptian troops, like the coryphaeus of a chorus, was a man of the name of Helicon, an accursed and infamous slave, who had been introduced into the imperial household to its ruin; for he had acquired a slight smattering of the encyclical sciences, by imitation of and rivalry with his former master, who gave him to Tiberius Caesar.
4. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 2.65-2.70 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) 2.65. 6. But besides this, Apion objects to us thus:—“If the Jews (says he) be citizens of Alexandria, why do they not worship the same gods with the Alexandrians?” To which I give this answer: Since you are yourselves Egyptians, why do you fight out one against another, and have implacable wars about your religion? 2.66. At this rate we must not call you all Egyptians, nor indeed in general men, because you breed up with great care beasts of a nature quite contrary to that of men, although the nature of all men seems to be one and the same. 2.67. Now if there be such differences in opinion among you Egyptians, why are you surprised that those who came to Alexandria from another country, and had original laws of their own before, should persevere in the observance of those laws? 2.68. But still he charges us with being the authors of sedition: which accusation, if it be a just one, why is it not laid against us all, since we are known to be all of one mind? 2.69. Moreover, those that search into such matters will soon discover that the authors of sedition have been such citizens of Alexandria as Apion is; for while they were the Grecians and Macedonians who were in possession of this city, there was no sedition raised against us, and we were permitted to observe our ancient solemnities; but when the number of the Egyptians therein came to be considerable, the times grew confused, and then these seditions brake out still more and more, while our people continued uncorrupted.
5. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 108.9-108.12 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
6. Tacitus, Agricola, 10-13, 16, 2, 29, 3, 30-40, 44-46, 6, 1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
7. Tacitus, Annals, 14.31 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) 14.31.  The Icenian king Prasutagus, celebrated for his long prosperity, had named the emperor his heir, together with his two daughters; an act of deference which he thought would place his kingdom and household beyond the risk of injury. The result was contrary — so much so that his kingdom was pillaged by centurions, his household by slaves; as though they had been prizes of war. As a beginning, his wife Boudicca was subjected to the lash and his daughters violated: all the chief men of the Icenians were stripped of their family estates, and the relatives of the king were treated as slaves. Impelled by this outrage and the dread of worse to come — for they had now been reduced to the status of a province — they flew to arms, and incited to rebellion the Trinobantes and others, who, not yet broken by servitude, had entered into a secret and treasonable compact to resume their independence. The bitterest animosity was felt against the veterans; who, fresh from their settlement in the colony of Camulodunum, were acting as though they had received a free gift of the entire country, driving the natives from their homes, ejecting them from their lands, — they styled them "captives" and "slaves," — and abetted in their fury by the troops, with their similar mode of life and their hopes of equal indulgence. More than this, the temple raised to the deified Claudius continually met the view, like the citadel of an eternal tyranny; while the priests, chosen for its service, were bound under the pretext of religion to pour out their fortunes like water. Nor did there seem any great difficulty in the demolition of a colony unprotected by fortifications — a point too little regarded by our commanders, whose thoughts had run more on the agreeable than on the useful.
8. Tacitus, Histories, 4.17 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) 4.17.  This victory was glorious for the enemy at the moment and useful for the future. They gained arms and boats which they needed, and were greatly extolled as liberators throughout the German and Gallic provinces. The Germans at once sent delegations offering assistance; the Gallic provinces Civilis tried to win to an alliance by craft and gifts, sending back the captured prefects to their own states and giving the soldiers of the cohorts permission to go or stay as they pleased. Those who stayed were given honourable service in the army, those who left were offered spoils taken from the Romans. At the same time in private conversation he reminded them of the miseries that they had endured so many years while they falsely called their wretched servitude a peace. "The Batavians," he said, "although free from tribute, have taken up arms against our common masters. In the very first engagement the Romans have been routed and defeated. What if the Gallic provinces should throw off the yoke? What forces are there left in Italy? It is by the blood of the provinces that provinces are won. Do not think of Vindex's battle. It was the Batavian cavalry that crushed the Aedui and Averni; among the auxiliary forces of Verginius were Belgians, and if you consider the matter aright you will see that Gaul owed its fall to its own forces. Now all belong to the same party, and we have gained besides all the strength that military training in Roman camps can give; I have with me veteran cohorts before which Otho's legions lately succumbed. Let Syria, Asia, and the East, which is accustomed to kings, play the slave; there are many still alive in Gaul who were born before tribute was known. Surely it was not long ago that slavery was driven from Germany by the killing of Quintilius Varus, and the emperor whom the Germans then challenged was not a Vitellius but a Caesar Augustus. Liberty is a gift which nature has granted even to dumb animals, but courage is the peculiar blessing of man. The gods favour the braver: on, therefore, carefree against the distressed, fresh against the weary. While some favour Vespasian and others Vitellius, the field is open against both."  In this way Civilis, turning his attention eagerly toward the Germanies and the Gauls, was preparing, should his plans prove successful, to gain the kingship over the strongest and richest nations. But Hordeonius Flaccus furthered his enterprises at first by affecting to be unaware of them; when, however, terrified messengers brought word of the capture of camps, the destruction of cohorts, and the expulsion of the Roman name from the island of the Batavians, he ordered Munius Lupercus, who commanded the two legions in winter quarters, to take the field against the foe. Lupercus quickly transported to the island all the legionaries that he had, as well as the Ubii from the auxiliaries quartered close by and a body of Treviran cavalry which was not far away. He joined to these forces a squadron of Batavian cavalry, which, although already won over to the other side, still pretended to be faithful, that by betraying the Romans on the very field itself it might win a greater reward for its desertion. Civilis had the standards of the captured cohorts ranged about him that his own troops might have the evidence of their newly-won glory before their eyes and that the enemy might be terrified by the memory of their defeat; he ordered his own mother and his sisters, likewise the wives and little children of all his men, to take their stand behind his troops to encourage them to victory or to shame them if defeated. When the enemy's line re-echoed with the men's singing and the women's cries, the shout with which the legions and cohorts answered was far from equal. Our left had already been exposed by the desertion of the Batavian horse, which at once turned against us. Yet the legionary troops kept their arms and maintained their ranks in spite of the alarming situation. The auxiliary forces made up of the Ubii and Treveri fled disgracefully and wandered in disorder over the country. The Germans made them the object of their attack, and so the legions meanwhile were able to escape to the camp called Vetera. Claudius Labeo, who was in command of the Batavian horse, had been a rival of Civilis in some local matter, and was consequently now removed to the Frisii, that he might not, if killed, excite his fellow-tribesmen to anger, or, if kept with the forces, sow seeds of discord.
9. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 2.3.5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) 2.3.5. The Corinthians have baths in many parts of the city, some put up at the public charge and one by the emperor Hadrian. The most famous of them is near the Poseidon. It was made by the Spartan Eurycles, Probably a contemporary of Augustus. who beautified it with various kinds of stone, especially the one quarried at Croceae in Laconia . On the left of the entrance stands a Poseidon, and after him Artemis hunting. Throughout the city are many wells, for the Corinthians have a copious supply of flowing water, besides the water which the emperor Hadrian brought from Lake Stymphalus, but the most noteworthy is the one by the side of the image of Artemis. Over it is a Bellerophontes, and the water flows through the hoof of the horse Pegasus.
10. Babylonian Talmud, Avodah Zarah, 38b, 38a (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) 38a. אלא מדרבנן וקרא אסמכתא בעלמא,אמר רב שמואל בר רב יצחק אמר רב כל הנאכל כמות שהוא חי אין בו משום בישולי עובדי כוכבים בסורא מתנו הכי בפומבדיתא מתנו הכי אמר רב שמואל בר רב יצחק אמר רב כל שאינו נאכל על שולחן מלכים ללפת בו את הפת אין בו משום בישולי עובדי כוכבים,מאי בינייהו איכא בינייהו דגים קטנים וארדי ודייסא,אמר רב אסי אמר רב דגים קטנים מלוחים אין בהן משום בישולי עובדי כוכבים אמר רב יוסף אם צלאן עובד כוכבים סומך ישראל עליהם משום עירובי תבשילין ואי עבדינהו עובד כוכבים כסא דהרסנא אסור,פשיטא מהו דתימא הרסנא עיקר קמ"ל קימחא עיקר,אמר רב ברונא אמר רב עובד כוכבים שהצית את האור באגם כל החגבים שבאגם אסורין ה"ד אילימא דלא ידע הי טהור והי טמא מאי איריא עובד כוכבים אפילו ישראל נמי אלא משום בישולי עובדי כוכבים,כי האי גוונא מי אסיר והאמר רב חנן בר אמי א"ר פדת א"ר יוחנן האי עובד כוכבים דחריך רישא שרי למיכל מיניה אפילו מריש אוניה אלמא לעבורי שער קמיכוין ה"נ לגלויי אגמא קא מיכוין,לעולם דלא ידע הי טהור והי טמא ומעשה שהיה בעובד כוכבים היה,גופא אמר רבה בר בר חנה א"ר יוחנן האי עובד כוכבים דחריך רישא שרי למיכל מיניה אפילו מריש אוניה אמר רבינא הלכך האי עובד כוכבים דשדא סיכתא לאתונא וקבר בה ישראל קרא מעיקרא שפיר דמי פשיטא מהו דתימא לבשולי מנא קא מיכוין קמ"ל לשרורי מנא קא מיכוין,אמר רב יהודה אמר שמואל הניח ישראל בשר על גבי גחלים ובא עובד כוכבים והפך בו מותר היכי דמי אילימא דאי לא הפך ביה הוה בשיל פשיטא אלא לאו דאי לא הפך לא הוה בשיל אמאי מותר בישולי של עובדי כוכבים נינהו,לא צריכא דאי לא הפך הוה בשיל בתרתי שעי והשתא קא בשיל בחדא שעתא מהו דתימא קרובי בישולא מילתא היא קמ"ל,והאמר ר' אסי א"ר יוחנן כל שהוא כמאכל בן דרוסאי אין בו משום בישולי עובדי כוכבים הא אינו כמאכל בן דרוסאי יש בו משום בשולי עובדי כוכבים,התם כגון דאותביה בסילתא ושקליה עובד כוכבים ואותביה בתנורא,תניא נמי הכי מניח ישראל בשר על גבי גחלים ובא עובד כוכבים ומהפך בו עד שיבא ישראל מבית הכנסת או מבית המדרש ואינו חושש שופתת אשה קדירה על גבי כירה ובאת עובדת כוכבים 38a. bRather,the cooking of gentiles is prohibited bby rabbinic law, and the verseis cited as ba mere support. /b,The Gemara discusses the particulars of the prohibition against eating the cooking of gentiles. bRav Shmuel bar Rav Yitzḥak saysthat bRav says: Anyitem bthat is eaten as it is,i.e., braw, is not subject tothe prohibition against eating bthe cooking of gentiles.The Gemara remarks: bInthe study hall in bSura, they taught it thisway. bIn Pumbedita, they taught it like this: Rav Shmuel bar Rav Yitzḥak saysthat bRav says: Anyitem bthat is not eaten together with bread on the table of kings is not subject tothe prohibition against eating bthe cooking of gentiles.In other words, foods that are not eaten by distinguished individuals are not subject to this prohibition.,The Gemara asks: bWhatis the practical difference bbetweenthese two opinions? The practical difference bbetween themis with regard to bsmall fish, mushrooms, and porridge.These foods are not eaten raw, but they are not eaten by distinguished individuals. Consequently, these foods are prohibited according to the version taught in Sura, but permitted according to the version taught in Pumbedita., bRav Asi saysthat bRav says: Small, salted fish are not subject tothe prohibition of bthe cooking of gentiles,because they can be eaten raw. bRav Yosef says: If a gentile roastedthese fish, ba Jew may rely upon them foruse in the mitzva of ba joining of cooked foods,which must be prepared in order to permit cooking for Shabbat on a Festival that occurs on a Friday. bAnd if a gentile made theminto ikasa deharsena /i,a dish of fish fried in oil and flour, the dish is bprohibited.In this case, since the flour had not been edible, it is considered the cooked food of a gentile.,The Gemara asks: Isn’t that bobvious?What reason would there be to think that ikasa deharsenaprepared by a gentile is permitted? The Gemara answers: This is taught blest you saythat the bsalted fish,which one is permitted to eat even if cooked by gentiles, is the bessentialcomponent. Therefore, Rav Yosef bteaches usthat bthe flouris the bessentialcomponent, and the dish is therefore considered the cooked food of a gentile., bRav Beruna saysthat bRav says:In the case of ba gentile who ignited a fire in the meadow, all the locusts thatwere burned bin the meadow are prohibited.The Gemara asks: bWhat are the circumstancesof this case? bIf we saythat the reason they are prohibited is bthat one nolonger bknows which are kosher and which are non-kosheras a result of their burning, bwhydoes Rav Beruna bspecificallydiscuss a case involving ba gentile? Evenif ba Jewburned the meadow, they would balsobe prohibited for the same reason. bRather,this is referring to a case where all the locusts were kosher, and the prohibition is bdue to the cooking of gentiles,as the locusts were effectively cooked by a gentile.,The Gemara raises an objection: bDoes anyoneactually bprohibitthe cooking of gentiles in ba case like this? But doesn’t Rav Ḥa bar Ami saythat bRabbi Pedat saysthat bRabbi Yoḥa says:With regard to bthis gentile who singed the headof an animal, bit is permitted to eatpart bof it, even from the tip of the ear,which is fully cooked? The Gemara remarks: bEvidently,this is permitted because the gentile merely bintends to remove the hairand not to cook the ears. bHere, too,it ought to be permitted because he merely bintends to clear the meadow,not to cook the locusts.,The Gemara answers: bActually,this is referring to a case where there is a mixture of different types of locusts, and they are prohibited because one does bnot know which are kosher and which are non-kosher. Andthe reason Rav Beruna specified that the case involved a gentile is because bthe incident that occurredhappened to have boccurred withthe involvement of ba gentile. /b,§ The Gemara addresses bthematter bitself: Rabba bar bar Ḥana saysthat bRabbi Yoḥa says:With regard to bthis gentile who singed the headof an animal, it is bpermitted to eatpart bof it, even from the tip of the ear,which is fully cooked. bRavina said: Therefore,with regard to bthis gentile who threwa moist bpeg into the ovenin order to dry it out and harden it, band a Jew hadalready binserted a gourdin the oven bfrom the outset,the gourd is bpermitted,even though it was in effect cooked by a gentile. The reason is that the gentile had no intention to cook the vegetable. The Gemara asks: Isn’t that bobvious?The Gemara answers: It was necessary to teach this, blest you saythat the gentile bintends to cook the vessel,i.e., the peg, by softening it. Therefore Ravina bteaches usthat bhe intendsonly bto harden the vessel. /b,§ The Gemara continues the discussion with regard to the cooking of gentiles by examining the ihalakhaof meat cooked by both a gentile and a Jew. bRav Yehuda saysthat bShmuel says:If ba Jew placed meat uponflaming bcoals and a gentile came and turnedthe meat bover,the meat is bpermitted.The Gemara asks: bWhat are the circumstancesof this case? bIf we say thatit is a case where bifthe gentile bhad not turned overthe meat bit would have cookedanyway, it is bobviousthat the meat is permitted, as the gentile’s actions did not actually alter the food. The Gemara suggests: bRather, is it nota case bwhere, ifthe gentile bhad not turned it over, it would not have cooked?But if so, bwhy is it permitted?In such a case, the meat biscertainly considered to be bthe cooking of gentilesand ought to be prohibited.,The Gemara explains: bNo,it is bnecessaryto teach this ihalakhawith regard to a case bwhere ifthe gentile bhad not turned overthe meat, bit would have cooked in two hours, and nowthat he did turn it over, bit will cook inonly bone hour. Lest you saythat bhastening the cookingprocess bisa significant bmatter,and therefore food whose preparation is expedited by a gentile is prohibited, Ravina bteaches usotherwise.,The Gemara asks: bBut doesn’t Rabbi Asi saythat bRabbi Yoḥa says: Anyitem bthathas been cooked blike the food of ben Derosai,i.e., partially cooked so that it is just about edible, bis not subject tothe prohibition of bthe cooking of gentiles? Consequently,if bit is notcooked blike the food of ben Derosai, it is subject tothe prohibition of bthe cooking of gentiles.Accordingly, meat whose cooking was expedited by a gentile ought to be prohibited, as this ruling includes cases where it had not been cooked like the food of ben Derosai at the time of the gentile’s intervention.,The Gemara answers: bThere,Rabbi Asi was referring to a case bwherethe Jew bhad placedthe meat that was not yet cooked like the food of ben Derosai bin a basketwhere it would not have cooked at all, band a gentile took it and placed it in the oven.Rabbi Asi was teaching that in such a case, when the current cooking process has yet to begin, the meat is prohibited if it had not already been cooked like the food of ben Derosai. By contrast, in the case addressed by Rabbi Yehuda, the meat was already cooking and the gentile’s actions hastened the process, but did not initiate it. In other words, the issue of cooked food like the food of ben Derosai is relevant only if the gentile takes a dish that is not being cooked at present.,The Gemara adds: bThis is also taughtin a ibaraita /i: bA Jew may place meat onhot bcoals andlet ba gentile come and turn it overas necessary buntil the Jew comesback bfrom the synagogue or from the study hall, andthe Jew need bnot be concernedfor the prohibition of eating cooking of gentiles. Similarly, a Jewish bwoman may set a pot upon the stove andlet ba gentile woman come /b
11. Porphyry, On Abstinence, 4.8 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) 4.8. 8.This also is a testimony of their continence, that, though they neither exercised themselves in walking or riding, yet they lived free from disease, and were sufficiently strong for the endurance of modern labours. They bore therefore many burdens in the performance of sacred operations, and accomplished many ministrant works, which required more than common strength. But they divided the night into the observation of the celestial bodies, and sometimes devoted a part of it to offices of purification; and they distributed the day into the worship of the Gods, according to which they celebrated them with hymns thrice or four times, viz. in the morning and evening, when the sun is at his meridian altitude, and when he is declining to the west. The rest of their time they devoted to arithmetical and geometrical speculations, always labouring to effect something, and to make some new discovery, and, in short, continually exercising their skill. In winter nights also they were occupied in the same employments, being vigilantly engaged in literary pursuits, as paying no attention to the acquisition of externals, and being liberated from the servitude of that bad master, excessive expense. Hence their unwearied and incessant labour testifies their endurance, but their continence is manifested by their liberation from the desire of external good. To sail from Egypt likewise, [i.e. to quit Egypt,] was considered by them to be one of the most unholy things, in consequence of their being careful to avoid foreign luxury and pursuits; for this appeared to them to be alone lawful to those who were compelled to do so by regal necessities. Indeed, they were very anxious to continue in the observance of the institutes of their country, and those who were found to have violated them, though but in a small degree were expelled [from the college of the priests]. The |119 true method of philosophizing, likewise, was preserved by the prophets, by the hierostolistae 9, and the sacred scribes, and also by the horologi, or calculators of nativities. But the rest of the priests, and of the pastophori 10, curators of temples, and ministers of the Gods, were similarly studious of purity, yet not so accurately, and with such great continence, as the priests of whom we have been speaking. And such are the particulars which are narrated of the Egyptians, by a man who was a lover of truth, and an accurate writer, and who among the Stoics strenuously and solidly philosophized. SPAN
12. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Al. Sev., 39.3 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)

Subjects of this text:

subject	book bibliographic info
admission fees, as cultural entity	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 41
admission fees, concerns and reservations about	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 146
admission fees, construction and costs	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 55
agricola, gnaeus iulius	Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 279
agricola	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 41, 55
alcohol, as an instrument of empire	Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 191
ambulatio (walking place)	Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 96
anaxagoras	Taylor and Hay, Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (2020) 239
apion	Lieu, Christian Identity in the Jewish and Graeco-Roman World (2004) 107
arabs	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 146
aristides, aelius	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 41, 55
asia, as seen by civilis	Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 191
barbarians	Lieu, Christian Identity in the Jewish and Graeco-Roman World (2004) 108
bathhouses	Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 96
biography	Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 279
body, human	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 146
britain	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 41, 55; Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 279
britons, and romanization	Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 191
byzantine, greek	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 146
byzantine, interaction	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 146
chaeremon the stoic, on the egyptian priests	Taylor and Hay, Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (2020) 239
cicero	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 41
cities, administration/councils, magistrates	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 55
cities, citizens	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 55
cities, layout, buildings, and monuments	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 55
cities	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 41, 146
clothes	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 41
culture	Lieu, Christian Identity in the Jewish and Graeco-Roman World (2004) 108
egypt, jews in	Lieu, Christian Identity in the Jewish and Graeco-Roman World (2004) 107
egypt	Lieu, Christian Identity in the Jewish and Graeco-Roman World (2004) 107
entertainment	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 55
euergetism	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 41
fagan, garret	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 146
families	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 146
forums, imperial	Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 96
gauls, their excessive drinking	Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 191
geography	Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 279
germans, excessive drinking by	Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 191
goudriaan, k.	Lieu, Christian Identity in the Jewish and Graeco-Roman World (2004) 107
historiography	Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 279
imperial rule, its debilitating effect	Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 191
inscriptions	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 55
interior and structure, leisure (pleasures)	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 146
interior and structure, licentious atmosphere	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 146
inversion, tacitean	Gruen, Rethinking the Other in Antiquity (2011) 165
irony, tacitean	Gruen, Rethinking the Other in Antiquity (2011) 165
judaism, as opposed to hellenism	Lieu, Christian Identity in the Jewish and Graeco-Roman World (2004) 108
judaism	Lieu, Christian Identity in the Jewish and Graeco-Roman World (2004) 108
julius caesar, monumental architecture	Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 96
kinship	Lieu, Christian Identity in the Jewish and Graeco-Roman World (2004) 107
language	Lieu, Christian Identity in the Jewish and Graeco-Roman World (2004) 107, 108
latin	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 41
laziness, as german characteristic	Gruen, Rethinking the Other in Antiquity (2011) 165
leisure	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 55
libanius	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 55
love trysts, venues for	Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 96
lycurgus	Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 279
maccabean period	Lieu, Christian Identity in the Jewish and Graeco-Roman World (2004) 108
markets	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 41, 55
martial	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 146
mediterranean, eastern	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 55
mediterranean, roman	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 41, 146
metellus macedonicus	Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 96
mixed (and separate) bathing for men and women	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 146
mixing	Lieu, Christian Identity in the Jewish and Graeco-Roman World (2004) 108
mons graupius, battle of	Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 279
negotium	Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 96
nervii	Gruen, Rethinking the Other in Antiquity (2011) 165
nudity	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 146
numa pompilius	Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 279
octavius, gnaeus	Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 96
octavius, portico of	Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 96
otium	Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 96
palmyra	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 146
paradox, tacitean'	Gruen, Rethinking the Other in Antiquity (2011) 165
pausanias	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 41
petra	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 146
philosophy and philosophers	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 146
pompey, portico of	Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 96
portico of octavius	Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 96
portico of pompey	Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 96
porticos	Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 96
procopius	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 41
proportion	Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 96
roman civilization, empire and emperors	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 41, 55, 146
roman civilization, government	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 55
roman civilization, imperialism	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 41, 55
roman civilization, republic	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 41
roman civilization	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 146
roman provinces governors, magistrates, and provincials	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 41
romance, venues for	Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 96
romanitas	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 41
romanization, by tacitus	Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 191
romanization, its corrupting effects	Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 191
romanization	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 41, 55
rome	Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 279
rome (city)	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 41, 146
rome and romans, and germans	Gruen, Rethinking the Other in Antiquity (2011) 165
romulus	Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 279
sartre, maurice	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 146
scipio nasica	Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 96
scriptores historiae augustae	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 41
seneca the younger	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 146
sex and sexual activities (in the baths)	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 146
society, elites	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 55
spain (hispania)	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 146
sparta	Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 279
sports and exercise	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 146
syrians, as seen by civilis	Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 191
tacitus, germania	Gruen, Rethinking the Other in Antiquity (2011) 165
tacitus, on the britons, on the debilitating effects of peace, wealth, and imperial rule	Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 191
tacitus, publius cornelius	Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 279
tacitus	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 41, 55
temples and sanctuaries	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 41, 55
theseus	Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 279
trajan	Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 279
trinobantes	Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 191
villas	Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 41
wealth, as cause of collective deterioration	Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 191