1. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 2.1, 2.65.10-2.65.11 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
| 2.65.10. With his successors it was different. More on a level with one another, and each grasping at supremacy, they ended by committing even the conduct of state affairs to the whims of the multitude. 2.65.11. This, as might have been expected in a great and sovereign state, produced a host of blunders, and amongst them the Sicilian expedition; though this failed not so much through a miscalculation of the power of those against whom it was sent, as through a fault in the senders in not taking the best measures afterwards to assist those who had gone out, but choosing rather to occupy themselves with private cabals for the leadership of the commons, by which they not only paralyzed operations in the field, but also first introduced civil discord at home. |
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2. Cicero, De Domo Sua, 35, 37-38, 40-42, 34 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
| 34. estne hoc illi dicto atque facto Fimbriano Fimbriano Rufinian. ( Rhet. M. p. 44): Fimbria non ς : Fimbriae non cett. simillimum? accusatis Sex. Roscium. quid ita? quia de manibus vestris effugit, quia se occidi passus non est. illud, quia in Scaevola factum est, magis magis transpos. ante ferendum A. Eberhard indignum videtur, hoc, quia fit a Chrysogono, non non num Hotoman: del. Guarinus ( in Comment. ) est ferendum est ferendum est feferendum ς : esset ferendum χ2 . nam per deos immortalis! quid est in hac causa quod defensionis indigeat? qui locus ingenium patroni requirit aut oratoris eloquentiam magno opere desiderat? totam causam, iudices, explicemus atque ante oculos expositam consideremus; ita facillime quae res totum iudicium contineat et quibus de de ψ2 : om. cett. rebus nos dicere oporteat et quid vos sequi conveniat intellegetis. | |
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3. Cicero, On The Haruspices, 45, 44 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
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4. Cicero, On Duties, 1.35, 1.62, 1.74-1.78, 1.121, 2.26-2.27, 2.45, 2.85 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
| 1.35. Quare suscipienda quidem bella sunt ob eam causam, ut sine iniuria in pace vivatur, parta autem victoria conservandi ii, qui non crudeles in bello, non immanes fuerunt, ut maiores nostri Tusculanos, Aequos, Volscos, Sabinos, Hernicos in civitatem etiam acceperunt, at Carthaginem et Numantiam funditus sustulerunt; nollem Corinthum, sed credo aliquid secutos, opportunitatem loci maxime, ne posset aliquando ad bellum faciendum locus ipse adhortari. Mea quidem sententia paci, quae nihil habitura sit insidiarum, semper est consulendum. In quo si mihi esset optemperatum, si non optimam, at aliquam rem publicam, quae nunc nulla est, haberemus. Et cum iis, quos vi deviceris, consulendum est, tum ii, qui armis positis ad imperatorum fidem confugient, quamvis murum aries percusserit, recipiendi. In quo tantopere apud nostros iustitia culta est, ut ii, qui civitates aut nationes devictas bello in fidem recepissent, earum patroni essent more maiorum. 1.62. Sed ea animi elatio, quae cernitur in periculis et laboribus, si iustitia vacat pugnatque non pro salute communi, sed pro suis commodis, in vitio est; non modo enim id virtutis non est, sed est potius immanitatis omnem humanitatem repellentis. Itaque probe definitur a Stoicis fortitudo, cum eam virtutem esse dicunt propugtem pro aequitate. Quocirca nemo, qui fortitudinis gloriam consecutus est insidiis et malitia, laudem est adeptus; nihil enim honestum esse potest, quod iustitia vacat. 1.74. Sed cum plerique arbitrentur res bellicas maiores esse quam urbanas, minuenda est haec opinio. Multi enim bella saepe quaesiverunt propter gloriae cupiditatem, atque id in magnis animis ingeniisque plerumque contingit, eoque magis, si sunt ad rem militarem apti et cupidi bellorum gerendorum; vere autem si volumus iudicare, multae res exstiterunt urbanae maiores clarioresque quam bellicae. 1.75. Quamvis enim Themistocles iure laudetur et sit eius nomen quam Solonis illustrius citcturque Salamis clarissimae testis victoriae, quae anteponatur consilio Solonis ei, quo primum constituit Areopagitas, non minus praeclarum hoc quam illud iudicandum est; illud enim semel profuit, hoc semper proderit civitati; hoc consilio leges Atheniensium, hoc maiorum instituta servantur; et Themistocles quidem nihil dixerit, in quo ipse Areopagum adiuverit, at ille vere a se adiutum Themistoclem; est enim bellum gestum consilio senatus eius, qui a Solone erat constitutus. 1.76. Licet eadem de Pausania Lysandroque dicere, quorum rebus gestis quamquam imperium Lacedaemoniis partum putatur, tamen ne minima quidem ex parte Lycurgi legibus et disciplinae confercndi sunt; quin etiam ob has ipsas causas et parentiores habuerunt exercitus et fortiores. Mihi quidem neque pueris nobis M. Scaurus C. Mario neque, cum versaremur in re publica, Q. Catulus Cn. Pompeio cedere videbatur; parvi enim sunt foris arma, nisi est consilium domi; nec plus Africanus, singularis et vir et imperator, in exscindenda Numantia rei publicae profuit quam eodem tempore P. Nasica privatus, cum Ti. Gracchum interemit; quamquam haec quidem res non solum ex domestica est ratione (attingit etiam bellicam, quoniam vi manuque confecta est), sed tamen id ipsum est gestum consilio urbano sine exercitu. 1.77. Illud autem optimum est, in quod invadi solere ab improbis et invidis audio: Cedant arma togae, concedat laurea laudi. Ut enim alios omittam, nobis rem publicam gubertibus nonne togae arma cesserunt? neque enim periculum in re publica fuit gravius umquam nec maius otium. Ita consiliis diligentiaque nostra celeriter de manibus audacissimorum civium delapsa arma ipsa ceciderunt. 1.78. Quae res igitur gesta umquam in bello tanta? qui triumphus conferendus? licet enim mihi, M. fill, apud te gloriari, ad quem et hereditas huius gloriae et factorum imitatio pertinet. Mihi quidem certe vir abundans bellicis laudibus, Cn. Pompeius, multis audientibus hoc tribuit, ut diceret frustra se triumphum tertium deportaturum fuisse, nisi meo in rem publicam beneficio, ubi triumpharet, esset habiturus. Sunt igitur domesticae fortitudines non inferiores militaribus; in quibus plus etiam quam in his operae studiique ponendum est. 1.121. Commutato autem genere vitae omni ratione curandum est, ut id bono consilio fecisse videamur. Sed quoniam paulo ante dictum est imitandos esse maiores, primum illud exceptum sit, ne vitia sint imitanda, deinde si natura non feret, ut quaedam imitari posit (ut superioris filius Africani, qui hunc Paulo natum adoptavit, propter infirmitatem valetudinis non tam potuit patris similis esse, quam ille fuerat sui); si igitur non poterit sive causas defensitare sive populum contionibus tenere sive bella gerere, illa tamen praestare debebit, quae erunt in ipsius potestate, iustitiam, fidem, liberalitatem, modestiam, temperantiam, quo minus ab eo id, quod desit, requiratur. Optima autem hereditas a patribus traditur liberis omnique patrimonio praestantior gloria virtutis rerumque gestarum, cui dedecori esse nefas et vitium iudicandum est. 2.26. Testis est Phalaris, cuius est praeter ceteros nobilitata crudelitas, qui non ex insidiis interiit, ut is, quem modo dixi, Alexander, non a paucis, ut hic noster, sed in quem universa Agrigentinorum multitudo impetum fecit. Quid? Macedones nonne Demetrium reliquerunt universique se ad Pyrrhum contulerunt? Quid? Lacedaemonios iniuste imperantes nonne repente omnes fere socii deseruerunt spectatoresque se otiosos praebuerunt Leuctricae calamitatis? Externa libentius in tali re quam domestica recordor. Verum tamen, quam diu imperium populi Romani beneficiis tenebatur, non iniuriis, bella aut pro sociis aut de imperio gerebantur, exitus erant bellorum aut mites aut necessarii, regum, populorum, nationum portus erat et refugium senatus 2.27. nostri autem magistratus imperatoresque ex hac una re maximam laudem capere studebant, si provincias, si socios aequitate et fide defendissent; itaque illud patrocinium orbis terrae verius quam imperium poterat nominari. Sensim hanc consuetudinem et disciplinam iam antea minuebamus, post vero Sullae victoriam penitus amisimus; desitum est enim videri quicquam in socios iniquum, cum exstitisset in cives tanta crudelitas. Ergo in illo secuta est honestam causam non honesta victoria; est enim ausus dicere, hasta posita cum bona in foro venderet et bonorum virorum et locupletium et certe civium, praedam se suam vendere. Secutus est, qui in causa impia, victoria etiam foediore non singulorum civium bona publicaret, sed universas provincias regionesque uno calamitatis iure comprehenderet. 2.45. Quorum autem prima aetas propter humilitatem et obscuritatem in hominum ignoratione versatur, ii, simul ac iuvenes esse coeperunt, magna spectare et ad ea rectis studiis debent contendere; quod eo firmiore animo facient, quia non modo non invidetur illi aetati, verum etiam favetur. Prima igitur est adulescenti commendatio ad gloriam, si qua ex bellicis rebus comparari potest, in qua multi apud maiores nostros exstiterunt; semper enim fere bella gerebantur. Tua autem aetas incidit in id bellum, cuius altera pars sceleris nimium habuit, altera felicitatis parum. Quo tamen in bello cum te Pompeius alae alteri praefecisset, magnam laudem et a summo viro et ab exercitu consequebare equitando, iaculando, omni militari labore tolerando. Atque ea quidem tua laus pariter cum re publica cecidit. Mihi autem haec oratio suscepta non de te est, sed de genere toto; quam ob rein pergarnus ad ea, quae restant. 2.85. Ab hoc igitur genere largitionis, ut aliis detur, aliis auferatur, aberunt ii, qui rem publicam tuebuntur, in primisque operam dabunt, ut iuris et iudiciorum aequitate suum quisque teneat et neque tenuiores propter humilitatem circumveniantur neque locupletibus ad sua vel tenenda vel recuperanda obsit invidia, praeterea, quibuscumque rebus vel belli vel domi poterunt, rem publicam augeant imperio, agris, vectigalibus. Haec magnorum hominum sunt, haec apud maiores nostros factitata, haec genera officiorum qui persequentur, cum summa utilitate rei publicae magnam ipsi adipiscentur et gratiam et gloriam. | 1.35. The only excuse, therefore, for going to war is that we may live in peace unharmed; and when the victory is won, we should spare those who have not been blood-thirsty and barbarous in their warfare. For instance, our forefathers actually admitted to full rights of citizenship the Tusculans, Aequians, Volscians, Sabines, and Hernicians, but they razed Carthage and Numantia to the ground. I wish they had not destroyed Corinth; but I believe they had some special reason for what they did â its convenient situation, probably â and feared that its very location might some day furnish a temptation to renew the war. In my opinion, at least, we should always strive to secure a peace that shall not admit of guile. And if my advice had been heeded on this point, we should still have at least some sort of constitutional government, if not the best in the world, whereas, as it is, we have none at all. Not only must we show consideration for those whom we have conquered by force of arms but we must also ensure protection to those who lay down their arms and throw themselves upon the mercy of our generals, even though the battering-ram has hammered at their walls. And among our countrymen justice has been observed so conscientiously in this direction, that those who have given promise of protection to states or nations subdued in war become, after the custom of our forefathers, the patrons of those states. 1.62. But if the exaltation of spirit seen in times of danger and toil is devoid of justice and fights for selfish ends instead of for the common good, it is a vice; for not only has it no element of virtue, but its nature is barbarous and revolting to all our finer feelings. The Stoics, therefore, correctly define courage as "that virtue which champions the cause of right." Accordingly, no one has attained to true glory who has gained a reputation for courage by treachery and cunning; for nothing that lacks justice can be morally right. 1.74. Most people think that the achievements of war are more important than those of peace; but this opinion needs to be corrected. For many men have sought occasions for war from the mere ambition for fame. This is notably the case with men of great spirit and natural ability, and it is the more likely to happen, if they are adapted to a soldier's life and fond of warfare. But if we will face the facts, we shall find that there have been many instances of achievement in peace more important and no less renowned than in war. 1.75. However highly Themistocles, for example, may be extolled â and deservedly â and however much more illustrious his name may be than Solon's, and however much Salamis may be cited as witness of his most glorious victory â a victory glorified above Solon's statesmanship in instituting the Areopagus â yet Solon's achievement is not to be accounted less illustrious than his. For Themistocles's victory served the state once and only once; while Solon's work will be of service for ever. For through his legislation the laws of the Athenians and the institutions of their fathers are maintained. And while Themistocles could not readily point to any instance in which he himself had rendered assistance to the Areopagus, the Areopagus might with justice assert that Themistocles had received assistance from it; for the war was directed by the counsels of that senate which Solon had created. 1.76. The same may be said of Pausanias and Lysander. Although it is thought that it was by their achievements that Sparta gained her supremacy, yet these are not even remotely to be compared with the legislation and discipline of Lycurgus. Nay, rather, it was due to these that Pausanias and Lysander had armies so brave and so well disciplined. For my own part, I do not consider that Marcus Scaurus was inferior to Gaius Marius, when I was a lad, or Quintus Catulus to Gnaeus Pompey, when I was engaged in public life. For arms are of little value in the field unless there is wise counsel at home. So, too, Africanus, though a great man and a soldier of extraordinary ability, did no greater service to the state by destroying Numantia than was done at the same time by Publius Nasica, though not then clothed with official authority, by removing Tiberius Gracchus. This deed does not, to be sure, belong wholly to the domain of civil affairs; it partakes of the nature of war also, since it was effected by violence; but it was, for all that, executed as a political measure without the help of an army. 1.77. The whole truth, however, is in this verse, against which, I am told, the malicious and envious are wont to rail: "Yield, ye arms, to the toga; to civic praises, ye laurels." Not to mention other instances, did not arms yield to the toga, when I was at the helm of state? For never was the republic in more serious peril, never was peace more profound. Thus, as the result of my counsels and my vigilance, their weapons slipped suddenly from the hands of the most desperate traitors â dropped to the ground of their own accord! What achievement in war, then, was ever so great? 1.78. What triumph can be compared with that? For I may boast to you, my son Marcus; for to you belong the inheritance of that glory of mine and the duty of imitating my deeds. And it was to me, too, that Gnaeus Pompey, a hero crowned with the honour of war, paid this tribute in the hearing of many, when he said that his third triumph would have been gained in vain, if he were not to have through my services to the state a place in which to celebrate it. There are, therefore, instances of civic courage that are not inferior to the courage of the soldier. Nay, the former calls for even greater energy and greater devotion than the latter. 1.121. And when we have once changed our calling in life, we must take all possible care to make it clear that we have done so with good reason. But whereas I said a moment ago that we have to follow in the steps of our fathers, let me make the following exceptions: first, we need not imitate their faults; second, we need not imitate certain other things, if our nature does not permit such imitation; for example, the son of the elder Africanus (that Scipio who adopted the younger Africanus, the son of Paulus) could not on account of ill-health be so much like his father as Africanus had been like his. If, then, a man is unable to conduct cases at the bar or to hold the people spell-bound with his eloquence or to conduct wars, still it will be his duty to practise these other virtues, which are within his reach â justice, good faith, generosity, temperance, self-control â that his deficiencies in other respects may be less conspicuous. The noblest heritage, however, that is handed down from fathers to children, and one more precious than any inherited wealth, is a reputation for virtue and worthy deeds; and to dishonour this must be branded as a sin and a shame. 2.26. And indeed no power is strong enough to be lasting if it labours under the weight of fear. Witness Phalaris, whose cruelty is notorious beyond that of all others. He was slain, not treacherously (like that Alexander whom I named but now), not by a few conspirators (like that tyrant of ours), but the whole population of Agrigentum rose against him with one accord. Again, did not the Macedonians abandon Demetrius and march over as one man to Pyrrhus? And again, when the Spartans exercised their supremacy tyrannically, did not practically all the allies desert them and view their disaster at Leuctra, as idle spectators? I prefer in this connection to draw my illustrations from foreign history rather than from our own. Let me add, however, that as long as the empire of the Roman People maintained itself by acts of service, not of oppression, wars were waged in the interest of our allies or to safeguard our supremacy; the end of our wars was marked by acts of clemency or by only a necessary degree of severity; the senate was a haven of refuge for kings, tribes, and nations; 2.27. and the highest ambition of our magistrates and generals was to defend our provinces and allies with justice and honour. 2.45. Those, on the other hand, whose humble and obscure origin has kept them unknown to the world in their early years ought, as soon as they approach young manhood, to set a high ideal before their eyes and to strive with unswerving zeal towards its realization. This they will do with the better heart, because that time of life is accustomed to find favour rather than to meet with opposition. Well, then, the first thing to recommend to a young man in his quest for glory is that he try to win it, if he can, in a military career. Among our forefathers many distinguished themselves as soldiers; for warfare was almost continuous then. The period of your own youth, however, has coincided with that war in which the one side was too prolific in crime, the other in failure. And yet, when Pompey placed you in command of a cavalry squadron in this war, you won the applause of that great man and of the army for your skill in riding and spear-throwing and for endurance of all the hardships of the soldier's life. But that credit accorded to you came to nothing along with the fall of the republic. The subject of this discussion, however, is not your personal history, but the general theme. Let us, therefore, proceed to the sequel. 2.85. Those, then, whose office it is to look after the interests of the state will refrain from that form of liberality which robs one man to enrich another. Above all, they will use their best endeavours that everyone shall be protected in the possession of his own property by the fair administration of the law and the courts, that the poorer classes shall not be oppressed because of their helplessness, and that envy shall not stand in the way of the rich, to prevent them from keeping or recovering possession of what justly belongs to them; they must strive, too, by whatever means they can, in peace or in war, to advance the state in power, in territory, and in revenues. Such service calls for great men; it was commonly rendered in the days of our ancestors; if men will perform duties such as these, they will win popularity and glory for themselves and at the same time render eminent service to the state. |
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5. Cicero, Republic, 3.35-3.36, 6.25 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
| 3.35. Isid. Orig. 18.1.2sq. Illa iniusta bella sunt, quae sunt sine causa suscepta. Nam extra ulciscendi aut propulsandorum hostium causam bellum geri iustum nullum potest. Isid. Orig. 18.1.2sq. Nullum bellum iustum habetur nisi denuntiatum, nisi indictum, nisi repetitis rebus. 3.35. Non. 498M Noster autem populus sociis defendendis terrarum iam omnium potitus est. 3.36. August. C.D. 19.21 Cur igitur deus homini, animus imperat corpori, ratio libidini ceterisque vitiosis animi partibus? 6.25. Quocirca si reditum in hunc locum desperaveris, in quo omnia sunt magnis et praestantibus viris, quanti tandem est ista hominum gloria, quae pertinere vix ad unius anni partem exiguam potest? Igitur alte spectare si voles atque hanc sedem et aeternam domum contueri, neque te sermonibus vulgi dedideris nec in praemiis humanis spem posueris rerum tuarum; suis te oportet inlecebris ipsa virtus trahat ad verum decus, quid de te alii loquantur, ipsi videant, sed loquentur tamen. Sermo autem omnis ille et angustiis cingitur iis regionum, quas vides, nec umquam de ullo perennis fuit et obruitur hominum interitu et oblivione posteritatis extinguitur. | |
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6. Cicero, Letters, 2.12.2, 8.3.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
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7. Cicero, Letters, 2.12.2, 8.3.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
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8. Cicero, Letters, 2.12.2, 8.3.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
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9. Cicero, Epistulae Ad Quintum Fratrem, 2.12.2, 8.3.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
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10. Cicero, Philippicae, 2.91 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
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11. Cicero, Pro Archia, 22, 14 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
| 14. nam nisi multorum praeceptis multisque litteris mihi ab adulescentia suasissem nihil esse in vita magno opere expetendum nisi laudem atque honestatem, in ea autem persequenda omnis cruciatus corporis, omnia pericula mortis atque exsili exilia GEe parvi esse ducenda, numquam me pro salute vestra in tot ac tantas dimicationes atque in hos profligatorum hominum cotidianos impetus obiecissem coniecissem Halm . sed pleni omnes sunt sunt omnes Ee χ sapientium Gep : sapientum cett. libri, plenae sapientium voces, plena exemplorum vetustas; quae iacerent in tenebris omnia, nisi litterarum lumen accederet accenderet Ee χς . quam multas nobis imagines non solum ad intuendum verum etiam ad imitandum fortissimorum virorum expressas scriptores et Graeci et Latini reliquerunt! quas ego mihi semper in administranda re publica proponens animum et mentem meam ipsa cogitatione hominum excellentium conformabam. | |
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12. Cicero, Pro Lege Manilia, 7 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
| 7. praeter ceteras gentis atque avidi laudis fuistis, delenda vobis est est vobis Eb1 illa macula Mithridatico bello superiore concepta concepta HE : suscepta cett. quae penitus iam iam om. H insedit ac nimis inveteravit in populi Romani nomine, quod is qui uno die tota in Asia tot in civitatibus uno nuntio atque una significatione significatione H : significatione litterarum cett. omnis omnis scripsi : om. codd. ( post -one) curavit HE : denotavit cett. civis Romanos necandos trucidandosque curavit, non modo adhuc poenam nullam suo dignam scelere scelere dignam H suscepit sed ab illo tempore annum iam tertium et vicesimum regnat et ita regnat om. t p , et ita regnat ut se non Ponti Ponti E p : Ponto cett. neque Cappadociae latebris occultare velit sed emergere ex ex Ht : et E : e dp patrio regno atque in vestris vectigalibus, hoc est in Asiae luce, versari. 7. ac ne illud quidem vobis neglegendum est quod mihi ego extremum proposueram, cum essem de belli genere genere belli H dicturus, quod ad multorum bona civium Romanorum pertinet; quorum vobis pro vestra sapientia, Quirites, habenda est ratio diligenter. nam et publicani, homines honestissimi atque atque HE : et cett. ornatissimi, suas rationes et copias in illam provinciam contulerunt, quorum ipsorum per se res et fortunae vobis curae esse debent. etenim, si vectigalia nervos esse rei publicae semper duximus, eum certe ordinem qui exercet illa firmamentum ceterorum ordinum recte esse recte esse necesse H dicemus. | |
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13. Cicero, Pro Milone, 72-92, 3 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
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14. Cicero, Pro Sestio, 101, 96-100 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
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15. Cicero, Tusculan Disputations, 1.2, 1.37, 1.40, 1.91, 1.109-1.110 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
| 1.2. Nam mores et instituta vitae resque domesticas ac familiaris nos profecto et melius tuemur et lautius, latius R 1 rem vero publicam nostri maiores certe melioribus temperaverunt et institutis et legibus. quid loquar de re militari? in qua cum virtute nostri multum valuerunt, tum plus etiam disciplina. iam illa, quae natura, non litteris adsecuti assec. KRH sunt, neque cum Graecia neque ulla cum gente cum ulla gente K sunt conferenda. quae enim tanta gravitas, quae tanta constantia, magnitudo animi, animi magnitudo K probitas, fides, quae tam excellens in omni genere virtus in ullis fuit, ut sit cum maioribus nostris comparanda? 1.37. frequens enim consessus quos... con in r. K 1 consessus s consensu X, s in fine add. V 1 theatri, in quo sunt mulierculae et pueri, movetur audiens tam grande carmen: A/dsum Trag. inc. 73 atque advenio A/cherunte acher onte K (u ss. c ) vi/x via alta atque a/rdua Pe/r speluncas sa/xis structas a/speris pende/ntibus Ma/xumis, ubi ri/gida constat cra/ssa crassa s. v. add. K c caligo i/nferum, ubi ...inferum Non. 272,39 tantumque valuit error—qui mihi quidem iam sublatus videtur—, ut, corpora cremata cum scirent, tamen ea fieri apud inferos fingerent, quae sine corporibus nec fieri possent possunt V 2 nec intellegi. animos enim per se se s. v. add. V c ipsos viventis vigentis ex viventis V 1 non poterant mente complecti, formam aliquam figuramque quaerebant. inde Homeri tota ne/kuia, NECUIA KRV ( sed A in p A corr. 1 ) necyia mai. litt. G NErCUO mantia RK nepsyomantia mai. litt. G psichomantia, sed psicho in r. V 1 aut 2 ( ex div. 1, 132 ) corr. Dav. inde ea quae meus amicus Appius nekuomantei=a faciebat, inde -de in om. K 1 add. c in vicinia vitia KRV 1 (vicinia corr. 1 ) vicia G nostra Averni lacus, u/nde animae excita/ntur obscura u/mbra opertae, apertae ( vel ę, -e K 1 ) opertę corr. V 1 K 2 ima/gines mo/rtuorum, alto o/stio hostio alte (altę K 1 ) ostio s alto corr. K 2 V 1aut2 s . locum rest. Leo. alii aut imagines mortuorum in fine relicta male Ciceroni ipsi tribuunt aut ibi mort. imagines scribunt (praeterea aperto ex ostio Mdv. opertae ex ostio Ribb. altae Klotz) Acheru/ntis, acheruntis (acherontis KV 1 e corr. ) s. s. imagines mortuorum X salso sa/nguine. Trag. inc. 76 cf. Leo Progr. Gott. 1910 p. 21. has tamen imagines loqui volunt, quod fieri nec sine lingua nec sine palato nec sine faucium laterum pulmonum vi et figura potest. nihil enim animo videre poterant, ad oculos omnia referebant. 1.40. Macte mac in r. V c virtute! Macte virtute Non. 341, 37 ego enim ipse cum eodem ipso ipso cf. div. 2, 95 isto We. non invitus erraverim. num igitur dubitamus—? an sicut pleraque? quamquam hoc quidem minime; persuadent enim mathematici terram in medio mundo sitam ad universi caeli complexum quasi puncti instar optinere, quod ke/ntron centron X (ante Vitr. praeterea ap. Rom. non invenitur) illi vocant; eam porro naturam esse quattuor omnia gignentium corporum, ut, quasi partita habeant inter se ac divisa momenta, terrena et umida umida RG 1 V 1 ( add. G 1 V 1 ) suopte nutu et suo pondere ad paris angulos in terram et in mare mari X mare K 2 s ferantur, reliquae duae partes, una ignea altera animalis, ut illae superiores ille GKV superioris X in medium locum mundi gravitate ferantur et pondere, sic hae rursum rursus V 2 rectis lineis in caelestem calestem GV 1 locum subvolent, sive ipsa natura superiora adpetente sive quod a gravioribus leviora superiora... 23 leviora om. R 1 add. m. vet. in mg. (superiora ex -re). eadem verba usque ad levio fere omnia in r. scripsit V 1 natura repellantur. quae cum constent, sive quod ... constent Non. 273, 7 perspicuum debet esse animos, cum e corpore excesserint, sive illi sint animales, id est spirabiles, spirabiles KV 2 (l sp.) spiritabiles RV 1 spiritales G sive ignei, sublime ferri. 1.91. quae propter incertos casus casus add. V c cotidie imminet, imminet V propter brevitatem vitae numquam potest longe abesse, quo minus quominus K in omne tempus rei p. suisque reip. suisque GV reip s usque ex reipsiusque K 2 reip ussuisque R ( al. m. ) consulat, cum cum Sey. ut W aut Mue. posteritatem ipsam, cuius sensum habiturus non sit, ad se putet pertinere. quare licet etiam mortalem esse animum animum K 2 s animam X iudicantem aeterna moliri, non gloriae cupiditate, quam sensurus non sis, sit X si t V ( ss. 1 aut c ) sed virtutis, quam necessario gloria, etiamsi tu id non agas, consequatur. Natura vero si add.Ba. se sic habet, ut, quo modo initium nobis rerum omnium ortus noster adferat, sic exitum mors, ut nihil pertinuit ad nos ante ortum, sic nihil post mortem pertinebit. in quo quid potest esse mali, cum mors nec ad vivos pertineat nec ad mortuos? 1.109. quantum famaeque V (ae in r. V c ) autem consuetudini famaeque dandum sit, id curent vivi, sed ita, ut intellegant nihil id id ss. G 1 ad mortuos pertinere. Sed profecto mors tum aequissimo animo oppetitur, cum suis se laudibus vita occidens consolari potest. nemo parum diu vixit, qui virtutis virtutis -utis in r. V c perfectae perfecto perfecto exp. V 2 functus est munere. multa mihi ipsi ad mortem tempestiva fuerunt. quam quam Dav. quae (idem error p. 274, 16 saep.) utinam potuissem obire! nihil enim iam adquirebatur, cumulata erant officia vitae, cum fortuna fortunae K 2 B bella restabant. quare si ipsa ratio minus perficiat, perficiet V 2 ut mortem neglegere possimus, at vita acta perficiat, ut satis superque vixisse videamur. videamus V 1 quamquam enim en im V (si et ... 2 ) sensus abierit, tamen suis suis Lb. (cf.p.253,9) summis et propriis bonis laudis et gloriae, quamvis non sentiant, mortui non carent. etsi enim nihil habet habe t G( eras. n) in se gloria cur expetatur, expectatur X (c exp. in V) vir tutē V ( ss. 2? ) tamen virtutem tamquam umbra sequitur. sequatur V 2? 1.110. verum suppl. Po. (obl. Bitschofsky, Berl. ph. Woch. 1913,173) ante verum quod pro adi. habent add. et Bentl. igitur Sey multitudinis iudicium de bonis bonum si quando est, magis laudandum est quam illi ob eam rem beati. non possum autem dicere, quoquo quo V 1 ( add. c ) modo hoc accipietur, Lycurgum Solonem legum et publicae publicę V (-ce K publi G 1 ) disciplinae carere gloria, Themistoclem Epaminondam et epam. V 2 bellicae virtutis. ante enim Salamina salamina Man. salaminam cf. We. salamini GK 1 (i add. 2 ) V ipsam Neptunus obruet quam Salaminii tropaei trop hi G 1 K ( add. 2 ) trop ei m. V ( ss. 2 ) memoriam, priusque e V 2 om. X e Boeotia bootia X (boetia K 2 V 2 B) Leuctra leuctrae V 2 leuctrha K 1 R 1 tollentur quam quam K quae GRV 1 ( supra ae add. V rec ) pugnae Leuctricae gloria. multo autem tardius fama deseret desseret GV 1 Curium Fabricium Calatinum, duo Scipiones duo duos V rec Africanos, Maximum Marcellum Paulum, Catonem Laelium, innumerabilis alios; quorum similitudinem aliquam qui arripuerit, non eam fama populari, sed vera bonorum laude metiens, fidenti animo, anima G si ita res feret, res feret V 2 s Lact. refert X gradietur ad mortem; in qua aut summum bonum aut nullum malum esse cognovimus. fidenti...24 cognovimus Lact. inst. 7, 10, 9 secundis vero suis rebus volet etiam mori; non enim tam tam add. G 1 cumulus bonorum iucundus esse potest quam molesta decessio. hanc sententiam significare videtur Laconis illa vox, qui, cum Rhodius Diagoras, Olympionices olimp. X (10 solus V) nobilis, uno die duo suos filios victores Olympiae vidisset, accessit ad senem et gratulatus: | |
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16. Polybius, Histories, 1.1.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
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17. Anon., Rhetorica Ad Herennium, 1.24 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
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18. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 1.2.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
| 1.2.2. For we must look upon it as constituting the guardian of the high achievements of illustrious men, the witness which testifies to the evil deeds of the wicked, and the benefactor of the entire human race. For if it be true that the myths which are related about Hades, in spite of the fact that their subject-matter is fictitious, contribute greatly to fostering piety and justice among men, how much more must we assume that history, the prophetess of truth, she who is, as it were, the mother-city of philosophy as a whole, is still more potent to equip men's characters for noble living! |
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19. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 1.6.2-1.6.5 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
| 1.6.2. Like to these in all respects are the histories of those Romans, also, who related in Greek the early achievements of the city; the oldest of these writers are Quintus Fabius and Lucius Cincius, who both flourished during the Punic wars. Each of these men related the events at which he himself had been present with great exactness, as being well acquainted with them, but touched only in a summary way upon the early events that followed the founding of the city. 1.6.3. For these reasons, therefore, I have determined not to pass over a noble period of history which the older writers left untouched, a period, moreover, the accurate portrayal of which will lead to the following most excellent and just results: In the first place, the brave men who have fulfilled their destiny will gain immortal glory and be extolled by posterity, which things render human nature like unto the divine and prevent men's deeds from perishing together with their bodies. 1.6.4. And again, both the present and future descendants of those godlike men will choose, not the pleasantest and easiest of lives, but rather the noblest and most ambitious, when they consider that all who are sprung from an illustrious origin ought to set a high value on themselves and indulge in no pursuit unworthy of their ancestors. 1.6.5. And I, who have not turned aside to this work for the sake of flattery, but out of a regard for truth and justice, which ought to be the aim of every history, shall have an opportunity, in the first place, of expressing my attitude of goodwill toward all good men and toward all who take pleasure in the contemplation of great and noble deeds; and, in the second place, of making the most grateful return that I may to the city and other blessings I have enjoyed during my residence in it. |
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20. Julius Caesar, De Bello Gallico, 2.14 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
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21. Livy, History, praef. 10 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
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22. Sallust, Catiline, 7.3-7.6, 10.1, 11.2, 12.4 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
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23. Sallust, Iugurtha, 4.5, 4.7-4.8 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
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24. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.278-1.290, 6.851-6.853 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
| 1.279. Such was his word, but vexed with grief and care 1.280. feigned hopes upon his forehead firm he wore 1.281. and locked within his heart a hero's pain. 1.282. Now round the welcome trophies of his chase 1.283. they gather for a feast. Some flay the ribs 1.284. and bare the flesh below; some slice with knives 1.285. and on keen prongs the quivering strips impale 1.286. place cauldrons on the shore, and fan the fires. 1.287. Then, stretched at ease on couch of simple green 1.288. they rally their lost powers, and feast them well 1.289. on seasoned wine and succulent haunch of game. 1.290. But hunger banished and the banquet done 6.851. Eridanus, through forests rolling free. 6.852. Here dwell the brave who for their native land 6.853. Fell wounded on the field; here holy priests |
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25. Vergil, Eclogues, 4.17 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
| 4.17. of our old wickedness, once done away |
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26. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.88, 1.477 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
| 1.88. 3. But when he had made slaves of the citizens of all these cities, the nation of the Jews made an insurrection against him at a festival; for at those feasts seditions are generally begun; and it looked as if he should not be able to escape the plot they had laid for him, had not his foreign auxiliaries, the Pisidians and Cilicians, assisted him; for as to the Syrians, he never admitted them among his mercenary troops, on account of their innate enmity against the Jewish nation. 1.477. She also frequently reproached Herod’s sister and wives with the ignobility of their descent; and that they were every one chosen by him for their beauty, but not for their family. Now those wives of his were not a few; it being of old permitted to the Jews to marry many wives,—and this king delighting in many; all which hated Alexander, on account of Glaphyra’s boasting and reproaches. |
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27. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 7.52.178-7.52.179 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
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28. Plutarch, Cicero, 35.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
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29. Tacitus, Agricola, 46.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
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30. Tacitus, Annals, 2.53.1-2.53.2, 3.18.1, 15.41.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
| 2.53.1. The following year found Tiberius consul for a third time; Germanicus, for a second. The latter, however, entered upon that office in the Achaian town of Nicopolis, which he had reached by skirting the Illyrian coast after a visit to his brother Drusus, then resident in Dalmatia: the passage had been stormy both in the Adriatic and, later, in the Ionian Sea. He spent a few days, therefore, in refitting the fleet; while at the same time, evoking the memory of his ancestors, he viewed the gulf immortalized by the victory of Actium, together with the spoils which Augustus had consecrated, and the camp of Antony. For Augustus, as I have said, was his great-uncle, Antony his grandfather; and before his eyes lay the whole great picture of disaster and of triumph. â He next arrived at Athens; where, in deference to our treaty with an allied and time-honoured city, he made use of one lictor alone. The Greeks received him with most elaborate compliments, and, in order to temper adulation with dignity, paraded the ancient doings and sayings of their countrymen. 3.18.1. Much in these suggestions was mitigated by the emperor. He would not have Piso's name cancelled from the records, when the names of Mark Antony, who had levied war on his fatherland, and of Iullus Antonius, who had dishonoured the hearth of Augustus, still remained. He exempted Marcus Piso from official degradation, and granted him his patrimony: for, as I have often said, he was firm enough against pecuniary temptations, and in the present case his shame at the acquittal of Plancina made him exceptionally lenient. So, again, when Valerius Messalinus proposed to erect a golden statue in the temple of Mars the Avenger, and Caecina Severus an altar of Vengeance, he vetoed the scheme, remarking that these memorials were consecrated after victories abroad; domestic calamities called for sorrow and concealment. Messalinus had added that Tiberius, Augusta, Antonia, Agrippina, and Drusus ought to be officially thanked for their services in avenging Germanicus: Claudius he had neglected to mention. Indeed, it was only when Lucius Asprenas demanded point-blank in the senate if the omission was deliberate that the name was appended. For myself, the more I reflect on events recent or remote, the more am I haunted by the sense of a mockery in human affairs. For by repute, by expectancy, and by veneration, all men were sooner marked out for sovereignty than that future emperor whom destiny was holding in the background. 15.41.1. It would not be easy to attempt an estimate of the private dwellings, tenement-blocks, and temples, which were lost; but the flames consumed, in their old-world sanctity, the temple dedicated to Luna by Servius Tullius, the great altar and chapel of the Arcadian Evander to the Present Hercules, the shrine of Jupiter Stator vowed by Romulus, the Palace of Numa, and the holy place of Vesta with the Penates of the Roman people. To these must be added the precious trophies won upon so many fields, the glories of Greek art, and yet again the primitive and uncorrupted memorials of literary genius; so that, despite the striking beauty of the rearisen city, the older generation recollects much that it proved impossible to replace. There were those who noted that the first outbreak of the fire took place on the nineteenth of July, the anniversary of the capture and burning of Rome by the Senones: others have pushed their researches so far as to resolve the interval between the two fires into equal numbers of years, of months, and of days. |
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31. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 3.7.11 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
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32. Apuleius, The Golden Ass, 2.29-2.30 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
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33. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 51.19.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
| 51.19.3. But it would be quite superfluous to go on and mention the prayers, the images, the privilege of the front seat, and all the other honours of the sort. At the beginning, then, they not only voted him these honours but also either took down or effaced the memorials of Antony, declared the day on which he had been born accursed, and forbade the use of the surname Marcus by any of his kind. |
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34. Herodian, History of The Empire After Marcus, 1.2.5, 2.15.6-2.15.7 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
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35. Lucian, How To Write History, 9 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
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