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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database

Septuagint, 2 Maccabees, 10.10

nanNow we will tell what took place under Antiochus Eupator, who was the son of that ungodly man, and will give a brief summary of the principal calamities of the wars.'

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8 results
1. Polybius, Histories, 31.11-31.12 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)

31.11. 1.  At this time when the news arrived of the calamity that had happened to Gnaeus Octavius,,2.  how he had been assassinated, and when the envoys sent by Lysias on behalf of King Antiochus appeared and were profuse in their assurances that the friends of the king had had no part in the deed,,3.  the senate paid scant attention to the embassy, not wishing to pronounce any decision on the matter or to express in any manner their opinion.,4.  But Demetrius, excited by the news, at once sent for Polybius and submitted to him his doubt as to whether or not he should address the senate again on the question of his own situation.,5.  Polybius begged him not to stumble twice on the same stone, but to trust in himself and take some bold course worthy of a throne; for, he said, there were many opportunities for action suggested by the present situation.,6.  Demetrius understood this advice and held his peace for the present, but shortly afterwards communicated with one of his intimate friends, Apollonius, about the same matter.,7.  This man, being of an unsuspecting character and quite young, advised him to try the senate once more, for he felt sure, that as they had unjustly deprived him of his kingdom, they would at least release him from his position as hostage,,8.  since it was quite unreasonable that now, when the young Antiochus had succeeded to the throne of Syria, Demetrius should serve as hostage for him.,9.  Persuaded by this reasoning Demetrius again appeared before the senate and begged the house to release him at least from his obligation as hostage, as they had decided to secure the throne to Antiochus.,10.  After he had spoken at some length in this sense, the senate adhered to its original resolve, as was only to be expected.,11.  For on the former occasion it was not because Demetrius was not right in what he said that they had decided to keep the young king on the throne, but because it suited their own interest.,12.  And as the conditions remained the same, it was to be expected that the decision of the senate should be based on the same policy. 31.12. 1.  But Demetrius, having sung his swan's song in vain and recognizing the soundness of Polybius's advice not to stumble twice on the same stone,,2.  repented of what he had done, but, being naturally high-spirited and having courage adequate to carry out his designs, at once called Diodorus who had recently arrived from Syria and informed him of his position.,3.  Diodorus had been the foster-father of Demetrius; he was an able man and had carefully studied the situation in Syria, and he now pointed out to Demetrius that since great disturbance prevailed there owing to the murder of Octavius, since Lysias and the populace mutually distrusted each other, and since the senate was convinced that the outrage on their envoys had been due to the king's friends, the time was very favourable for his appearing suddenly on the scene.,5.  For the Syrians would at once transfer the crown to him, even if he appeared accompanied only by a single slave, while the senate would not go so far as to help and support Lysias after his conduct.,6.  All that remained then was to escape from Rome secretly without anyone having any notion of his plan.,7.  Having come to this decision, Demetrius sent for Polybius and communicated the project to him, begging him to assist him in it and join him in planning the best means of escape.,8.  At that time it happened that there was a certain Menyllus of Alabanda present, on an embassy from the elder Ptolemy, with the object of confronting and answering the younger Ptolemy. Polybius had long been intimate with this Menyllus, and had great confidence in him.,9.  So that, thinking him to be the proper person to engage in the present service, he introduced him to Demetrius, recommending him very cordially and warmly.,10.  Menyllus consented to take part in the project, and engaged to have a ship ready and to provide all else that was required for the voyage.,11.  Finding a Carthaginian ship that had carried sacred offerings anchored at the mouth of the Tiber, he hired it.,12.  Such ships were specially selected at Carthage for the conveyance of the traditional offering of first-fruits to their gods that the Carthaginians send to Tyre. Menyllus chartered her openly to convey himself home;,13.  so that he could without any suspicion send on board a month's stock of provisions and could speak openly to the ship's officers and make arrangements with them.
2. Septuagint, 1 Maccabees, 2.42-2.48, 2.65, 3.32-3.33, 5.26, 5.54, 5.62, 6.20, 6.55-6.63, 7.1, 7.3-7.4, 10.51-10.58, 11.1-11.13, 11.18 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)

2.42. Then there united with them a company of Hasideans, mighty warriors of Israel, every one who offered himself willingly for the law. 2.43. And all who became fugitives to escape their troubles joined them and reinforced them. 2.44. They organized an army, and struck down sinners in their anger and lawless men in their wrath; the survivors fled to the Gentiles for safety. 2.45. And Mattathias and his friends went about and tore down the altars; 2.46. they forcibly circumcised all the uncircumcised boys that they found within the borders of Israel. 2.47. They hunted down the arrogant men, and the work prospered in their hands. 2.48. They rescued the law out of the hands of the Gentiles and kings, and they never let the sinner gain the upper hand. 2.65. Now behold, I know that Simeon your brother is wise in counsel; always listen to him; he shall be your father. 3.32. He left Lysias, a distinguished man of royal lineage, in charge of the kings affairs from the river Euphrates to the borders of Egypt. 3.33. Lysias was also to take care of Antiochus his son until he returned. 5.26. Many of them have been shut up in Bozrah and Bosor, in Alema and Chaspho, Maked and Carnaim" -- all these cities were strong and large-- 5.54. So they went up to Mount Zion with gladness and joy, and offered burnt offerings, because not one of them had fallen before they returned in safety. 5.62. But they did not belong to the family of those men through whom deliverance was given to Israel. 6.20. They gathered together and besieged the citadel in the one hundred and fiftieth year; and he built siege towers and other engines of war. 6.55. Then Lysias heard that Philip, whom King Antiochus while still living had appointed to bring up Antiochus his son to be king 6.56. had returned from Persia and Media with the forces that had gone with the king, and that he was trying to seize control of the government. 6.57. So he quickly gave orders to depart, and said to the king, to the commanders of the forces, and to the men, "We daily grow weaker, our food supply is scant, the place against which we are fighting is strong, and the affairs of the kingdom press urgently upon us. 6.58. Now then let us come to terms with these men, and make peace with them and with all their nation 6.59. and agree to let them live by their laws as they did before; for it was on account of their laws which we abolished that they became angry and did all these things. 6.60. The speech pleased the king and the commanders, and he sent to the Jews an offer of peace, and they accepted it. 6.61. So the king and the commanders gave them their oath. On these conditions the Jews evacuated the stronghold. 6.62. But when the king entered Mount Zion and saw what a strong fortress the place was, he broke the oath he had sworn and gave orders to tear down the wall all around. 6.63. Then he departed with haste and returned to Antioch. He found Philip in control of the city, but he fought against him, and took the city by force. 7.1. In the one hundred and fifty-first year Demetrius the son of Seleucus set forth from Rome, sailed with a few men to a city by the sea, and there began to reign. 7.3. But when this act became known to him, he said, "Do not let me see their faces! 7.4. So the army killed them, and Demetrius took his seat upon the throne of his kingdom. 10.51. Then Alexander sent ambassadors to Ptolemy king of Egypt with the following message: 10.52. Since I have returned to my kingdom and have taken my seat on the throne of my fathers, and established my rule -- for I crushed Demetrius and gained control of our country; 10.53. I met him in battle, and he and his army were crushed by us, and we have taken our seat on the throne of his kingdom -- 10.54. now therefore let us establish friendship with one another; give me now your daughter as my wife, and I will become your son-in-law, and will make gifts to you and to her in keeping with your position. 10.55. Ptolemy the king replied and said, "Happy was the day on which you returned to the land of your fathers and took your seat on the throne of their kingdom. 10.56. And now I will do for you as you wrote, but meet me at Ptolemais, so that we may see one another, and I will become your father-in-law, as you have said. 10.57. So Ptolemy set out from Egypt, he and Cleopatra his daughter, and came to Ptolemais in the one hundred and sixty-second year. 10.58. Alexander the king met him, and Ptolemy gave him Cleopatra his daughter in marriage, and celebrated her wedding at Ptolemais with great pomp, as kings do. 11.1. Then the king of Egypt gathered great forces, like the sand by the seashore, and many ships; and he tried to get possession of Alexanders kingdom by trickery and add it to his own kingdom. 11.2. He set out for Syria with peaceable words, and the people of the cities opened their gates to him and went to meet him, for Alexander the king had commanded them to meet him, since he was Alexanders father-in-law. 11.3. But when Ptolemy entered the cities he stationed forces as a garrison in each city. 11.4. When he approached Azotus, they showed him the temple of Dagon burned down, and Azotus and its suburbs destroyed, and the corpses lying about, and the charred bodies of those whom Jonathan had burned in the war, for they had piled them in heaps along his route. 11.5. They also told the king what Jonathan had done, to throw blame on him; but the king kept silent. 11.6. Jonathan met the king at Joppa with pomp, and they greeted one another and spent the night there. 11.7. And Jonathan went with the king as far as the river called Eleutherus; then he returned to Jerusalem. 11.8. So King Ptolemy gained control of the coastal cities as far as Seleucia by the sea, and he kept devising evil designs against Alexander. 11.9. He sent envoys to Demetrius the king, saying, "Come, let us make a covet with each other, and I will give you in marriage my daughter who was Alexanders wife, and you shall reign over your fathers kingdom. 11.10. For I now regret that I gave him my daughter, for he has tried to kill me. 11.11. He threw blame on Alexander because he coveted his kingdom. 11.12. So he took his daughter away from him and gave her to Demetrius. He was estranged from Alexander, and their enmity became manifest. 11.13. Then Ptolemy entered Antioch and put on the crown of Asia. Thus he put two crowns upon his head, the crown of Egypt and that of Asia. 11.18. But King Ptolemy died three days later, and his troops in the strongholds were killed by the inhabitants of the strongholds.
3. Septuagint, 2 Maccabees, 1.1-2.18, 1.18, 2.20, 2.23, 2.24, 2.25, 2.28, 3, 3.1, 3.1-4.6, 3.2, 3.3, 3.4, 3.5, 3.6, 3.7, 3.8, 3.9, 3.10, 3.11, 3.12, 3.13, 3.14, 3.15, 3.16, 3.17, 3.18, 3.19, 3.20, 3.21, 3.22, 3.23, 3.24, 3.25, 3.26, 3.27, 3.28, 3.29, 3.30, 3.31, 3.32, 3.33, 3.34, 3.35, 3.36, 3.37, 3.38, 3.39, 3.40, 4.1, 4.2, 4.3, 4.4, 4.5, 4.6, 4.7, 4.8, 4.9, 4.10, 4.11, 4.12, 4.13, 4.14, 4.15, 4.21, 4.23, 4.30, 4.31, 4.32, 4.33, 4.34, 4.35, 4.36, 4.37, 4.38, 4.45, 5.2, 5.3, 5.4, 5.21, 5.27, 6.1, 6.4, 6.5, 6.18-7.42, 7.2, 7.42, 8.1, 8.5, 8.6, 8.7, 8.8, 8.11, 8.23, 8.24, 8.25, 8.26, 8.33, 9, 9.7, 9.8, 9.11, 9.23, 9.25, 9.29, 10, 10.1, 10.2, 10.3, 10.4, 10.5, 10.6, 10.7, 10.8, 10.9, 10.11, 10.29, 10.30, 10.37, 11, 11.1, 11.8, 11.17, 11.21, 11.33, 11.38, 12, 12.10, 12.16, 12.17, 12.22, 12.29, 12.36, 13, 13.1, 13.2, 13.8, 13.9, 13.23, 13.25, 13.26, 14.1, 14.1-15.36, 14.2, 14.15, 14.27, 14.33, 15.27, 15.37, 15.38 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)

4. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 12.358-12.359 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

12.358. Whence one may wonder at Polybius of Megalopolis, who, though otherwise a good man, yet saith that “Antiochus died because he had a purpose to plunder the temple of Diana in Persia;” for the purposing to do a thing, but not actually doing it, is not worthy of punishment. 12.359. But if Polybius could think that Antiochus thus lost his life on that account, it is much more probable that this king died on account of his sacrilegious plundering of the temple at Jerusalem. But we will not contend about this matter with those who may think that the cause assigned by this Polybius of Megalopolis is nearer the truth than that assigned by us.
5. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 5.19 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

5.19. And now, “O most wretched city, what misery so great as this didst thou suffer from the Romans, when they came to purify thee from thy intestine hatred! For thou couldst be no longer a place fit for God, nor couldst thou long continue in being, after thou hadst been a sepulchre for the bodies of thy own people, and hadst made the holy house itself a burying-place in this civil war of thine. Yet mayst thou again grow better, if perchance thou wilt hereafter appease the anger of that God who is the author of thy destruction.” 5.19. 2. Now, for the works that were above these foundations, these were not unworthy of such foundations; for all the cloisters were double, and the pillars to them belonging were twenty-five cubits in height, and supported the cloisters. These pillars were of one entire stone each of them, and that stone was white marble;
6. New Testament, Acts, 12.23 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

12.23. Immediately an angel of the Lord struck him, because he didn't give God the glory, and he was eaten by worms, and he died.
7. Babylonian Talmud, Taanit, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

18b. מותרין בהספד ותענית אימת אילימא בני חמיסר וקא קרו ליה בארביסר ומי שרי,והכתיב במגילת תענית יום ארבעה עשר בו ויום חמשה עשר בו יומי פוריא אינון דלא למיספד בהון ואמר רבא לא נצרכא אלא לאסור את של זה בזה ואת של זה בזה,ואלא בני ארביסר וקא קרי ליה בתליסר יום ניקנור הוא ואלא בני ארביסר וקא קרי ליה בתריסר יום טוריינוס הוא,אלא לאו דקא קרו ליה בחדיסר וקתני מותר בהספד ובתענית,לא בני ארבעה עשר וקא קרו ליה בתריסר ודקאמרת יום טריינוס הוא יום טריינוס גופיה בטולי בטלוהו הואיל ונהרגו בו שמעיה ואחיה אחיו כי הא דרב נחמן גזר תעניתא בתריסר אמרו ליה רבנן יום טוריינוס הוא אמר להו יום טוריינוס גופיה בטולי בטלוהו הואיל ונהרגו בו שמעיה ואחיה אחיו,ותיפוק ליה דהוה ליה יום שלפני ניקנור אמר רב אשי השתא איהו גופיה בטלוהו משום יום ניקנור ניקום ונגזר,מאי ניקנור ומאי טוריינוס דתניא ניקנור אחד מאפרכי יוונים היה ובכל יום ויום היה מניף ידו על יהודה וירושלים ואומר אימתי תפול בידי וארמסנה וכשגברה מלכות בית חשמונאי ונצחום קצצו בהונות ידיו ורגליו ותלאום בשערי ירושלים ואמרו פה שהיה מדבר בגאוה וידים שהיו מניפות על ירושלים תעשה בהם נקמה,מאי טוריינוס אמרו כשבקש טוריינוס להרוג את לולינוס ופפוס אחיו בלודקיא אמר להם אם מעמו של חנניה מישאל ועזריה אתם יבא אלהיכם ויציל אתכם מידי כדרך שהציל את חנניה מישאל ועזריה מיד נבוכדנצר אמרו לו חנניה מישאל ועזריה צדיקים גמורין היו וראויין היו ליעשות להם נס ונבוכדנצר מלך הגון היה וראוי ליעשות נס על ידו,ואותו רשע הדיוט הוא ואינו ראוי ליעשות נס על ידו ואנו נתחייבנו כליה למקום ואם אין אתה הורגנו הרבה הורגים יש לו למקום והרבה דובין ואריות יש לו למקום בעולמו שפוגעין בנו והורגין אותנו אלא לא מסרנו הקדוש ברוך הוא בידך אלא שעתיד ליפרע דמינו מידך,אעפ"כ הרגן מיד אמרו לא זזו משם עד שבאו דיופלי מרומי ופצעו את מוחו בגיזרין:,אין גוזרין תענית על הצבור בתחלה בחמישי כו' אין גוזרין תענית בראשי חדשים כו': וכמה הויא התחלה רב אחא אמר שלש רבי אסי אמר אחת,אמר רב יהודה אמר רב זו דברי רבי מאיר שאמר משום רבן (שמעון בן) גמליאל אבל חכמים אומרים מתענה ומשלים דרש מר זוטרא משמיה דרב הונא הלכה מתענה ומשלים:, br br big strongהדרן עלך סדר תעניות כיצד /strong /big br br,מתני׳ big strongסדר /strong /big תעניות אלו האמור ברביעה ראשונה אבל צמחים ששנו מתריעין עליהן מיד וכן שפסקו גשמים בין גשם לגשם ארבעים יום מתריעין עליהן מפני שהיא מכת בצורת,ירדו לצמחין אבל לא ירדו לאילן לאילן ולא לצמחין לזה ולזה אבל לא לבורות לשיחין ולמערות מתריעין עליהן מיד וכן עיר שלא ירדו עליה גשמים דכתיב (עמוס ד, ז) והמטרתי על עיר אחת ועל עיר אחת לא אמטיר חלקה אחת תמטר וגו' 18b. as the Sages decreed that in certain places one may read the Scroll of Esther on the eleventh, twelfth, or thirteenth of Adar, nevertheless, it is bpermitted to eulogize and faston these days. The Gemara clarifies: bWhendoes this ruling apply? bIf we saythat it applies to bthosein walled cities, who normally read the scroll on the bfifteenthof Adar bandyet this year bthey read it on the fourteenth,a day on which they normally are permitted to fast and eulogize, bbutthis cannot be the case, as bare they permittedto fast and eulogize at all on these days?, bBut isn’t it written in iMegillat Ta’anit /i: The day of the fourteenth ofAdar band the day of the fifteenth ofAdar bare the days of Purim, on which eulogizing is prohibited. And Rava said:Since these days are already mentioned in the Bible (Esther 9:18–19), it bis necessaryto state this ihalakhain iMegillat Ta’anit bonly to prohibitthose living bin thesewalled cities from fasting and eulogizing bon thisdate, the fourteenth, and those living bin thesenon-walled cities from fasting and eulogizing bon this date,the fifteenth.,The Gemara continues its explanation of the difficulty. bBut rather,the mishna must be referring to bthosewho normally read on the bfourteenthof Adar, bbut who readthe Scroll of Esther early, bon the thirteenth.However, it is already prohibited to fast on the thirteenth, as bit is Nicanor’s Day,which is a commemorative day in its own right. bBut rather,you will say that the mishna is referring to bthoseresidents of cities who normally read on bthe fourteenth, but who read itearly that year, bon the twelfth;however, the twelfth of Adar is also a commemorative day, as bit is Trajan’s Day. /b, bRather, isn’tthe mishna referring to a case bwhere they readthe Scroll of Esther bon the eleventhof Adar, bandnevertheless that mishna bteachesthat it is bpermitted to eulogize and faston this day, despite the fact that it is the day before Trajan’s Day? The opinion in this unattributed mishna is not in accordance with that of Rabbi Yosei, which means that there is a contradiction between the two statements of Rabbi Yoḥa.,The Gemara answers: bNo;the mishna is actually referring to bthosewho normally read bon the fourteenth, but who read itthat year bon the twelfthof Adar. bAndwith regard to bthat which you said,that bit is Trajan’s Day, Trajan’s Day itself was annulledand is no longer celebrated, bsince Shemaya and his brother Aḥiya were killed on thatday. We learn this bas inthe incident bwhen Rav Naḥman decreed a fast on the twelfthof Adar and bthe Sages said to him: It is Trajan’s Day. He said to them: Trajan’s Day itself was annulled, since Shemaya and his brother Aḥiya were killed on thatday.,The Gemara asks: bAnd let him derivethat fasting on the twelfth is prohibited in any case, bas it is the day before Nicanor’sDay. bRav Ashi said: Nowthat with regard to Trajan’s Day bitself, they annulled it, will wethen barise and issue a decreenot to fast on this date bdue tothe following day, bNicanor’sDay?,In relation to the above, the Gemara inquires: bWhat isthe origin of bNicanor’sDay band what isthe origin of bTrajan’sDay? bAs it is taughtin a ibaraita /i: bNicanor was one of the generals [ iiparkhei /i]in the bGreekarmy, band each and every day he would wave his hand over Judea and Jerusalem and say: When willthis city bfall into my hands, and I shall trample it? And when the Hasmonean monarchy overcamethe Greeks band emerged victorious over them,they killed Nicanor in battle, bcut off his thumbs and big toes, and hung them on the gates of Jerusalem, saying: The mouth that spoke with pride, and the hands that waved over Jerusalem, may vengeance be taken against them.This occurred on the thirteenth of Adar., bWhat isthe origin of bTrajan’sDay? bThey saidin explanation: bWhen Trajan sought to killthe important leaders bLuleyanus and his brother Pappas in Laodicea, he said to them: If you are from the nation of Haiah, Mishael, and Azariah, let your God come and save you from my hand, just as He saved Haiah, Mishael, and Azariah from the hand of Nebuchadnezzar.Luleyanus and Pappas bsaid to him: Haiah, Mishael, and Azariah were full-fledged righteouspeople, band they were worthy that a miracleshould be bperformed for them, and Nebuchadnezzar was a legitimate kingwho rose to power through his merit, band it is fitting that a miraclebe performed bthrough him. /b, bBut this wickedman, Trajan, bis a commoner,not a real king, band it is not fitting that a miraclebe performed bthrough him.Luleyanus and Pappas continued: bAndwe are not wholly righteous, band have been condemned to destruction by the Omnipresentfor our sins. bAnd if you do not kill us, the Omnipresent has many other executioners. Andif men do not kill us, bthe Omnipresent has many bears and lions in His world thatcan bhurt us and kill us. Instead, the Holy One, Blessed be He, placed us into your hands only so that He will avenge our blood in the future. /b, bEven so,Trajan remained unmoved by their response and bkilled them immediately. It is saidthat bthey had not moved fromthe place of execution bwhen two officials [ idiyoflei /i] arrived from Romewith permission to remove Trajan from power, band they split his skull with clubs.This was viewed as an act of divine retribution and was established as a commemorative day.,§ The mishna taught: bOne may not decree a fast on the community starting on a Thursday,so as not to cause prices to rise. Furthermore, bone may not decree a fast on New Moons,on Hanukkah, or on Purim. However, if one began a set of fasts, one does not interrupt the sequence for these days. The Gemara asks: bAnd how manyfasts bareconsidered ba beginning? Rav Aḥa said:If one fasted bthreefasts before the festive day. bRabbi Asi said:Even if one fasted bonefast before it., bRav Yehuda saidthat bRav said: This ihalakhaof the mishna that a fast that occurs on a festival is not observed, bis the statement of Rabbi Meir, who saidit bin the name of Rabban Gamliel. However, the Rabbis say:If a communal fast occurs on one of these days, one must bfast and completethe fast until nightfall. bMar Zutra taught in the name of Rav Huna:The practical ihalakha /iis in accordance with the opinion of the Rabbis, that one bfasts and completeshis fast until nightfall.,, strongMISHNA: /strong bThe order of these fastsof increasing severity, as explained in Chapter One, bis statedonly bina case when bthe first rainfallhas not materialized. bHowever,if there is bvegetation thatgrew and its appearance bchangeddue to disease, the court does not wait at all; bthey cry out about it immediately. And likewise, if rain ceasedfor a period of bforty daysbetween bone rainfall and another, they cry out about it because it is a plague of drought. /b,If sufficient rain bfell for the vegetation but notenough bfell for the trees;or if it was enough bfor the trees but not for the vegetation;or if sufficient rain fell bfor both this and that,i.e., vegetation and trees, bbut notenough btofill the bcisterns, ditches, and caveswith water to last the summer, bthey cry out about it immediately. And likewise,if there is a particular bcity upon which it did not rain,while the surrounding area did receive rain, this is considered a divine curse, bas it is written: “And I caused it to rain upon one city, but caused it not to rain upon another city; one piece was rained upon,and the portion upon which it did not rain withered” (Amos 4:7).
8. Anon., Letter of Aristeas, 262-263, 269, 211

211. The king signified his agreement and said to another 'What is the essence of kingship?' And he replied, 'To rule oneself well and not to be led astray by wealth or fame to immoderate or unseemly desires, this is the true way of ruling if you reason the matter well out. For all that you really need is yours, and God is free from need and benigt withal. Let your thoughts be such as become a man, and desire not many things but only such as are necessary for ruling.'

Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
1 maccabees,contrasting order of events Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 30
1 maccabees,contrasting presentation of events Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 324, 419
ancestral language Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 419
antioch Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 419
antiochus iv epiphanes,death of Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 419
antiochus iv epiphanes Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 30
antiochus v (eupator) Noam (2018), Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature, 36
antiochus v eupator Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 30, 371, 419
apollophanes Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 72, 371
apparitions Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 371
artemis,temple of Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 355
author,of 2 maccabees,lack of interest in military details Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 324, 419
author,of 2 maccabees,objective of Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 72
bestiality Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 371
beth-zur,battle of Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 30
beth zechariah Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 30
blasphemy Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 371
callisthenes Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 72
chaereas Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 371
covenants Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 419
dates (in 2 macc.) Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 30
demetrius i Noam (2018), Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature, 36
deuteronomy 32 Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 327
diaspora Beyerle and Goff (2022), Notions of Time in Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature, 214
distances Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 30
dreams Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 174
esdris Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 72
externality Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 172
faith Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 371
first-person singular Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 513
friends Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 371
gezer Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 371
god Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 371
gorgias Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 419
hasmoneans Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 419
hellenistic kings/rulers,antiochus iv epiphanes Beyerle and Goff (2022), Notions of Time in Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature, 214
hellenistic kings/rulers,antiochus v eupator Beyerle and Goff (2022), Notions of Time in Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature, 214
hellenistic kings/rulers,demetrius i soter Beyerle and Goff (2022), Notions of Time in Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature, 214
hellenistic kings/rulers,seleucus iv philopater Beyerle and Goff (2022), Notions of Time in Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature, 214
history Beyerle and Goff (2022), Notions of Time in Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature, 214
horses Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 371
humor Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 364
inscriptions Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 30, 217
irony Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 172, 355, 367
israel' Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 371
jason of cyrene Beyerle and Goff (2022), Notions of Time in Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature, 214; Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 72
john hyrcanus Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 324
josephus Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 172, 355
judas maccabaeus Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 324, 371, 419
judas maccabeus Beyerle and Goff (2022), Notions of Time in Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature, 214
lysias Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 30, 371, 419
mattathias (hasmonean) Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 324
motifs (thematic),games with epiphanes Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 172, 355
names,royal Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 217
nicanor Noam (2018), Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature, 36; Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 324
onias,temple of Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 217
onias iii Beyerle and Goff (2022), Notions of Time in Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature, 214; Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 367
pentecost Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 419
pharaoh Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 355
philo Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 172
politics,of luke/acts Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 174
polybius Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 355
portents Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 174
prayer Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 371
ptolemy son of dorymenes Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 72
ptolemy viii euergetes Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 367
r. eleazar b. shammua Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 327
reversal Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 174
ritual purity Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 327
sabbath Beyerle and Goff (2022), Notions of Time in Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature, 214
sacrifices Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 419
schoinoi,see also distances Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 30
scythians Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 513
seleucid empire Beyerle and Goff (2022), Notions of Time in Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature, 214
seleucus iv philopator Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 172
siege warfare Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 371
simon (hasmonean) Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 324
sources of 2 maccabees Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 30
style,linguistic and literary,abbreviation,see also epitomizing Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 72
style,linguistic and literary,greek terminology Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 172
style,linguistic and literary,officialese Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 364
style,linguistic and literary,rare words Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 30
style,linguistic and literary Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 72
temple Beyerle and Goff (2022), Notions of Time in Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature, 214
time,chronological Beyerle and Goff (2022), Notions of Time in Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature, 214
timothy Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 371