1. Polybius, Histories, 31.11-31.12 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
| 31.11. 1. At this time when the news arrived of the calamity that had happened to Gnaeus Octavius,,2. how he had been assassinated, and when the envoys sent by Lysias on behalf of King Antiochus appeared and were profuse in their assurances that the friends of the king had had no part in the deed,,3. the senate paid scant attention to the embassy, not wishing to pronounce any decision on the matter or to express in any manner their opinion.,4. But Demetrius, excited by the news, at once sent for Polybius and submitted to him his doubt as to whether or not he should address the senate again on the question of his own situation.,5. Polybius begged him not to stumble twice on the same stone, but to trust in himself and take some bold course worthy of a throne; for, he said, there were many opportunities for action suggested by the present situation.,6. Demetrius understood this advice and held his peace for the present, but shortly afterwards communicated with one of his intimate friends, Apollonius, about the same matter.,7. This man, being of an unsuspecting character and quite young, advised him to try the senate once more, for he felt sure, that as they had unjustly deprived him of his kingdom, they would at least release him from his position as hostage,,8. since it was quite unreasonable that now, when the young Antiochus had succeeded to the throne of Syria, Demetrius should serve as hostage for him.,9. Persuaded by this reasoning Demetrius again appeared before the senate and begged the house to release him at least from his obligation as hostage, as they had decided to secure the throne to Antiochus.,10. After he had spoken at some length in this sense, the senate adhered to its original resolve, as was only to be expected.,11. For on the former occasion it was not because Demetrius was not right in what he said that they had decided to keep the young king on the throne, but because it suited their own interest.,12. And as the conditions remained the same, it was to be expected that the decision of the senate should be based on the same policy. 31.12. 1. But Demetrius, having sung his swan's song in vain and recognizing the soundness of Polybius's advice not to stumble twice on the same stone,,2. repented of what he had done, but, being naturally high-spirited and having courage adequate to carry out his designs, at once called Diodorus who had recently arrived from Syria and informed him of his position.,3. Diodorus had been the foster-father of Demetrius; he was an able man and had carefully studied the situation in Syria, and he now pointed out to Demetrius that since great disturbance prevailed there owing to the murder of Octavius, since Lysias and the populace mutually distrusted each other, and since the senate was convinced that the outrage on their envoys had been due to the king's friends, the time was very favourable for his appearing suddenly on the scene.,5. For the Syrians would at once transfer the crown to him, even if he appeared accompanied only by a single slave, while the senate would not go so far as to help and support Lysias after his conduct.,6. All that remained then was to escape from Rome secretly without anyone having any notion of his plan.,7. Having come to this decision, Demetrius sent for Polybius and communicated the project to him, begging him to assist him in it and join him in planning the best means of escape.,8. At that time it happened that there was a certain Menyllus of Alabanda present, on an embassy from the elder Ptolemy, with the object of confronting and answering the younger Ptolemy. Polybius had long been intimate with this Menyllus, and had great confidence in him.,9. So that, thinking him to be the proper person to engage in the present service, he introduced him to Demetrius, recommending him very cordially and warmly.,10. Menyllus consented to take part in the project, and engaged to have a ship ready and to provide all else that was required for the voyage.,11. Finding a Carthaginian ship that had carried sacred offerings anchored at the mouth of the Tiber, he hired it.,12. Such ships were specially selected at Carthage for the conveyance of the traditional offering of first-fruits to their gods that the Carthaginians send to Tyre. Menyllus chartered her openly to convey himself home;,13. so that he could without any suspicion send on board a month's stock of provisions and could speak openly to the ship's officers and make arrangements with them. |
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2. Septuagint, 1 Maccabees, 1.29, 3.32-3.33, 4.35, 4.61, 6.16-6.17, 6.20, 6.26, 7.1-7.4 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
| 1.29. Two years later the king sent to the cities of Judah a chief collector of tribute, and he came to Jerusalem with a large force. 3.32. He left Lysias, a distinguished man of royal lineage, in charge of the kings affairs from the river Euphrates to the borders of Egypt. 3.33. Lysias was also to take care of Antiochus his son until he returned. 4.35. And when Lysias saw the rout of his troops and observed the boldness which inspired those of Judas, and how ready they were either to live or to die nobly, he departed to Antioch and enlisted mercenaries, to invade Judea again with an even larger army. 4.61. And he stationed a garrison there to hold it. He also fortified Beth-zur, so that the people might have a stronghold that faced Idumea. 6.16. Thus Antiochus the king died there in the one hundred and forty-ninth year. 6.17. And when Lysias learned that the king was dead, he set up Antiochus the kings son to reign. Lysias had brought him up as a boy, and he named him Eupator. 6.20. They gathered together and besieged the citadel in the one hundred and fiftieth year; and he built siege towers and other engines of war. 6.26. And behold, today they have encamped against the citadel in Jerusalem to take it; they have fortified both the sanctuary and Beth-zur; 7.1. In the one hundred and fifty-first year Demetrius the son of Seleucus set forth from Rome, sailed with a few men to a city by the sea, and there began to reign. 7.2. As he was entering the royal palace of his fathers, the army seized Antiochus and Lysias to bring them to him. 7.3. But when this act became known to him, he said, "Do not let me see their faces! 7.4. So the army killed them, and Demetrius took his seat upon the throne of his kingdom. |
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3. Septuagint, 2 Maccabees, 1.1-2.18, 2.20, 3, 3.1, 3.1-4.6, 3.2, 3.3, 3.4, 3.5, 3.6, 3.7, 3.8, 3.9, 3.10, 3.11, 3.12, 3.13, 3.14, 3.15, 3.16, 3.17, 3.18, 3.19, 3.20, 3.21, 3.22, 3.23, 3.24, 3.25, 3.26, 3.27, 3.28, 3.29, 3.30, 3.31, 3.32, 3.33, 3.34, 3.35, 3.36, 3.37, 3.38, 3.39, 3.40, 4.1, 4.2, 4.3, 4.4, 4.5, 4.6, 4.7, 4.8, 4.9, 4.10, 4.11, 4.12, 4.13, 4.14, 4.15, 5.21, 5.24, 6.1, 6.18-7.42, 7.2, 7.42, 8.23, 9, 9.8, 9.9, 9.10, 9.15, 10, 10.4, 10.9, 10.10, 10.11, 10.34, 10.35, 10.36, 11, 11.1, 11.5, 11.13, 11.21, 11.33, 11.38, 12, 13, 13.2, 13.3, 13.4, 13.5, 13.6, 13.7, 13.8, 13.9, 13.10, 13.11, 13.12, 13.13, 13.14, 13.15, 13.16, 13.17, 13.18, 13.19, 13.20, 13.21, 13.22, 13.23, 13.24, 13.25, 13.26, 14.1, 14.1-15.36, 14.2, 14.21, 14.25, 14.27, 14.28, 15.37 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
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4. Babylonian Talmud, Taanit, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)
18b. מותרין בהספד ותענית אימת אילימא בני חמיסר וקא קרו ליה בארביסר ומי שרי,והכתיב במגילת תענית יום ארבעה עשר בו ויום חמשה עשר בו יומי פוריא אינון דלא למיספד בהון ואמר רבא לא נצרכא אלא לאסור את של זה בזה ואת של זה בזה,ואלא בני ארביסר וקא קרי ליה בתליסר יום ניקנור הוא ואלא בני ארביסר וקא קרי ליה בתריסר יום טוריינוס הוא,אלא לאו דקא קרו ליה בחדיסר וקתני מותר בהספד ובתענית,לא בני ארבעה עשר וקא קרו ליה בתריסר ודקאמרת יום טריינוס הוא יום טריינוס גופיה בטולי בטלוהו הואיל ונהרגו בו שמעיה ואחיה אחיו כי הא דרב נחמן גזר תעניתא בתריסר אמרו ליה רבנן יום טוריינוס הוא אמר להו יום טוריינוס גופיה בטולי בטלוהו הואיל ונהרגו בו שמעיה ואחיה אחיו,ותיפוק ליה דהוה ליה יום שלפני ניקנור אמר רב אשי השתא איהו גופיה בטלוהו משום יום ניקנור ניקום ונגזר,מאי ניקנור ומאי טוריינוס דתניא ניקנור אחד מאפרכי יוונים היה ובכל יום ויום היה מניף ידו על יהודה וירושלים ואומר אימתי תפול בידי וארמסנה וכשגברה מלכות בית חשמונאי ונצחום קצצו בהונות ידיו ורגליו ותלאום בשערי ירושלים ואמרו פה שהיה מדבר בגאוה וידים שהיו מניפות על ירושלים תעשה בהם נקמה,מאי טוריינוס אמרו כשבקש טוריינוס להרוג את לולינוס ופפוס אחיו בלודקיא אמר להם אם מעמו של חנניה מישאל ועזריה אתם יבא אלהיכם ויציל אתכם מידי כדרך שהציל את חנניה מישאל ועזריה מיד נבוכדנצר אמרו לו חנניה מישאל ועזריה צדיקים גמורין היו וראויין היו ליעשות להם נס ונבוכדנצר מלך הגון היה וראוי ליעשות נס על ידו,ואותו רשע הדיוט הוא ואינו ראוי ליעשות נס על ידו ואנו נתחייבנו כליה למקום ואם אין אתה הורגנו הרבה הורגים יש לו למקום והרבה דובין ואריות יש לו למקום בעולמו שפוגעין בנו והורגין אותנו אלא לא מסרנו הקדוש ברוך הוא בידך אלא שעתיד ליפרע דמינו מידך,אעפ"כ הרגן מיד אמרו לא זזו משם עד שבאו דיופלי מרומי ופצעו את מוחו בגיזרין:,אין גוזרין תענית על הצבור בתחלה בחמישי כו' אין גוזרין תענית בראשי חדשים כו': וכמה הויא התחלה רב אחא אמר שלש רבי אסי אמר אחת,אמר רב יהודה אמר רב זו דברי רבי מאיר שאמר משום רבן (שמעון בן) גמליאל אבל חכמים אומרים מתענה ומשלים דרש מר זוטרא משמיה דרב הונא הלכה מתענה ומשלים:, br br big strongהדרן עלך סדר תעניות כיצד /strong /big br br,מתני׳ big strongסדר /strong /big תעניות אלו האמור ברביעה ראשונה אבל צמחים ששנו מתריעין עליהן מיד וכן שפסקו גשמים בין גשם לגשם ארבעים יום מתריעין עליהן מפני שהיא מכת בצורת,ירדו לצמחין אבל לא ירדו לאילן לאילן ולא לצמחין לזה ולזה אבל לא לבורות לשיחין ולמערות מתריעין עליהן מיד וכן עיר שלא ירדו עליה גשמים דכתיב (עמוס ד, ז) והמטרתי על עיר אחת ועל עיר אחת לא אמטיר חלקה אחת תמטר וגו' | 18b. as the Sages decreed that in certain places one may read the Scroll of Esther on the eleventh, twelfth, or thirteenth of Adar, nevertheless, it is bpermitted to eulogize and faston these days. The Gemara clarifies: bWhendoes this ruling apply? bIf we saythat it applies to bthosein walled cities, who normally read the scroll on the bfifteenthof Adar bandyet this year bthey read it on the fourteenth,a day on which they normally are permitted to fast and eulogize, bbutthis cannot be the case, as bare they permittedto fast and eulogize at all on these days?, bBut isn’t it written in iMegillat Ta’anit /i: The day of the fourteenth ofAdar band the day of the fifteenth ofAdar bare the days of Purim, on which eulogizing is prohibited. And Rava said:Since these days are already mentioned in the Bible (Esther 9:18–19), it bis necessaryto state this ihalakhain iMegillat Ta’anit bonly to prohibitthose living bin thesewalled cities from fasting and eulogizing bon thisdate, the fourteenth, and those living bin thesenon-walled cities from fasting and eulogizing bon this date,the fifteenth.,The Gemara continues its explanation of the difficulty. bBut rather,the mishna must be referring to bthosewho normally read on the bfourteenthof Adar, bbut who readthe Scroll of Esther early, bon the thirteenth.However, it is already prohibited to fast on the thirteenth, as bit is Nicanor’s Day,which is a commemorative day in its own right. bBut rather,you will say that the mishna is referring to bthoseresidents of cities who normally read on bthe fourteenth, but who read itearly that year, bon the twelfth;however, the twelfth of Adar is also a commemorative day, as bit is Trajan’s Day. /b, bRather, isn’tthe mishna referring to a case bwhere they readthe Scroll of Esther bon the eleventhof Adar, bandnevertheless that mishna bteachesthat it is bpermitted to eulogize and faston this day, despite the fact that it is the day before Trajan’s Day? The opinion in this unattributed mishna is not in accordance with that of Rabbi Yosei, which means that there is a contradiction between the two statements of Rabbi Yoḥa.,The Gemara answers: bNo;the mishna is actually referring to bthosewho normally read bon the fourteenth, but who read itthat year bon the twelfthof Adar. bAndwith regard to bthat which you said,that bit is Trajan’s Day, Trajan’s Day itself was annulledand is no longer celebrated, bsince Shemaya and his brother Aḥiya were killed on thatday. We learn this bas inthe incident bwhen Rav Naḥman decreed a fast on the twelfthof Adar and bthe Sages said to him: It is Trajan’s Day. He said to them: Trajan’s Day itself was annulled, since Shemaya and his brother Aḥiya were killed on thatday.,The Gemara asks: bAnd let him derivethat fasting on the twelfth is prohibited in any case, bas it is the day before Nicanor’sDay. bRav Ashi said: Nowthat with regard to Trajan’s Day bitself, they annulled it, will wethen barise and issue a decreenot to fast on this date bdue tothe following day, bNicanor’sDay?,In relation to the above, the Gemara inquires: bWhat isthe origin of bNicanor’sDay band what isthe origin of bTrajan’sDay? bAs it is taughtin a ibaraita /i: bNicanor was one of the generals [ iiparkhei /i]in the bGreekarmy, band each and every day he would wave his hand over Judea and Jerusalem and say: When willthis city bfall into my hands, and I shall trample it? And when the Hasmonean monarchy overcamethe Greeks band emerged victorious over them,they killed Nicanor in battle, bcut off his thumbs and big toes, and hung them on the gates of Jerusalem, saying: The mouth that spoke with pride, and the hands that waved over Jerusalem, may vengeance be taken against them.This occurred on the thirteenth of Adar., bWhat isthe origin of bTrajan’sDay? bThey saidin explanation: bWhen Trajan sought to killthe important leaders bLuleyanus and his brother Pappas in Laodicea, he said to them: If you are from the nation of Haiah, Mishael, and Azariah, let your God come and save you from my hand, just as He saved Haiah, Mishael, and Azariah from the hand of Nebuchadnezzar.Luleyanus and Pappas bsaid to him: Haiah, Mishael, and Azariah were full-fledged righteouspeople, band they were worthy that a miracleshould be bperformed for them, and Nebuchadnezzar was a legitimate kingwho rose to power through his merit, band it is fitting that a miraclebe performed bthrough him. /b, bBut this wickedman, Trajan, bis a commoner,not a real king, band it is not fitting that a miraclebe performed bthrough him.Luleyanus and Pappas continued: bAndwe are not wholly righteous, band have been condemned to destruction by the Omnipresentfor our sins. bAnd if you do not kill us, the Omnipresent has many other executioners. Andif men do not kill us, bthe Omnipresent has many bears and lions in His world thatcan bhurt us and kill us. Instead, the Holy One, Blessed be He, placed us into your hands only so that He will avenge our blood in the future. /b, bEven so,Trajan remained unmoved by their response and bkilled them immediately. It is saidthat bthey had not moved fromthe place of execution bwhen two officials [ idiyoflei /i] arrived from Romewith permission to remove Trajan from power, band they split his skull with clubs.This was viewed as an act of divine retribution and was established as a commemorative day.,§ The mishna taught: bOne may not decree a fast on the community starting on a Thursday,so as not to cause prices to rise. Furthermore, bone may not decree a fast on New Moons,on Hanukkah, or on Purim. However, if one began a set of fasts, one does not interrupt the sequence for these days. The Gemara asks: bAnd how manyfasts bareconsidered ba beginning? Rav Aḥa said:If one fasted bthreefasts before the festive day. bRabbi Asi said:Even if one fasted bonefast before it., bRav Yehuda saidthat bRav said: This ihalakhaof the mishna that a fast that occurs on a festival is not observed, bis the statement of Rabbi Meir, who saidit bin the name of Rabban Gamliel. However, the Rabbis say:If a communal fast occurs on one of these days, one must bfast and completethe fast until nightfall. bMar Zutra taught in the name of Rav Huna:The practical ihalakha /iis in accordance with the opinion of the Rabbis, that one bfasts and completeshis fast until nightfall.,, strongMISHNA: /strong bThe order of these fastsof increasing severity, as explained in Chapter One, bis statedonly bina case when bthe first rainfallhas not materialized. bHowever,if there is bvegetation thatgrew and its appearance bchangeddue to disease, the court does not wait at all; bthey cry out about it immediately. And likewise, if rain ceasedfor a period of bforty daysbetween bone rainfall and another, they cry out about it because it is a plague of drought. /b,If sufficient rain bfell for the vegetation but notenough bfell for the trees;or if it was enough bfor the trees but not for the vegetation;or if sufficient rain fell bfor both this and that,i.e., vegetation and trees, bbut notenough btofill the bcisterns, ditches, and caveswith water to last the summer, bthey cry out about it immediately. And likewise,if there is a particular bcity upon which it did not rain,while the surrounding area did receive rain, this is considered a divine curse, bas it is written: “And I caused it to rain upon one city, but caused it not to rain upon another city; one piece was rained upon,and the portion upon which it did not rain withered” (Amos 4:7). |
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