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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



9645
Polybius, Histories, 16.31-16.34


nan1.  and the people of Abydus, when they heard the answer, summoned a public assembly and discussed the situation in a despairing mood.,2.  They decided first of all to liberate the slaves, that they might have no pretext for refusing to assist them in the defence, in the next place to assemble all the women in the temple of Artemis and the children with their nurses in the gymnasium, and finally to collect all their gold and silver in the market-place and place all valuable articles of dress in the Rhodian quadrireme and the trireme of the Cyzicenians.,4.  Having resolved on this they unanimously put their decree into execution, and then calling another assembly they nominated fifty of the older and most trusted citizens, men who possessed sufficient bodily strength to carry out their decision,,5.  and made them swear in the presence of all the citizens that whenever they saw the inner wall in the possession of the enemy they would kill all the women and children, set fire to the ships I mentioned, and throw the gold and silver into the sea with curses.,6.  After this, calling the priests before them they all swore either to conquer the foe or die fighting for their country.,7.  Last of all they slew some victims and obliged the priests and priestesses to pronounce over the burning entrails curses on those who neglected to perform what they had sworn.,8.  Having thus made sure of everything they stopped countermining against the enemy and came to the decision that as soon as the cross wall fell they would fight on its ruins and resist the assailants to the death.


nan1.  All this would induce one to say that the daring courage of the Abydenes surpassed even the famous desperation of the Phocians and the courageous resolve of the Acarnanians.,2.  For the Phocians are said to have decided on the same course regarding their families at a time when they had by no means entirely given up the hope of victory, as they were about to engage the Thessalians in a set battle in the open,,3.  and very similar measures were resolved on by the Acarnanian nation when they foresaw that they were to be attacked by the Aetolians. I have told both the stories in a previous part of this work.,4.  But the people of Abydus, when thus completely surrounded and with no hope of safety left, resolved to meet their fate and perish to a man together with their wives and children rather than to live under the apprehension that their families would fall into the power of their enemies.,5.  Therefore one feels strongly inclined in the case of the Abydenes to find fault with Fortune for having, as if in pity, set right at once the misfortunes of those other peoples by granting them the victory and safety they despaired of, but for choosing to do the opposite to the Abydenes.,6.  For the men perished, the city was taken and the children and their mothers fell into the hands of the enemy.


nan1.  For after the fall of the cross wall, its defenders, mounting the ruins as they had sworn, continued to fight with such courage that Philip, though he had thrown his Macedonians on them corps after corps until nightfall, finally abandoned the struggle, having even almost given up hope of success in the siege as a whole.,2.  For the foremost of the Abydenes not only mounted the bodies of their dead enemies and kept up the struggle thence with the utmost desperation, not only did they fight most fiercely with sword and spear alone, but whenever any of these weapons became unserviceable and powerless to inflict injury, or when they were forced to drop it, they took hold of the Macedonians with their hands and threw them down in their armour, or breaking their pikes, stabbed them repeatedly on the face or the exposed parts of the body with the points and threw them into utter confusion.,4.  When night came on and the battle was suspended, as most of the defenders were lying dead on the ruins and the remainder were exhausted by wounds and toil, Glaucides and Theognetus, calling a meeting of a few of the elder citizens, sacrificed in hope of personal advantage all that was splendid and admirable in the resolution of the citizens by deciding to save the women and children alive and to send out as soon as it was light the priests and priestesses with supplicatory boughs to Philip to beg for mercy and surrender the city to him.


nan1.  At this time King Attalus, on hearing that Abydus was being besieged, sailed through the Aegean to Tenedos, and on the part of the Romans the younger Marcus Aemilius came likewise by sea to Abydus itself.,2.  For the Romans had heard the truth in Rhodes about the siege of Abydus, and wishing to address Philip personally, as they had been instructed, deferred their project of going to see the other kings and sent off the above Marcus Aemilius on this mission. Meeting the king near Abydus he informed him that the Senate had passed a decree, begging him neither to make war on any other Greeks, nor to lay hands on any of Ptolemy's possessions. He was also to submit to a tribunal the question of compensation for the damage he had done to Attalus and the Rhodians.,4.  If he acted so he would be allowed to remain at peace, but if he did not at once accept these terms he would find himself at war with Rome.,5.  When Philip wished to prove that the Rhodians were the aggressors, Marcus interrupted him and asked, "And what about the Athenians? What about the Cianians, and what about the Abydenes now? Did any of these attack you first?",6.  The king was much taken aback and said that he pardoned him for speaking so haughtily for three reasons, first because he was young and inexperienced in affairs, next because he was the handsomest man of his time — and this was a fact — and chiefly because he was a Roman.,7.  "My principal request," he said, "to the Romans is not to violate our treaty or to make war on me; but if nevertheless they do so, we will defend ourselves bravely, supplicating the gods to help us." After exchanging these words they separated, and Philip on gaining possession of the city found all their valuables collected in a heap by the Abydenes ready for him to seize.,9.  But when he saw the number and the fury of those who destroyed themselves and their women and children, either by cutting their throats, or by burning or by hanging or by throwing themselves into wells or off the roofs, he was amazed, and grieving much thereat announced that he granted a respite of three days to those who wished to hang themselves and cut their throats.,11.  The Abydenes, maintaining the resolve they had originally formed concerning themselves, and regarding themselves as almost traitors to those who had fought and died for their country, by no means consented to live except those of them whose hands had been stayed by fetters or such forcible means,,12.  all the rest of them rushing without hesitation in whole families to their death.


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

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1. Polybius, Histories, 16.32-16.34, 36.13 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)

16.32. 1.  All this would induce one to say that the daring courage of the Abydenes surpassed even the famous desperation of the Phocians and the courageous resolve of the Acarians.,2.  For the Phocians are said to have decided on the same course regarding their families at a time when they had by no means entirely given up the hope of victory, as they were about to engage the Thessalians in a set battle in the open,,3.  and very similar measures were resolved on by the Acarian nation when they foresaw that they were to be attacked by the Aetolians. I have told both the stories in a previous part of this work.,4.  But the people of Abydus, when thus completely surrounded and with no hope of safety left, resolved to meet their fate and perish to a man together with their wives and children rather than to live under the apprehension that their families would fall into the power of their enemies.,5.  Therefore one feels strongly inclined in the case of the Abydenes to find fault with Fortune for having, as if in pity, set right at once the misfortunes of those other peoples by granting them the victory and safety they despaired of, but for choosing to do the opposite to the Abydenes.,6.  For the men perished, the city was taken and the children and their mothers fell into the hands of the enemy. 16.33. 1.  For after the fall of the cross wall, its defenders, mounting the ruins as they had sworn, continued to fight with such courage that Philip, though he had thrown his Macedonians on them corps after corps until nightfall, finally abandoned the struggle, having even almost given up hope of success in the siege as a whole.,2.  For the foremost of the Abydenes not only mounted the bodies of their dead enemies and kept up the struggle thence with the utmost desperation, not only did they fight most fiercely with sword and spear alone, but whenever any of these weapons became unserviceable and powerless to inflict injury, or when they were forced to drop it, they took hold of the Macedonians with their hands and threw them down in their armour, or breaking their pikes, stabbed them repeatedly on the face or the exposed parts of the body with the points and threw them into utter confusion.,4.  When night came on and the battle was suspended, as most of the defenders were lying dead on the ruins and the remainder were exhausted by wounds and toil, Glaucides and Theognetus, calling a meeting of a few of the elder citizens, sacrificed in hope of personal advantage all that was splendid and admirable in the resolution of the citizens by deciding to save the women and children alive and to send out as soon as it was light the priests and priestesses with supplicatory boughs to Philip to beg for mercy and surrender the city to him. 16.34. 1.  At this time King Attalus, on hearing that Abydus was being besieged, sailed through the Aegean to Tenedos, and on the part of the Romans the younger Marcus Aemilius came likewise by sea to Abydus itself.,2.  For the Romans had heard the truth in Rhodes about the siege of Abydus, and wishing to address Philip personally, as they had been instructed, deferred their project of going to see the other kings and sent off the above Marcus Aemilius on this mission. Meeting the king near Abydus he informed him that the Senate had passed a decree, begging him neither to make war on any other Greeks, nor to lay hands on any of Ptolemy's possessions. He was also to submit to a tribunal the question of compensation for the damage he had done to Attalus and the Rhodians.,4.  If he acted so he would be allowed to remain at peace, but if he did not at once accept these terms he would find himself at war with Rome.,5.  When Philip wished to prove that the Rhodians were the aggressors, Marcus interrupted him and asked, "And what about the Athenians? What about the Cianians, and what about the Abydenes now? Did any of these attack you first?",6.  The king was much taken aback and said that he pardoned him for speaking so haughtily for three reasons, first because he was young and inexperienced in affairs, next because he was the handsomest man of his time — and this was a fact — and chiefly because he was a Roman.,7.  "My principal request," he said, "to the Romans is not to violate our treaty or to make war on me; but if nevertheless they do so, we will defend ourselves bravely, supplicating the gods to help us." After exchanging these words they separated, and Philip on gaining possession of the city found all their valuables collected in a heap by the Abydenes ready for him to seize.,9.  But when he saw the number and the fury of those who destroyed themselves and their women and children, either by cutting their throats, or by burning or by hanging or by throwing themselves into wells or off the roofs, he was amazed, and grieving much thereat announced that he granted a respite of three days to those who wished to hang themselves and cut their throats.,11.  The Abydenes, maintaining the resolve they had originally formed concerning themselves, and regarding themselves as almost traitors to those who had fought and died for their country, by no means consented to live except those of them whose hands had been stayed by fetters or such forcible means,,12.  all the rest of them rushing without hesitation in whole families to their death. 36.13. 1.  It chanced that on one and the same day the portraits of Callicrates were carried in in darkness, while those of Lycortas on the same day were brought out into the light to occupy their original position, and this made every one remark that no one should misuse his success to persecute his neighbours, since he should know that it is the peculiar function of Fortune to bring to bear in turn on the legislators themselves the very laws they themselves originated and passed.,3.  The love of innovation natural to man is in itself sufficient to produce any kind of revolution. III. Affairs of Bithynia (Livy, epit. l)


Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
"historiography,hellenistic" Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 40, 41, 42
"moralising,digressive" Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 41
"moralising,guiding,introductory,concluding,and concomitant" Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 41
abydus,siege of by philip v Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 40, 41, 42
attack from hannibal Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 139
attack from l. marcius septimius Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 137
attack from philip of macedon Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 137
attack from q. marcius Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 137
attack from scipio africanus Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 137, 139
collective suicide in antiquity,approval by ancient historians Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 140
collective suicide in antiquity,as stock motif for livy Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 139
collective suicide in antiquity,exaggerations in Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 139
collective suicide in antiquity,examples of Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 137
correlation between action and result as a means of moralising Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 40
defeat by aemilius lepidus' Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 137
didacticism,practical and moral combined Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 42
digressions Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 41
evaluation,internal Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 41, 42
evaluative phrasing Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 41
foresight Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 41
fortune Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 40
lycortas Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 40
masada,collective suicide described in josephus Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 141
metulum,collective suicide when garrisoned by octavian Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 137
philip v of macedon Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 40, 41, 42
philopoemen Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 40
sidon,collective suicide in face of attack by artaxerxes iii ochus Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 139
xanthus,collective suicide rather than submit to alexander the great Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 139