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9716
Porphyry, Life Of Plotinus, 20


nanThis extended quotation from the most acute of the critics of our day--a writer who has passed judgement on nearly all his contemporaries--serves to show the estimate he came to set upon Plotinus of whom, at first, misled by ignorant talk, he had held a poor opinion. His notion, by the way, that the transcripts he acquired from Amelius were faulty sprang from his misunderstanding of Plotinus' style and phraseology; if there were ever any accurate copies, these were they, faithful reproductions from the author's own manuscript. Another passage from the work of Longinus, dealing with Amelius, Plotinus, and other metaphysicians of the day, must be inserted here to give a complete view of the opinion formed upon these philosophers by the most authoritative and most searching of critics. The work was entitled On the End: in Answer to Plotinus and Gentilianus Amelius. It opens with the following preface: 'In our time, Marcellus, there have been many philosophers--especially in our youth--for there is a strange scarcity at present. When I was a boy, my parents' long journeys gave me the opportunity of seeing all the better-known teachers; and in later life those that still lived became known to me as my visits to this and that city and people brought me where they happened to live. 'Some of these undertook the labour of developing their theories in formal works and so have bequeathed to the future the means of profiting by their services. Others thought they had done enough when they had convinced their own immediate hearers of the truth of their theories.. 'First of those that have written. 'Among the Platonists there are Euclides, Democritus, Proclinus the philosopher of the Troad, and the two who still profess philosophy at Rome, Plotinus and his friend Gentilianus Amelius. Among the Stoics there are Themistocles and Phoibion and the two who flourished only a little while ago, Annius and Medius. And there is the Peripatetic, Heliodorus of Alexandria. 'For those that have not written, there are among the Platonists Ammonius and Origen, two teachers whose lectures I myself attended during a long period, men greatly surpassing their contemporaries in mental power; and there are the Platonic Successors at Athens, Theodotus and Eubulus. 'No doubt some writing of a metaphysical order stands to the credit of this group: Origen wrote On Spirit-Beings, Eubulus On the Philebus and Gorgias, and the objections urged by Aristotle to Plato's Republic; but this is not enough to class either of them with systematic authors. This was side-play; authorship was not in the main plan of their careers. 'Among Stoic teachers that refrained from writing we have Herminus and Lysimachus, and the two living at Athens, Musonius and Athenaeus; among Peripatetics, Ammonius and Ptolemaeus. 'The two last were the most accomplished scholars of their time, Ammonius especially being unapproached in breadth of learning; but neither produced any systematic work; we have from them merely verses and duty-speeches; and these I cannot think to have been preserved with their consent; they did not concern themselves about formal statement of their doctrine, and it is not likely they would wish to be known in after times by compositions of so trivial a nature. 'To return to the writers; some of them, like Euclides, Democritus, and Proclinus, confined themselves to the mere compilation and transcription of passages from earlier authorities. Others diligently worked over various minor points in the investigations of the ancients, and put together books dealing with the same subjects. Such were Annius, Medius, and Phoibion, the last especially choosing to be distinguished for style rather than for systematic thinking. In the same class must be ranked Heliodorus; his writings contribute nothing to the organization of the thought which he found to his hand in the teaching of earlier workers. 'Plotinus and Gentilianus Amelius alone display the true spirit of authorship; they treat of a great number of questions and they bring a method of their own to the treatment. 'Plotinus, it would seem, set the principles of Pythagoras and of Plato in a clearer light than anyone before him; on the same subjects, Numenius, Cronius, Moderatus, and Thrasyllus fall far short of him in precision and fullness. Amelius set himself to walk in Plotinus' steps and adopted most of Plotinus' opinions; his method, however, was diffuse an, unlike his friend, he indulges in an extravagance of explanation. 'Only these two seem to me worth study. What profit can anyone expect from troubling the works of any of the others to the neglect of the originals on which they drew? They bring us nothing of their own, not even a novel augment, much less a leading idea, and are too unconcerned even to set side by side the most generally adopted theories or to choose the better among them. 'My own method has been different; as for example when I replied to Gentilianus upon Plato's treatment of Justice and in a review I undertook of Plotinus' work On the Ideas. This latter was in the form of a reply to Basileus of Tyre, my friend as theirs. He had preferred Plotinus' system to mine and had written several works in the manner of his master, amongst them a treatise supporting Plotinus' theory of the Idea against that which I taught. I endeavoured, not, I think, unsuccessfully, to show that his change of mind was mistaken. 'In these two essays I have ranged widely over the doctrines of this school, as also in my Letter to Amelius which, despite the simple title with which I contented myself, has the dimensions of a book, being a reply to a treatise he addressed to me from Rome under the title On Plotinus' Philosophic Method.'


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

15 results
1. Plato, Timaeus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

29e. constructed Becoming and the All. He was good, and in him that is good no envy ariseth ever concerning anything; and being devoid of envy He desired that all should be, so far as possible, like unto Himself. Tim. This principle, then, we shall be wholly right in accepting from men of wisdom as being above all the supreme originating principle of Becoming and the Cosmos.
2. Cicero, De Finibus, 3.74 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

3.74.  "However I begin to perceive that I have let myself be carried beyond the requirements of the plan that I set before me. The fact is that I have been led on by the marvellous structure of the Stoic system and the miraculous sequence of its topics; pray tell me seriously, does it not fill you with admiration? Nothing is more finished, more nicely ordered, than nature; but what has nature, what have the products of handicraft to show that is so well constructed, so firmly jointed and welded into one? Where do you find a conclusion inconsistent with its premise, or a discrepancy between an earlier and a later statement? Where is lacking such close interconnexion of the parts that, if you alter a single letter, you shake the whole structure? Though indeed there is nothing that it would be possible to alter.
3. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 3.74 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

3.74. Sed iam sentio me esse longius provectum, quam proposita ratio postularet. verum admirabilis compositio disciplinae incredibilisque rerum me rerum me R me rerum BE rerum ANV traxit ordo; quem, per deos inmortales! nonne miraris? quid enim aut in natura, qua nihil est aptius, nihil descriptius, aut in operibus manu factis tam compositum tamque compactum et coagmentatum coagmentatum ed. princ. Colon. cocicmentatum A cociom tatū R coaugmentatum BEN coagumentatum V inveniri potest? quid posterius priori non convenit? quid sequitur, quod non respondeat superiori? quid non sic aliud ex alio nectitur, ut, si ut si ' aliquis apud Bentl. ' Mdv. ut non si ABERN aut non si V ullam litteram moveris, labent omnia? nec tamen quicquam est, quod quod BE quo moveri possit. 3.74.  "However I begin to perceive that I have let myself be carried beyond the requirements of the plan that I set before me. The fact is that I have been led on by the marvellous structure of the Stoic system and the miraculous sequence of its topics; pray tell me seriously, does it not fill you with admiration? Nothing is more finished, more nicely ordered, than nature; but what has nature, what have the products of handicraft to show that is so well constructed, so firmly jointed and welded into one? Where do you find a conclusion inconsistent with its premise, or a discrepancy between an earlier and a later statement? Where is lacking such close interconnexion of the parts that, if you alter a single letter, you shake the whole structure? Though indeed there is nothing that it would be possible to alter.
4. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 2.62 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

2.62. Those gods therefore who were the authors of various benefits owned their deification to the value of the benefits which they bestowed, and indeed the names that I just now enumerated express the various powers of the gods that bear them. "Human experience moreover and general custom have made it a practice to confer the deification of renown and gratitude upon of distinguished benefactors. This is the origin of Hercules, of Castor and Pollux, of Aesculapius, and also of Liber (I mean Liber the son of Semele, not the Liber whom our ancestors solemnly and devoutly consecrated with Ceres and Libera, the import of which joint consecration may be gathered from the mysteries; but Liber and Libera were so named as Ceres' offspring, that being the meaning of our Latin word liberi — a use which has survived in the case of Libera but not of Liber) — and this is also the origin of Romulus, who is believed to be the same as Quirinus. And these benefactors were duly deemed divine, as being both supremely good and immortal, because their souls survived and enjoyed eternal life.
5. Alcinous, Handbook of Platonism, 9.163.14-9.163.17 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

6. Justin, Dialogue With Trypho, 69 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

69. The devil, since he emulates the truth, has invented fables about Bacchus, Hercules, and Æsculapius Justin: Be well assured, then, Trypho, that I am established in the knowledge of and faith in the Scriptures by those counterfeits which he who is called the devil is said to have performed among the Greeks; just as some were wrought by the Magi in Egypt, and others by the false prophets in Elijah's days. For when they tell that Bacchus, son of Jupiter, was begotten by [Jupiter's] intercourse with Semele, and that he was the discoverer of the vine; and when they relate, that being torn in pieces, and having died, he rose again, and ascended to heaven; and when they introduce wine into his mysteries, do I not perceive that [the devil] has imitated the prophecy announced by the patriarch Jacob, and recorded by Moses? And when they tell that Hercules was strong, and travelled over all the world, and was begotten by Jove of Alcmene, and ascended to heaven when he died, do I not perceive that the Scripture which speaks of Christ, 'strong as a giant to run his race,' has been in like manner imitated? And when he [the devil] brings forward Æsculapius as the raiser of the dead and healer of all diseases, may I not say that in this matter likewise he has imitated the prophecies about Christ? But since I have not quoted to you such Scripture as tells that Christ will do these things, I must necessarily remind you of one such: from which you can understand, how that to those destitute of a knowledge of God, I mean the Gentiles, who, 'having eyes, saw not, and having a heart, understood not,' worshipping the images of wood, [how even to them] Scripture prophesied that they would renounce these [vanities], and hope in this Christ. It is thus written: Rejoice, thirsty wilderness: let the wilderness be glad, and blossom as the lily: the deserts of the Jordan shall both blossom and be glad: and the glory of Lebanon was given to it, and the honour of Carmel. And my people shall see the exaltation of the Lord, and the glory of God. Be strong, you careless hands and enfeebled knees. Be comforted, you faint in soul: be strong, fear not. Behold, our God gives, and will give, retributive judgment. He shall come and save us. Then the eyes of the blind shall be opened, and the ears of the deaf shall hear. Then the lame shall leap as an hart, and the tongue of the stammerers shall be distinct: for water has broken forth in the wilderness, and a valley in the thirsty land; and the parched ground shall become pools, and a spring of water shall [rise up] in the thirsty land. Isaiah 35:1-7 The spring of living water which gushed forth from God in the land destitute of the knowledge of God, namely the land of the Gentiles, was this Christ, who also appeared in your nation, and healed those who were maimed, and deaf, and lame in body from their birth, causing them to leap, to hear, and to see, by His word. And having raised the dead, and causing them to live, by His deeds He compelled the men who lived at that time to recognise Him. But though they saw such works, they asserted it was magical art. For they dared to call Him a magician, and a deceiver of the people. Yet He wrought such works, and persuaded those who were [destined to] believe in Him; for even if any one be labouring under a defect of body, yet be an observer of the doctrines delivered by Him, He shall raise him up at His second advent perfectly sound, after He has made him immortal, and incorruptible, and free from grief.
7. Philostratus The Athenian, Life of Apollonius, 1.7 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)

1.7. ON reaching the age when children are taught their letters, he showed great strength of memory and power of application; and his tongue affected the Attic dialect, nor was his accent corrupted by the race he lived among. All eyes were turned upon him, for he was, moreover, conspicuous for his beauty. When he reached his fourteenth year, his father brought him to Tarsus, to Euthydemus the teacher from Phoenicia. Now Euthydemus was a good rhetor, and began his education; but, though he was attached to his teacher, he found the atmosphere of the city harsh and strange and little conducive to the philosophic life, for nowhere are men more addicted than here to luxury; jesters and full of insolence are they all; and they attend more to their fine linen than the Athenians did to wisdom; and a stream called the Cydnus runs through their city, along the banks of which they sit like so many water-fowl. Hence the words which Apollonius addresses to them in his letter: Be done with getting drunk upon your water. He therefore transferred his teacher, with his father's consent, to the town of Aegae, which was close by, where he found a peace congenial to one who would be a philosopher, and a more serious school of study and a sanctuary of Asclepius, where that god reveals himself in person to men. There he had as his companions in philosophy followers of Plato and Chrysippus and peripatetic philosophers. And he diligently attended also to the discourses of Epicurus, for he did not despise these either, although it was to those of Pythagoras that he applied himself with unspeakable wisdom and ardor. However, his teacher of the Pythagorean system was not a very serious person, nor one who practiced in his conduct the philosophy he taught; for he was the slave of his belly and appetites, and modeled himself upon Epicurus. And this man was Euxenus from the town of Heraclea in Pontus, and he knew the principles of Pythagoras just as birds know what they learn from men; for the birds will wish you farewell, and say Good day or Zeus help you, and such like, without understanding what they say and without any real sympathy for mankind, merely because they have been trained to move their tongue in a certain manner. Apollonius, however, was like the young eagles who, as long as they are not fully fledged, fly alongside of their parents and are trained by them in flight, but who, as soon as they are able to rise in the air, outsoar the parent birds, especially when they perceive the latter to be greedy and to be flying along the ground in order to snuff the quarry; like them Apollonius attended Euxenus as long as he was a child and was guided by him in the path of argument, but when he reached his sixteenth year he indulged his impulse towards the life of Pythagoras, being fledged and winged thereto by some higher power. Notwithstanding he did not cease to love Euxenus, nay, he persuaded his father to present him with a villa outside the town, where there were tender groves and fountains, and he said to him: Now you live there your own life, but I will live that of Pythagoras.
8. Philostratus The Athenian, Lives of The Sophists, 527 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)

9. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 4.16-4.17, 4.19-4.20 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

4.16. 3. POLEMOPolemo, the son of Philostratus, was an Athenian who belonged to the deme of Oea. In his youth he was so profligate and dissipated that he actually carried about with him money to procure the immediate gratification of his desires, and would even keep sums concealed in lanes and alleys. Even in the Academy a piece of three obols was found close to a pillar, where he had buried it for the same purpose. And one day, by agreement with his young friends, he burst into the school of Xenocrates quite drunk, with a garland on his head. Xenocrates, however, without being at all disturbed, went on with his discourse as before, the subject being temperance. The lad, as he listened, by degrees was taken in the toils. He became so industrious as to surpass all the other scholars, and rose to be himself head of the school in the 116th Olympiad. 4.17. Antigonus of Carystus in his Biographies says that his father was foremost among the citizens and kept horses to compete in the chariot-race; that Polemo himself had been defendant in an action brought by his wife, who charged him with cruelty owing to the irregularities of his life; but that, from the time when he began to study philosophy, he acquired such strength of character as always to maintain the same unruffled calm of demeanour. Nay more, he never lost control of his voice. This in fact accounts for the fascination which he exercised over Crantor. Certain it is that, when a mad dog bit him in the back of his thigh, he did not even turn pale, but remained undisturbed by all the clamour which arose in the city at the news of what had happened. In the theatre too he was singularly unmoved. 4.19. which, as the same author says, is strong seasoning for meat when it is high. Further, he would not, they say, even sit down to deal with the themes of his pupils, but would argue walking up and down. It was, then, for his love of what is noble that he was honoured in the state. Nevertheless would he withdraw from society and confine himself to the Garden of the Academy, while close by his scholars made themselves little huts and lived not far from the shrine of the Muses and the lecture-hall. It would seem that in all respects Polemo emulated Xenocrates. And Aristippus in the fourth book of his work On the Luxury of the Ancients affirms him to have been his favourite. Certainly he always kept his predecessor before his mind and, like him, wore that simple austere dignity which is proper to the Dorian mode. 4.20. He loved Sophocles, particularly in those passages where it seemed as if, in the phrase of the comic poet,A stout Molossian mastiff lent him aid,and where the poet was, in the words of Phrynichus,Nor must, nor blended vintage, but true Pramnian.Thus he would call Homer the Sophocles of epic, and Sophocles the Homer of tragedyHe died at an advanced age of gradual decay, leaving behind him a considerable number of works. I have composed the following epigram upon him:Dost thou not hear? We have buried Polemo, laid here by that fatal scourge of wasted strength. Yet not Polemo, but merely his body, which on his way to the stars he left to moulder in the ground.
10. Eusebius of Caesarea, Against Hierocles, 10-12, 2, 35, 4, 8, 1 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)

11. Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, 6.19 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)

12. Plotinus, Enneads, 2.9, 4.7 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

13. Porphyry, On The Cave of The Nymphs, 32 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)

14. Porphyry, Life of Plotinus, 24.11-24.16 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)

15. Augustine, The City of God, 10.32 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)

10.32. This is the religion which possesses the universal way for delivering the soul; for except by this way, none can be delivered. This is a kind of royal way, which alone leads to a kingdom which does not totter like all temporal dignities, but stands firm on eternal foundations. And when Porphyry says, towards the end of the first book De Regressu Animœ, that no system of doctrine which furnishes the universal way for delivering the soul has as yet been received, either from the truest philosophy, or from the ideas and practices of the Indians, or from the reasoning of the Chald ans, or from any source whatever, and that no historical reading had made him acquainted with that way, he manifestly acknowledges that there is such a way, but that as yet he was not acquainted with it. Nothing of all that he had so laboriously learned concerning the deliverance of the soul, nothing of all that he seemed to others, if not to himself, to know and believe, satisfied him. For he perceived that there was still wanting a commanding authority which it might be right to follow in a matter of such importance. And when he says that he had not learned from any truest philosophy a system which possessed the universal way of the soul's deliverance, he shows plainly enough, as it seems to me, either that the philosophy of which he was a disciple was not the truest, or that it did not comprehend such a way. And how can that be the truest philosophy which does not possess this way? For what else is the universal way of the soul's deliverance than that by which all souls universally are delivered, and without which, therefore, no soul is delivered? And when he says, in addition, or from the ideas and practices of the Indians, or from the reasoning of the Chald ans, or from any source whatever, he declares in the most unequivocal language that this universal way of the soul's deliverance was not embraced in what he had learned either from the Indians or the Chald ans; and yet he could not forbear stating that it was from the Chald ans he had derived these divine oracles of which he makes such frequent mention. What, therefore, does he mean by this universal way of the soul's deliverance, which had not yet been made known by any truest philosophy, or by the doctrinal systems of those nations which were considered to have great insight in things divine, because they indulged more freely in a curious and fanciful science and worship of angels? What is this universal way of which he acknowledges his ignorance, if not a way which does not belong to one nation as its special property, but is common to all, and divinely bestowed? Porphyry, a man of no mediocre abilities, does not question that such a way exists; for he believes that Divine Providence could not have left men destitute of this universal way of delivering the soul. For he does not say that this way does not exist, but that this great boon and assistance has not yet been discovered, and has not come to his knowledge. And no wonder; for Porphyry lived in an age when this universal way of the soul's deliverance - in other words, the Christian religion - was exposed to the persecutions of idolaters and demon-worshippers, and earthly rulers, that the number of martyrs or witnesses for the truth might be completed and consecrated, and that by them proof might be given that we must endure all bodily sufferings in the cause of the holy faith, and for the commendation of the truth. Porphyry, being a witness of these persecutions, concluded that this way was destined to a speedy extinction, and that it, therefore, was not the universal way of the soul's deliverance, and did not see that the very thing that thus moved him, and deterred him from becoming a Christian, contributed to the confirmation and more effectual commendation of our religion. This, then, is the universal way of the soul's deliverance, the way that is granted by the divine compassion to the nations universally. And no nation to which the knowledge of it has already come, or may hereafter come, ought to demand, Why so soon? Or, Why so late?- for the design of Him who sends it is impenetrable by human capacity. This was felt by Porphyry when he confined himself to saying that this gift of God was not yet received, and had not yet come to his knowledge. For though this was so, he did not on that account pronounce that the way it self had no existence. This, I say, is the universal way for the deliverance of believers, concerning which the faithful Abraham received the divine assurance, In your seed shall all nations be blessed. Genesis 22:18 He, indeed, was by birth a Chald an; but, that he might receive these great promises, and that there might be propagated from him a seed disposed by angels in the hand of a Mediator, Galatians 3:19 in whom this universal way, thrown open to all nations for the deliverance of the soul, might be found, he was ordered to leave his country, and kindred, and father's house. Then was he himself, first of all, delivered from the Chald an superstitions, and by his obedience worshipped the one true God, whose promises he faithfully trusted. This is the universal way, of which it is said in holy prophecy, God be merciful unto us, and bless us, and cause His face to shine upon us; that Your way may be known upon earth, Your saving health among all nations. And hence, when our Saviour, so long after, had taken flesh of the seed of Abraham, He says of Himself, I am the way, the truth, and the life. John 14:6 This is the universal way, of which so long before it had been predicted, And it shall come to pass in the last days, that the mountain of the Lord's house shall be established in the top of the mountains, and shall be exalted above the hills; and all nations shall flow unto it. And many people shall go and say, Come, and let us go up to the mountain of the Lord, to the house of the God of Jacob; and He will teach us of His ways, and we will walk in His paths: for out of Sion shall go forth the law, and the word of the Lord from Jerusalem. Isaiah 2:2-3 This way, therefore, is not the property of one, but of all nations. The law and the word of the Lord did not remain in Zion and Jerusalem, but issued thence to be universally diffused. And therefore the Mediator Himself, after His resurrection, says to His alarmed disciples, These are the words which I spoke unto you while I was yet with you, that all things must be fulfilled which were written in the law of Moses, and in the prophets, and in the Psalms, concerning me. Then opened He their understandings that they might understand the Scriptures, and said to them, Thus it is written, and thus it behooved Christ to suffer, and to rise from the dead the third day: and that repentance and remission of sins should be preached in His name among all nations, beginning at Jerusalem. Luke 24:44-47 This is the universal way of the soul's deliverance, which the holy angels and the holy prophets formerly disclosed where they could among the few men who found the grace of God, and especially in the Hebrew nation, whose commonwealth was, as it were, consecrated to prefigure and fore-announce the city of God which was to be gathered from all nations, by their tabernacle, and temple, and priesthood, and sacrifices. In some explicit statements, and in many obscure foreshadowings, this way was declared; but latterly came the Mediator Himself in the flesh, and His blessed apostles, revealing how the grace of the New Testament more openly explained what had been obscurely hinted to preceding generations, in conformity with the relation of the ages of the human race, and as it pleased God in His wisdom to appoint, who also bore them witness with signs and miracles some of which I have cited above. For not only were there visions of angels, and words heard from those heavenly ministrants, but also men of God, armed with the word of simple piety, cast out unclean spirits from the bodies and senses of men, and healed deformities and sicknesses; the wild beasts of earth and sea, the birds of air, iimate things, the elements, the stars, obeyed their divine commands; the powers of hell gave way before them, the dead were restored to life. I say nothing of the miracles peculiar and proper to the Saviour's own person, especially the nativity and the resurrection; in the one of which He wrought only the mystery of a virgin maternity, while in the other He furnished an instance of the resurrection which all shall at last experience. This way purifies the whole man, and prepares the mortal in all his parts for immortality. For, to prevent us from seeking for one purgation for the part which Porphyry calls intellectual, and another for the part he calls spiritual, and another for the body itself, our most mighty and truthful Purifier and Saviour assumed the whole human nature. Except by this way, which has been present among men both during the period of the promises and of the proclamation of their fulfillment, no man has been delivered, no man is delivered, no man shall be delivered. As to Porphyry's statement that the universal way of the soul's deliverance had not yet come to his knowledge by any acquaintance he had with history, I would ask, what more remarkable history can be found than that which has taken possession of the whole world by its authoritative voice? Or what more trustworthy than that which narrates past events, and predicts the future with equal clearness, and in the unfulfilled predictions of which we are constrained to believe by those that are already fulfilled? For neither Porphyry nor any Platonists can despise divination and prediction, even of things that pertain to this life and earthly matters, though they justly despise ordinary soothsaying and the divination that is connected with magical arts. They deny that these are the predictions of great men, or are to be considered important, and they are right; for they are founded, either on the foresight of subsidiary causes, as to a professional eye much of the course of a disease is foreseen by certain pre-monitory symptoms, or the unclean demons predict what they have resolved to do, that they may thus work upon the thoughts and desires of the wicked with an appearance of authority, and incline human frailty to imitate their impure actions. It is not such things that the saints who walk in the universal way care to predict as important, although, for the purpose of commending the faith, they knew and often predicted even such things as could not be detected by human observation, nor be readily verified by experience. But there were other truly important and divine events which they predicted, in so far as it was given them to know the will of God. For the incarnation of Christ, and all those important marvels that were accomplished in Him, and done in His name; the repentance of men and the conversion of their wills to God; the remission of sins, the grace of righteousness, the faith of the pious, and the multitudes in all parts of the world who believe in the true divinity; the overthrow of idolatry and demon worship, and the testing of the faithful by trials; the purification of those who persevered, and their deliverance from all evil; the day of judgment, the resurrection of the dead, the eternal damnation of the community of the ungodly, and the eternal kingdom of the most glorious city of God, ever-blessed in the enjoyment of the vision of God - these things were predicted and promised in the Scriptures of this way; and of these we see so many fulfilled, that we justly and piously trust that the rest will also come to pass. As for those who do not believe, and consequently do not understand, that this is the way which leads straight to the vision of God and to eternal fellowship with Him, according to the true predictions and statements of the Holy Scriptures, they may storm at our position, but they cannot storm it. And therefore, in these ten books, though not meeting, I dare say, the expectation of some, yet I have, as the true God and Lord has vouchsafed to aid me, satisfied the desire of certain persons, by refuting the objections of the ungodly, who prefer their own gods to the Founder of the holy city, about which we undertook to speak. of these ten books, the first five were directed against those who think we should worship the gods for the sake of the blessings of this life, and the second five against those who think we should worship them for the sake of the life which is to be after death. And now, in fulfillment of the promise I made in the first book, I shall go on to say, as God shall aid me, what I think needs to be said regarding the origin, history, and deserved ends of the two cities, which, as already remarked, are in this world commingled and implicated with one another.


Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
alexander of aphrodisias Gerson and Wilberding (2022), The New Cambridge Companion to Plotinus, 132
alexandria d'Hoine and Martijn (2017), All From One: A Guide to Proclus, 37
allegory / allegoresis Hirsch-Luipold (2022), Plutarch and the New Testament in Their Religio-Philosophical Contexts, 195
amelius Hirsch-Luipold (2022), Plutarch and the New Testament in Their Religio-Philosophical Contexts, 195; d'Hoine and Martijn (2017), All From One: A Guide to Proclus, 37
anonymous commentary on platos parmenides d'Hoine and Martijn (2017), All From One: A Guide to Proclus, 37
apollonius of tyana Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 233
aristotle Gerson and Wilberding (2022), The New Cambridge Companion to Plotinus, 158
atticus Gerson and Wilberding (2022), The New Cambridge Companion to Plotinus, 132
beauty Gerson and Wilberding (2022), The New Cambridge Companion to Plotinus, 132
classification of philosophies Corrigan and Rasimus (2013), Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World, 468
commentary (ὑπόµνηµα) Motta and Petrucci (2022), Isagogical Crossroads from the Early Imperial Age to the End of Antiquity, 86
conversion,philosophical conversion Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 233
cosmology Gerson and Wilberding (2022), The New Cambridge Companion to Plotinus, 158
death Hirsch-Luipold (2022), Plutarch and the New Testament in Their Religio-Philosophical Contexts, 195
deity,deities Hirsch-Luipold (2022), Plutarch and the New Testament in Their Religio-Philosophical Contexts, 195
double negation in the parmenides d'Hoine and Martijn (2017), All From One: A Guide to Proclus, 37
enneads as founder of neoplatonism d'Hoine and Martijn (2017), All From One: A Guide to Proclus, 37
epicureanism Corrigan and Rasimus (2013), Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World, 468
evil Corrigan and Rasimus (2013), Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World, 468
exegesis Motta and Petrucci (2022), Isagogical Crossroads from the Early Imperial Age to the End of Antiquity, 86; d'Hoine and Martijn (2017), All From One: A Guide to Proclus, 37
gnostic,gnosticism Corrigan and Rasimus (2013), Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World, 468
gnosticism/gnostics d'Hoine and Martijn (2017), All From One: A Guide to Proclus, 37
harmonization (of plato and aristotle) Corrigan and Rasimus (2013), Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World, 468
iamblichus Corrigan and Rasimus (2013), Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World, 468
iamblichus influence on proclus d'Hoine and Martijn (2017), All From One: A Guide to Proclus, 37
inscription Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 233
intellect,triad Corrigan and Rasimus (2013), Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World, 468
jesus Hirsch-Luipold (2022), Plutarch and the New Testament in Their Religio-Philosophical Contexts, 195
john,gospel of Hirsch-Luipold (2022), Plutarch and the New Testament in Their Religio-Philosophical Contexts, 195
life (βίος) Motta and Petrucci (2022), Isagogical Crossroads from the Early Imperial Age to the End of Antiquity, 86
logos (λόγος) Hirsch-Luipold (2022), Plutarch and the New Testament in Their Religio-Philosophical Contexts, 195
logos prophorikos,platonic/stoic concept Corrigan and Rasimus (2013), Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World, 468
longinus Corrigan and Rasimus (2013), Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World, 468; Gerson and Wilberding (2022), The New Cambridge Companion to Plotinus, 132, 158; Hirsch-Luipold (2022), Plutarch and the New Testament in Their Religio-Philosophical Contexts, 195; Motta and Petrucci (2022), Isagogical Crossroads from the Early Imperial Age to the End of Antiquity, 86; d'Hoine and Martijn (2017), All From One: A Guide to Proclus, 37
lucian Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 233
main points Motta and Petrucci (2022), Isagogical Crossroads from the Early Imperial Age to the End of Antiquity, 86
marius victorinus d'Hoine and Martijn (2017), All From One: A Guide to Proclus, 37
mathematics Gerson and Wilberding (2022), The New Cambridge Companion to Plotinus, 158
matter,sensible Corrigan and Rasimus (2013), Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World, 468
metaphysics Corrigan and Rasimus (2013), Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World, 468
middle platonism Corrigan and Rasimus (2013), Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World, 468
moderatus Gerson and Wilberding (2022), The New Cambridge Companion to Plotinus, 158
myth Hirsch-Luipold (2022), Plutarch and the New Testament in Their Religio-Philosophical Contexts, 195
nag hammadi d'Hoine and Martijn (2017), All From One: A Guide to Proclus, 37
number Gerson and Wilberding (2022), The New Cambridge Companion to Plotinus, 158
numenius Gerson and Wilberding (2022), The New Cambridge Companion to Plotinus, 132, 158
one,the Gerson and Wilberding (2022), The New Cambridge Companion to Plotinus, 158
parmenides d'Hoine and Martijn (2017), All From One: A Guide to Proclus, 37
peripatetics Gerson and Wilberding (2022), The New Cambridge Companion to Plotinus, 132
philosophical opposition (to christianity) Esler (2000), The Early Christian World, 863
philostratus Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 233
plato,sophist Gerson and Wilberding (2022), The New Cambridge Companion to Plotinus, 132
plato Corrigan and Rasimus (2013), Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World, 468; Gerson and Wilberding (2022), The New Cambridge Companion to Plotinus, 158; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 233
plotinus Corrigan and Rasimus (2013), Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World, 468; Hirsch-Luipold (2022), Plutarch and the New Testament in Their Religio-Philosophical Contexts, 195; Motta and Petrucci (2022), Isagogical Crossroads from the Early Imperial Age to the End of Antiquity, 86
plutarch of athens d'Hoine and Martijn (2017), All From One: A Guide to Proclus, 37
polemo of laodicea Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 233
porphyry Corrigan and Rasimus (2013), Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World, 468; Gerson and Wilberding (2022), The New Cambridge Companion to Plotinus, 158; Hirsch-Luipold (2022), Plutarch and the New Testament in Their Religio-Philosophical Contexts, 195; Motta and Petrucci (2022), Isagogical Crossroads from the Early Imperial Age to the End of Antiquity, 86
proclus,commentary on platos parmenides d'Hoine and Martijn (2017), All From One: A Guide to Proclus, 37
proclus Corrigan and Rasimus (2013), Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World, 468
quality Gerson and Wilberding (2022), The New Cambridge Companion to Plotinus, 158
relevation from god (theoi,θεοί\u200e) d'Hoine and Martijn (2017), All From One: A Guide to Proclus, 37
rome,city Corrigan and Rasimus (2013), Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World, 468
school,philosophical schools Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 233
school,school fees Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 233
sethian platonizing gnosticism/gnostics d'Hoine and Martijn (2017), All From One: A Guide to Proclus, 37
simplicius Motta and Petrucci (2022), Isagogical Crossroads from the Early Imperial Age to the End of Antiquity, 86
stoic,stoicism Corrigan and Rasimus (2013), Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World, 468
student,terminology Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 233
student-teacher relationship Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 233
teacher Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 233
theodorus of asine d'Hoine and Martijn (2017), All From One: A Guide to Proclus, 37
truth' d'Hoine and Martijn (2017), All From One: A Guide to Proclus, 37
virtue Motta and Petrucci (2022), Isagogical Crossroads from the Early Imperial Age to the End of Antiquity, 86
world soul Hirsch-Luipold (2022), Plutarch and the New Testament in Their Religio-Philosophical Contexts, 195
zetemata / problemata Motta and Petrucci (2022), Isagogical Crossroads from the Early Imperial Age to the End of Antiquity, 86
zostrianos d'Hoine and Martijn (2017), All From One: A Guide to Proclus, 37
διαίρεσις Motta and Petrucci (2022), Isagogical Crossroads from the Early Imperial Age to the End of Antiquity, 86
λόγος Hirsch-Luipold (2022), Plutarch and the New Testament in Their Religio-Philosophical Contexts, 195
τάξις Motta and Petrucci (2022), Isagogical Crossroads from the Early Imperial Age to the End of Antiquity, 86