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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database

Septuagint, 1 Maccabees, 7.1

nanIn the one hundred and fifty-first year Demetrius the son of Seleucus set forth from Rome, sailed with a few men to a city by the sea, and there began to reign.

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1. Polybius, Histories, 31.11-31.12 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)

31.11. 1.  At this time when the news arrived of the calamity that had happened to Gnaeus Octavius,,2.  how he had been assassinated, and when the envoys sent by Lysias on behalf of King Antiochus appeared and were profuse in their assurances that the friends of the king had had no part in the deed,,3.  the senate paid scant attention to the embassy, not wishing to pronounce any decision on the matter or to express in any manner their opinion.,4.  But Demetrius, excited by the news, at once sent for Polybius and submitted to him his doubt as to whether or not he should address the senate again on the question of his own situation.,5.  Polybius begged him not to stumble twice on the same stone, but to trust in himself and take some bold course worthy of a throne; for, he said, there were many opportunities for action suggested by the present situation.,6.  Demetrius understood this advice and held his peace for the present, but shortly afterwards communicated with one of his intimate friends, Apollonius, about the same matter.,7.  This man, being of an unsuspecting character and quite young, advised him to try the senate once more, for he felt sure, that as they had unjustly deprived him of his kingdom, they would at least release him from his position as hostage,,8.  since it was quite unreasonable that now, when the young Antiochus had succeeded to the throne of Syria, Demetrius should serve as hostage for him.,9.  Persuaded by this reasoning Demetrius again appeared before the senate and begged the house to release him at least from his obligation as hostage, as they had decided to secure the throne to Antiochus.,10.  After he had spoken at some length in this sense, the senate adhered to its original resolve, as was only to be expected.,11.  For on the former occasion it was not because Demetrius was not right in what he said that they had decided to keep the young king on the throne, but because it suited their own interest.,12.  And as the conditions remained the same, it was to be expected that the decision of the senate should be based on the same policy. 31.12. 1.  But Demetrius, having sung his swan's song in vain and recognizing the soundness of Polybius's advice not to stumble twice on the same stone,,2.  repented of what he had done, but, being naturally high-spirited and having courage adequate to carry out his designs, at once called Diodorus who had recently arrived from Syria and informed him of his position.,3.  Diodorus had been the foster-father of Demetrius; he was an able man and had carefully studied the situation in Syria, and he now pointed out to Demetrius that since great disturbance prevailed there owing to the murder of Octavius, since Lysias and the populace mutually distrusted each other, and since the senate was convinced that the outrage on their envoys had been due to the king's friends, the time was very favourable for his appearing suddenly on the scene.,5.  For the Syrians would at once transfer the crown to him, even if he appeared accompanied only by a single slave, while the senate would not go so far as to help and support Lysias after his conduct.,6.  All that remained then was to escape from Rome secretly without anyone having any notion of his plan.,7.  Having come to this decision, Demetrius sent for Polybius and communicated the project to him, begging him to assist him in it and join him in planning the best means of escape.,8.  At that time it happened that there was a certain Menyllus of Alabanda present, on an embassy from the elder Ptolemy, with the object of confronting and answering the younger Ptolemy. Polybius had long been intimate with this Menyllus, and had great confidence in him.,9.  So that, thinking him to be the proper person to engage in the present service, he introduced him to Demetrius, recommending him very cordially and warmly.,10.  Menyllus consented to take part in the project, and engaged to have a ship ready and to provide all else that was required for the voyage.,11.  Finding a Carthaginian ship that had carried sacred offerings anchored at the mouth of the Tiber, he hired it.,12.  Such ships were specially selected at Carthage for the conveyance of the traditional offering of first-fruits to their gods that the Carthaginians send to Tyre. Menyllus chartered her openly to convey himself home;,13.  so that he could without any suspicion send on board a month's stock of provisions and could speak openly to the ship's officers and make arrangements with them.
2. Septuagint, 1 Maccabees, 2.29-2.38, 3.32-3.33, 7.3-7.4, 7.8-7.25, 7.27, 7.30, 7.43, 7.49, 9.3, 9.57, 10.21 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)

2.29. Then many who were seeking righteousness and justice went down to the wilderness to dwell there 2.30. they, their sons, their wives, and their cattle, because evils pressed heavily upon them. 2.31. And it was reported to the kings officers, and to the troops in Jerusalem the city of David, that men who had rejected the kings command had gone down to the hiding places in the wilderness. 2.32. Many pursued them, and overtook them; they encamped opposite them and prepared for battle against them on the sabbath day. 2.33. And they said to them, "Enough of this! Come out and do what the king commands, and you will live. 2.34. But they said, "We will not come out, nor will we do what the king commands and so profane the sabbath day. 2.35. Then the enemy hastened to attack them. 2.36. But they did not answer them or hurl a stone at them or block up their hiding places 2.37. for they said, "Let us all die in our innocence; heaven and earth testify for us that you are killing us unjustly. 2.38. So they attacked them on the sabbath, and they died, with their wives and children and cattle, to the number of a thousand persons. 3.32. He left Lysias, a distinguished man of royal lineage, in charge of the kings affairs from the river Euphrates to the borders of Egypt. 3.33. Lysias was also to take care of Antiochus his son until he returned. 7.3. But when this act became known to him, he said, "Do not let me see their faces! 7.4. So the army killed them, and Demetrius took his seat upon the throne of his kingdom. 7.8. So the king chose Bacchides, one of the kings friends, governor of the province Beyond the River; he was a great man in the kingdom and was faithful to the king. 7.9. And he sent him, and with him the ungodly Alcimus, whom he made high priest; and he commanded him to take vengeance on the sons of Israel. 7.10. So they marched away and came with a large force into the land of Judah; and he sent messengers to Judas and his brothers with peaceable but treacherous words. 7.11. But they paid no attention to their words, for they saw that they had come with a large force. 7.12. Then a group of scribes appeared in a body before Alcimus and Bacchides to ask for just terms. 7.13. The Hasideans were first among the sons of Israel to seek peace from them 7.14. for they said, "A priest of the line of Aaron has come with the army, and he will not harm us. 7.15. And he spoke peaceable words to them and swore this oath to them, "We will not seek to injure you or your friends. 7.16. So they trusted him; but he seized sixty of them and killed them in one day, in accordance with the word which was written 7.17. The flesh of thy saints and their blood they poured out round about Jerusalem,and there was none to bury them. 7.18. Then the fear and dread of them fell upon all the people, for they said, "There is no truth or justice in them, for they have violated the agreement and the oath which they swore. 7.19. Then Bacchides departed from Jerusalem and encamped in Beth-zaith. And he sent and seized many of the men who had deserted to him, and some of the people, and killed them and threw them into a great pit. 7.20. He placed Alcimus in charge of the country and left with him a force to help him; then Bacchides went back to the king. 7.21. Alcimus strove for the high priesthood 7.22. and all who were troubling their people joined him. They gained control of the land of Judah and did great damage in Israel. 7.23. And Judas saw all the evil that Alcimus and those with him had done among the sons of Israel; it was more than the Gentiles had done. 7.24. So Judas went out into all the surrounding parts of Judea, and took vengeance on the men who had deserted, and he prevented those in the city from going out into the country. 7.25. When Alcimus saw that Judas and those with him had grown strong, and realized that he could not withstand them, he returned to the king and brought wicked charges against them. 7.27. So Nicanor came to Jerusalem with a large force, and treacherously sent to Judas and his brothers this peaceable message 7.30. It became known to Judas that Nicanor had come to him with treacherous intent, and he was afraid of him and would not meet him again. 7.43. So the armies met in battle on the thirteenth day of the month of Adar. The army of Nicanor was crushed, and he himself was the first to fall in the battle. 7.49. And they decreed that this day should be celebrated each year on the thirteenth day of Adar. 9.3. In the first month of the one hundred and fifty-second year they encamped against Jerusalem; 9.57. When Bacchides saw that Alcimus was dead, he returned to the king, and the land of Judah had rest for two years. 10.21. So Jonathan put on the holy garments in the seventh month of the one hundred and sixtieth year, at the feast of tabernacles, and he recruited troops and equipped them with arms in abundance.
3. Septuagint, 2 Maccabees, 3.3-3.4, 6.2, 6.11, 7.4-7.5, 9.9, 10.10-10.11, 11.1, 11.4, 11.16-11.20, 11.22-11.26, 11.34-11.38, 13.1-13.5, 14.1-14.2, 14.4, 14.13, 14.27, 15.36 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)

3.3. o that even Seleucus, the king of Asia, defrayed from his own revenues all the expenses connected with the service of the sacrifices.' 3.4. But a man named Simon, of the tribe of Benjamin, who had been made captain of the temple, had a disagreement with the high priest about the administration of the city market;' 6.2. and also to pollute the temple in Jerusalem and call it the temple of Olympian Zeus, and to call the one in Gerizim the temple of Zeus the Friend of Strangers, as did the people who dwelt in that place.' 6.11. Others who had assembled in the caves near by, to observe the seventh day secretly, were betrayed to Philip and were all burned together, because their piety kept them from defending themselves, in view of their regard for that most holy day.' 7.4. These were heated immediately, and he commanded that the tongue of their spokesman be cut out and that they scalp him and cut off his hands and feet, while the rest of the brothers and the mother looked on.' 7.5. When he was utterly helpless, the king ordered them to take him to the fire, still breathing, and to fry him in a pan. The smoke from the pan spread widely, but the brothers and their mother encouraged one another to die nobly, saying,' 9.9. And so the ungodly man's body swarmed with worms, and while he was still living in anguish and pain, his flesh rotted away, and because of his stench the whole army felt revulsion at his decay.' 10.10. Now we will tell what took place under Antiochus Eupator, who was the son of that ungodly man, and will give a brief summary of the principal calamities of the wars.' 10.11. This man, when he succeeded to the kingdom, appointed one Lysias to have charge of the government and to be chief governor of Coelesyria and Phoenicia.' 11.1. Very soon after this, Lysias, the king's guardian and kinsman, who was in charge of the government, being vexed at what had happened,' 11.4. He took no account whatever of the power of God, but was elated with his ten thousands of infantry, and his thousands of cavalry, and his eighty elephants.' 11.16. The letter written to the Jews by Lysias was to this effect:'Lysias to the people of the Jews, greeting.' 11.17. John and Absalom, who were sent by you, have delivered your signed communication and have asked about the matters indicated therein.' 11.18. I have informed the king of everything that needed to be brought before him, and he has agreed to what was possible.' 11.19. If you will maintain your good will toward the government, I will endeavor for the future to help promote your welfare.' 11.20. And concerning these matters and their details, I have ordered these men and my representatives to confer with you.' 11.22. The king's letter ran thus:'King Antiochus to his brother Lysias, greeting.' 11.23. Now that our father has gone on to the gods, we desire that the subjects of the kingdom be undisturbed in caring for their own affairs.' 11.24. We have heard that the Jews do not consent to our father's change to Greek customs but prefer their own way of living and ask that their own customs be allowed them. 11.25. Accordingly, since we choose that this nation also be free from disturbance, our decision is that their temple be restored to them and that they live according to the customs of their ancestors.' 11.26. You will do well, therefore, to send word to them and give them pledges of friendship, so that they may know our policy and be of good cheer and go on happily in the conduct of their own affairs.' 11.34. The Romans also sent them a letter, which read thus:'Quintus Memmius and Titus Manius, envoys of the Romans, to the people of the Jews, greeting.' 11.35. With regard to what Lysias the kinsman of the king has granted you, we also give consent.' 11.36. But as to the matters which he decided are to be referred to the king, as soon as you have considered them, send some one promptly, so that we may make proposals appropriate for you. For we are on our way to Antioch.' 11.37. Therefore make haste and send some men, so that we may have your judgment.' 11.38. Farewell. The one hundred and forty-eighth year, Xanthicus fifteenth.' 13.1. In the one hundred and forty-ninth year word came to Judas and his men that Antiochus Eupator was coming with a great army against Judea,' 13.2. and with him Lysias, his guardian, who had charge of the government. Each of them had a Greek force of one hundred and ten thousand infantry, five thousand three hundred cavalry, twenty-two elephants, and three hundred chariots armed with scythes.' 13.3. Menelaus also joined them and with utter hypocrisy urged Antiochus on, not for the sake of his country's welfare, but because he thought that he would be established in office.' 13.4. But the King of kings aroused the anger of Antiochus against the scoundrel; and when Lysias informed him that this man was to blame for all the trouble, he ordered them to take him to Beroea and to put him to death by the method which is the custom in that place.' 13.5. For there is a tower in that place, fifty cubits high, full of ashes, and it has a rim running around it which on all sides inclines precipitously into the ashes.' 14.1. Three years later, word came to Judas and his men that Demetrius, the son of Seleucus, had sailed into the harbor of Tripolis with a strong army and a fleet,' 14.2. and had taken possession of the country, having made away with Antiochus and his guardian Lysias.' 14.4. and went to King Demetrius in about the one hundred and fifty-first year, presenting to him a crown of gold and a palm, and besides these some of the customary olive branches from the temple. During that day he kept quiet.' 14.13. with orders to kill Judas and scatter his men, and to set up Alcimus as high priest of the greatest temple.' 14.27. The king became excited and, provoked by the false accusations of that depraved man, wrote to Nicanor, stating that he was displeased with the covet and commanding him to send Maccabeus to Antioch as a prisoner without delay.' 15.36. And they all decreed by public vote never to let this day go unobserved, but to celebrate the thirteenth day of the twelfth month -- which is called Adar in the Syrian language -- the day before Mordecai's day.'
4. Appian, The Syrian Wars, 47 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

5. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 12.257-12.264, 12.274, 12.384-12.385, 12.389 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

12.257. 5. When the Samaritans saw the Jews under these sufferings, they no longer confessed that they were of their kindred, nor that the temple on Mount Gerizzim belonged to Almighty God. This was according to their nature, as we have already shown. And they now said that they were a colony of Medes and Persians; and indeed they were a colony of theirs. 12.258. So they sent ambassadors to Antiochus, and an epistle, whose contents are these: “To king Antiochus the god, Epiphanes, a memorial from the Sidonians, who live at Shechem. 12.259. Our forefathers, upon certain frequent plagues, and as following a certain ancient superstition, had a custom of observing that day which by the Jews is called the Sabbath. And when they had erected a temple at the mountain called Gerrizzim, though without a name, they offered upon it the proper sacrifices. 12.261. We therefore beseech thee, our benefactor and Savior, to give order to Apollonius, the governor of this part of the country, and to Nicanor, the procurator of thy affairs, to give us no disturbance, nor to lay to our charge what the Jews are accused for, since we are aliens from their nation, and from their customs; but let our temple, which at present hath no name at all be named the Temple of Jupiter Hellenius. If this were once done, we should be no longer disturbed, but should be more intent on our own occupation with quietness, and so bring in a greater revenue to thee.” 12.262. When the Samaritans had petitioned for this, the king sent them back the following answer, in an epistle: “King Antiochus to Nicanor. The Sidonians, who live at Shechem, have sent me the memorial enclosed. 12.263. When therefore we were advising with our friends about it, the messengers sent by them represented to us that they are no way concerned with accusations which belong to the Jews, but choose to live after the customs of the Greeks. Accordingly, we declare them free from such accusations, and order that, agreeable to their petition, their temple be named the Temple of Jupiter Hellenius.” 12.264. He also sent the like epistle to Apollonius, the governor of that part of the country, in the forty-sixth year, and the eighteenth day of the month Hecatorabeom. 12.274. But when they would not comply with their persuasions, but continued to be of a different mind, they fought against them on the Sabbath day, and they burnt them as they were in the caves, without resistance, and without so much as stopping up the entrances of the caves. And they avoided to defend themselves on that day, because they were not willing to break in upon the honor they owed the Sabbath, even in such distresses; for our law requires that we rest upon that day. 12.384. for Lysias advised the king to slay Menelaus, if he would have the Jews be quiet, and cause him no further disturbance, for that this man was the origin of all the mischief the Jews had done them, by persuading his father to compel the Jews to leave the religion of their fathers. 12.385. So the king sent Menelaus to Berea, a city of Syria, and there had him put to death, when he had been high priest ten years. He had been a wicked and an impious man; and, in order to get the government to himself, had compelled his nation to transgress their own laws. After the death of Menelaus, Alcimus, who was also called Jacimus, was made high priest. 12.389. 1. About the same time Demetrius, the son of Seleucus, fled away from Rome, and took Tripoli, a city of Syria, and set the diadem on his own head. He also gathered certain mercenary soldiers together, and entered into his kingdom, and was joyfully received by all, who delivered themselves up to him.
6. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.41 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

1.41. 5. So this Antiochus got together fifty thousand footmen, and five thousand horsemen, and fourscore elephants, and marched through Judea into the mountainous parts. He then took Bethsura, which was a small city; but at a place called Bethzacharias, where the passage was narrow, Judas met him with his army. 1.41. But the king, by the expenses he was at, and the liberal disposal of them, overcame nature, and built a haven larger than was the Pyrecum [at Athens]; and in the inner retirements of the water he built other deep stations [for the ships also].
7. Babylonian Talmud, Taanit, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

18b. מותרין בהספד ותענית אימת אילימא בני חמיסר וקא קרו ליה בארביסר ומי שרי,והכתיב במגילת תענית יום ארבעה עשר בו ויום חמשה עשר בו יומי פוריא אינון דלא למיספד בהון ואמר רבא לא נצרכא אלא לאסור את של זה בזה ואת של זה בזה,ואלא בני ארביסר וקא קרי ליה בתליסר יום ניקנור הוא ואלא בני ארביסר וקא קרי ליה בתריסר יום טוריינוס הוא,אלא לאו דקא קרו ליה בחדיסר וקתני מותר בהספד ובתענית,לא בני ארבעה עשר וקא קרו ליה בתריסר ודקאמרת יום טריינוס הוא יום טריינוס גופיה בטולי בטלוהו הואיל ונהרגו בו שמעיה ואחיה אחיו כי הא דרב נחמן גזר תעניתא בתריסר אמרו ליה רבנן יום טוריינוס הוא אמר להו יום טוריינוס גופיה בטולי בטלוהו הואיל ונהרגו בו שמעיה ואחיה אחיו,ותיפוק ליה דהוה ליה יום שלפני ניקנור אמר רב אשי השתא איהו גופיה בטלוהו משום יום ניקנור ניקום ונגזר,מאי ניקנור ומאי טוריינוס דתניא ניקנור אחד מאפרכי יוונים היה ובכל יום ויום היה מניף ידו על יהודה וירושלים ואומר אימתי תפול בידי וארמסנה וכשגברה מלכות בית חשמונאי ונצחום קצצו בהונות ידיו ורגליו ותלאום בשערי ירושלים ואמרו פה שהיה מדבר בגאוה וידים שהיו מניפות על ירושלים תעשה בהם נקמה,מאי טוריינוס אמרו כשבקש טוריינוס להרוג את לולינוס ופפוס אחיו בלודקיא אמר להם אם מעמו של חנניה מישאל ועזריה אתם יבא אלהיכם ויציל אתכם מידי כדרך שהציל את חנניה מישאל ועזריה מיד נבוכדנצר אמרו לו חנניה מישאל ועזריה צדיקים גמורין היו וראויין היו ליעשות להם נס ונבוכדנצר מלך הגון היה וראוי ליעשות נס על ידו,ואותו רשע הדיוט הוא ואינו ראוי ליעשות נס על ידו ואנו נתחייבנו כליה למקום ואם אין אתה הורגנו הרבה הורגים יש לו למקום והרבה דובין ואריות יש לו למקום בעולמו שפוגעין בנו והורגין אותנו אלא לא מסרנו הקדוש ברוך הוא בידך אלא שעתיד ליפרע דמינו מידך,אעפ"כ הרגן מיד אמרו לא זזו משם עד שבאו דיופלי מרומי ופצעו את מוחו בגיזרין:,אין גוזרין תענית על הצבור בתחלה בחמישי כו' אין גוזרין תענית בראשי חדשים כו': וכמה הויא התחלה רב אחא אמר שלש רבי אסי אמר אחת,אמר רב יהודה אמר רב זו דברי רבי מאיר שאמר משום רבן (שמעון בן) גמליאל אבל חכמים אומרים מתענה ומשלים דרש מר זוטרא משמיה דרב הונא הלכה מתענה ומשלים:, br br big strongהדרן עלך סדר תעניות כיצד /strong /big br br,מתני׳ big strongסדר /strong /big תעניות אלו האמור ברביעה ראשונה אבל צמחים ששנו מתריעין עליהן מיד וכן שפסקו גשמים בין גשם לגשם ארבעים יום מתריעין עליהן מפני שהיא מכת בצורת,ירדו לצמחין אבל לא ירדו לאילן לאילן ולא לצמחין לזה ולזה אבל לא לבורות לשיחין ולמערות מתריעין עליהן מיד וכן עיר שלא ירדו עליה גשמים דכתיב (עמוס ד, ז) והמטרתי על עיר אחת ועל עיר אחת לא אמטיר חלקה אחת תמטר וגו' 18b. as the Sages decreed that in certain places one may read the Scroll of Esther on the eleventh, twelfth, or thirteenth of Adar, nevertheless, it is bpermitted to eulogize and faston these days. The Gemara clarifies: bWhendoes this ruling apply? bIf we saythat it applies to bthosein walled cities, who normally read the scroll on the bfifteenthof Adar bandyet this year bthey read it on the fourteenth,a day on which they normally are permitted to fast and eulogize, bbutthis cannot be the case, as bare they permittedto fast and eulogize at all on these days?, bBut isn’t it written in iMegillat Ta’anit /i: The day of the fourteenth ofAdar band the day of the fifteenth ofAdar bare the days of Purim, on which eulogizing is prohibited. And Rava said:Since these days are already mentioned in the Bible (Esther 9:18–19), it bis necessaryto state this ihalakhain iMegillat Ta’anit bonly to prohibitthose living bin thesewalled cities from fasting and eulogizing bon thisdate, the fourteenth, and those living bin thesenon-walled cities from fasting and eulogizing bon this date,the fifteenth.,The Gemara continues its explanation of the difficulty. bBut rather,the mishna must be referring to bthosewho normally read on the bfourteenthof Adar, bbut who readthe Scroll of Esther early, bon the thirteenth.However, it is already prohibited to fast on the thirteenth, as bit is Nicanor’s Day,which is a commemorative day in its own right. bBut rather,you will say that the mishna is referring to bthoseresidents of cities who normally read on bthe fourteenth, but who read itearly that year, bon the twelfth;however, the twelfth of Adar is also a commemorative day, as bit is Trajan’s Day. /b, bRather, isn’tthe mishna referring to a case bwhere they readthe Scroll of Esther bon the eleventhof Adar, bandnevertheless that mishna bteachesthat it is bpermitted to eulogize and faston this day, despite the fact that it is the day before Trajan’s Day? The opinion in this unattributed mishna is not in accordance with that of Rabbi Yosei, which means that there is a contradiction between the two statements of Rabbi Yoḥa.,The Gemara answers: bNo;the mishna is actually referring to bthosewho normally read bon the fourteenth, but who read itthat year bon the twelfthof Adar. bAndwith regard to bthat which you said,that bit is Trajan’s Day, Trajan’s Day itself was annulledand is no longer celebrated, bsince Shemaya and his brother Aḥiya were killed on thatday. We learn this bas inthe incident bwhen Rav Naḥman decreed a fast on the twelfthof Adar and bthe Sages said to him: It is Trajan’s Day. He said to them: Trajan’s Day itself was annulled, since Shemaya and his brother Aḥiya were killed on thatday.,The Gemara asks: bAnd let him derivethat fasting on the twelfth is prohibited in any case, bas it is the day before Nicanor’sDay. bRav Ashi said: Nowthat with regard to Trajan’s Day bitself, they annulled it, will wethen barise and issue a decreenot to fast on this date bdue tothe following day, bNicanor’sDay?,In relation to the above, the Gemara inquires: bWhat isthe origin of bNicanor’sDay band what isthe origin of bTrajan’sDay? bAs it is taughtin a ibaraita /i: bNicanor was one of the generals [ iiparkhei /i]in the bGreekarmy, band each and every day he would wave his hand over Judea and Jerusalem and say: When willthis city bfall into my hands, and I shall trample it? And when the Hasmonean monarchy overcamethe Greeks band emerged victorious over them,they killed Nicanor in battle, bcut off his thumbs and big toes, and hung them on the gates of Jerusalem, saying: The mouth that spoke with pride, and the hands that waved over Jerusalem, may vengeance be taken against them.This occurred on the thirteenth of Adar., bWhat isthe origin of bTrajan’sDay? bThey saidin explanation: bWhen Trajan sought to killthe important leaders bLuleyanus and his brother Pappas in Laodicea, he said to them: If you are from the nation of Haiah, Mishael, and Azariah, let your God come and save you from my hand, just as He saved Haiah, Mishael, and Azariah from the hand of Nebuchadnezzar.Luleyanus and Pappas bsaid to him: Haiah, Mishael, and Azariah were full-fledged righteouspeople, band they were worthy that a miracleshould be bperformed for them, and Nebuchadnezzar was a legitimate kingwho rose to power through his merit, band it is fitting that a miraclebe performed bthrough him. /b, bBut this wickedman, Trajan, bis a commoner,not a real king, band it is not fitting that a miraclebe performed bthrough him.Luleyanus and Pappas continued: bAndwe are not wholly righteous, band have been condemned to destruction by the Omnipresentfor our sins. bAnd if you do not kill us, the Omnipresent has many other executioners. Andif men do not kill us, bthe Omnipresent has many bears and lions in His world thatcan bhurt us and kill us. Instead, the Holy One, Blessed be He, placed us into your hands only so that He will avenge our blood in the future. /b, bEven so,Trajan remained unmoved by their response and bkilled them immediately. It is saidthat bthey had not moved fromthe place of execution bwhen two officials [ idiyoflei /i] arrived from Romewith permission to remove Trajan from power, band they split his skull with clubs.This was viewed as an act of divine retribution and was established as a commemorative day.,§ The mishna taught: bOne may not decree a fast on the community starting on a Thursday,so as not to cause prices to rise. Furthermore, bone may not decree a fast on New Moons,on Hanukkah, or on Purim. However, if one began a set of fasts, one does not interrupt the sequence for these days. The Gemara asks: bAnd how manyfasts bareconsidered ba beginning? Rav Aḥa said:If one fasted bthreefasts before the festive day. bRabbi Asi said:Even if one fasted bonefast before it., bRav Yehuda saidthat bRav said: This ihalakhaof the mishna that a fast that occurs on a festival is not observed, bis the statement of Rabbi Meir, who saidit bin the name of Rabban Gamliel. However, the Rabbis say:If a communal fast occurs on one of these days, one must bfast and completethe fast until nightfall. bMar Zutra taught in the name of Rav Huna:The practical ihalakha /iis in accordance with the opinion of the Rabbis, that one bfasts and completeshis fast until nightfall.,, strongMISHNA: /strong bThe order of these fastsof increasing severity, as explained in Chapter One, bis statedonly bina case when bthe first rainfallhas not materialized. bHowever,if there is bvegetation thatgrew and its appearance bchangeddue to disease, the court does not wait at all; bthey cry out about it immediately. And likewise, if rain ceasedfor a period of bforty daysbetween bone rainfall and another, they cry out about it because it is a plague of drought. /b,If sufficient rain bfell for the vegetation but notenough bfell for the trees;or if it was enough bfor the trees but not for the vegetation;or if sufficient rain fell bfor both this and that,i.e., vegetation and trees, bbut notenough btofill the bcisterns, ditches, and caveswith water to last the summer, bthey cry out about it immediately. And likewise,if there is a particular bcity upon which it did not rain,while the surrounding area did receive rain, this is considered a divine curse, bas it is written: “And I caused it to rain upon one city, but caused it not to rain upon another city; one piece was rained upon,and the portion upon which it did not rain withered” (Amos 4:7).

Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
1 maccabees,contrasting presentation of events Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 467
1 maccabees Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 86
4 maccabees Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 86
alcimus Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 467
ancestral language' Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 467
ancestral language Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 468
antiochus iv epiphanes Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 86, 468
antiochus v (eupator) Noam (2018), Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature, 36
antiochus v eupator Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 468
aramaic Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 511
bacchides Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 467
calendrical systems Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 511
dating of Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 86
demetrius i Noam (2018), Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature, 36; Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 467
elephants Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 86
gorgias Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 467
hebrew (language) Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 511
heliodorus,story of Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 86
herod Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 86
josephus Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 86, 468
judas maccabaeus Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 467
maccabees,chronology of the maccabean revolt Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 1040
martyrologies,relation to 4 maccabees Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 86
mordechai Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 511
nicanor Noam (2018), Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature, 36; Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 467
philo Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 86
polybius Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 468
purim Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 511
readers of 2 maccabees Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 86
seleucus iv philopator Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 468
treaty of apamaea Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 468
tripoli Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 86