Home About Network of subjects Linked subjects heatmap Book indices included Search by subject Search by reference Browse subjects Browse texts

Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



9645
Polybius, Histories, 1.4
NaN


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

4 results
1. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 3.44, 3.68.4 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

3.68.4. The adverse attitude of the Lacedaemonians—in the whole Plataean affair was mainly adopted to please the Thebans, who were thought to be useful in the war at that moment raging.
2. Polybius, Histories, 1.1-1.3, 1.42, 2.41.9, 3.6.4-3.6.7, 3.6.10-3.6.11, 3.32.2, 3.36-3.38, 3.36.1-3.36.5, 3.57.2-3.57.3, 3.58-3.59, 3.59.3, 5.10.6-5.10.8, 5.33.2, 6.45.1, 9.34.1, 12.17-12.22, 12.25, 12.28.10, 23.8, 34.1.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)

2.41.9.  After the time of Alexander and previous to the above Olympiad they fell, chiefly thanks to the kings of Macedon, into such a state of discord and ill-feeling that all the cities separated from the League and began to act against each others' interests. 3.6.4.  unless we call Alexander's crossing to Asia the cause of his war against Persia and Antiochus' landing at Demetrias the cause of his war against Rome, neither of which assertions is either reasonable or true. 3.6.5.  For who could consider these to be causes of wars, plans and preparations for which, in the case of the Persian war, had been made earlier, many by Alexander and even some by Philip during his life, and in the case of the war against Rome by the Aetolians long before Antiochus arrived? 3.6.6.  These are pronouncements of men who are unable to see the great and essential distinction between a beginning and a cause or purpose, these being the first origin of all, and the beginning coming last. 3.6.7.  By the beginning of something I mean the first attempt to execute and put in action plans on which we have decided, by its causes what is most initiatory in our judgements and opinions, that is to say our notions of things, our state of mind, our reasoning about these, and everything through which we reach decisions and projects. 3.6.10.  The first was the retreat of the Greeks under Xenophon from the upper Satrapies, in which, though they traversed the whole of Asia, a hostile country, none of the barbarians ventured to face them. 3.6.11.  The second was the crossing of Agesilaus, King of Sparta, to Asia, where he found no opposition of any moment to his projects, and was only compelled to return without effecting anything owing to the disturbances in Greece. 3.32.2.  How much easier it is to acquire and peruse forty Books, all as it were connected by one thread, and thus to follow clearly events in Italy, Sicily, and Libya from the time of Pyrrhus to the capture of Carthage 3.36. 1.  That my narrative may not be altogether obscure to readers owing to their ignorance of the topography I must explain whence Hannibal started, what countries he traversed, and into what part of Italy he descended.,2.  Nor must I simply give the names of countries, rivers, and cities, as some authors do under the idea that this is amply sufficient for a clear knowledge.,3.  I am of opinion that as regards known countries the mention of names is of no small assistance in recalling them to our memory, but in the case of unknown lands such citation of names is just of as much value as if they were unintelligible and inarticulate sounds.,4.  For the mind here has nothing to lean upon for support and cannot connect the words with anything known to it, so that the narrative is associated with nothing in the readers' mind, and therefore meaningless to him.,5.  We must therefore make it possible when speaking of unknown places to convey to the reader a more or less real and familiar notion of them.,6.  Now the primary and most general conception and one common to all mankind is the division and ordering of the heavens by which all of us, even those of the meanest capacity, distinguish East, West, South, and North.,7.  The next step in knowledge is to classify the parts of the earth under each of these divisions, ever mentally referring each statement to one of them until we arrived at a familiar conception of unknown and unseen regions. 3.36.1.  That my narrative may not be altogether obscure to readers owing to their ignorance of the topography I must explain whence Hannibal started, what countries he traversed, and into what part of Italy he descended. 3.36.2.  Nor must I simply give the names of countries, rivers, and cities, as some authors do under the idea that this is amply sufficient for a clear knowledge. 3.36.3.  I am of opinion that as regards known countries the mention of names is of no small assistance in recalling them to our memory, but in the case of unknown lands such citation of names is just of as much value as if they were unintelligible and inarticulate sounds. 3.36.4.  For the mind here has nothing to lean upon for support and cannot connect the words with anything known to it, so that the narrative is associated with nothing in the readers' mind, and therefore meaningless to him. 3.36.5.  We must therefore make it possible when speaking of unknown places to convey to the reader a more or less real and familiar notion of them. 3.37. 1.  This once established as regards the whole earth, it remains for me to lay before my readers the division on the same principle of that portion of the world known to us.,2.  This is divided into three parts, each with its name, the one part being called Asia, the second Africa, and the third Europe.,3.  Their respective boundaries are the river Don, the Nile, and the straits at the Pillars of Hercules.,4.  Asia lies between the Nile and Don and falls under that portion of the heaven lying between the north-east and the south.,5.  Africa lies between the Nile and the Pillars of Hercules, and it falls under the south to the south-west and west, as far as the point of the equinoctial sunset, in which latter quarter are the Pillars of Hercules.,6.  These two divisions of the earth, then, regarded from a general point of view, occupy the part of it which lies to the south of the Mediterranean, reaching from east to west.,7.  Europe lies opposite to them on the north shore of this sea, extending continuously from east to west,,8.  its most compact and deepest portion lying due north between the Don and the Narbo, the latter river being not far to the west of Marseilles and of the mouths by which the Rhone discharges itself into the Sardinian Sea.,9.  The Celts inhabit the country near the Narbo and beyond it as far as the chain of the Pyrenees which stretches in an unbroken line from the Mediterranean to the Outer Sea.,10.  The remaining part of Europe beyond the Pyrenees reaching to its western end and to the Pillars of Hercules is bounded on the one side by the Mediterranean and on the other by the Outer Sea, that portion of which is washed by the Mediterranean as far as the Pillars of Hercules being called Iberia,,11.  while that part which lies along the Outer or Great Sea has no general name, as it has only recently come under notice, but is all densely inhabited by barbarous tribes of whom I shall speak more particularly on a subsequent occasion. 3.38. 1.  Just as with regard to Asia and Africa where they meet in Aethiopia no one up to the present has been able to say with certainty whether the southern extension of them is continuous land or is bounded by a sea,,2.  so that part of Europe which extends to the north between the Don and Narbo is up to now unknown to us, and will remain so unless the curiosity of explorers lead to some discoveries in the future.,3.  We must pronounce that those who either by word of mouth or in writing make rash statements about these regions have no knowledge of them, and invent mere fables.,4.  I have said so much in order that my narrative should not be without something to range itself under in the minds of those who are ignorant of the localities, but that they should have some notion at least of the main geographical distinctions, with which they can connect in thought and to which they can refer my statements, calculating the position of places from the quarter of the heaven under which they lie.,5.  For as in the case of physical sight we are in the habit of turning our faces in the direction of any object pointed out to us, so should we mentally ever turn and shift our glance to each place to which the story calls our attention. 3.58. 1.  That no part of history requires more circumspection and more correction by the light of truth than this is evident from many considerations and chiefly from the following.,2.  While nearly all authors or at least the greater number have attempted to describe the peculiarities and the situation of the countries at the extremities of the known world,,3.  most of them are mistaken on many points. We must therefore by no means pass over the subject, but we must say a word to them,,4.  and that not casually and by scattered allusions, but giving due attention to it, and in what we say we must not find fault with or rebuke them, but rather be grateful to them and correct them when wrong, knowing as we do that they too, had they the privilege of living at the present day, would correct and modify many of their own statements.,5.  In old times, indeed, we find very few Greeks who attempted to inquire into the outlying parts of the world, owing to the practical impossibility of doing so;,6.  for the sea had so many perils that it is difficult to enumerate them, and the land ever so many more.,7.  Again, even if anyone by his own choice or by the force of circumstances reached the extremity of the world, that did not mean that he was able to accomplish his purpose.,8.  For it was a difficult matter to see many things at all closely with one's own eyes, owing to some of the countries being utterly barbarous and others quite desolate, and it was still more difficult to get information about the things one did see, owing to the difference of the language.,9.  Then, even if anyone did see for himself and observe the facts, it was even still more difficult for him to be moderate in his statements, to scorn all talk of marvels and, preferring truth for its own sake, to tell us nothing beyond it. 3.59. 1.  As, therefore, it was almost impossible in old times to give a true account of the regions I speak of, we should not find fault with the writers for their omissions or mistakes,,2.  but should praise and admire them, considering the times they lived in, for having ascertained something on the subject and advanced our knowledge.,3.  But in our own times since, owing to Alexander's empire in Asia and that of the Romans in other parts of the world, nearly all regions have become approachable by sea or land,,4.  since our men of action in Greece are relieved from the ambitions of a military or political career and have therefore ample means for inquiry and study,,5.  we ought to be able to arrive at a better knowledge and something more like the truth about lands which were formerly little known.,6.  This is what I myself will attempt to do when I find a suitable place in this work for introducing the subject, and I shall then ask those who are curious about such things to give their undivided attention to me,,7.  in view of the fact that I underwent the perils of journeys through Africa, Spain, and Gaul, and of voyages on the seas that lie on the farther side of these countries,,8.  mostly for this very purpose of correcting the errors of former writers and making those parts of the world also known to the Greeks.,9.  But now returning to the point at which I digressed from my narrative I shall attempt to describe the battles between the Romans and Carthaginians in Italy. 3.59.3.  But in our own times since, owing to Alexander's empire in Asia and that of the Romans in other parts of the world, nearly all regions have become approachable by sea or land 5.10.6.  And take Alexander. Though so indigt with the Thebans that he razed the city to the ground, yet he was so far from neglecting the reverence due to the gods when he captured the city, that he took the most anxious care that not even any unintentional offence should be committed against the temples and holy places in general. 5.10.8.  Even when he crossed to Asia to chastise the Persians for the outrages they had perpetrated against the Greeks, he strove to exact the punishment from men that their deeds deserved, but refrained from injuring anything consecrated to the gods, although it was in this respect that the Persians had offended most while in Greece. 5.33.2.  Now, while paying all due deference to Ephorus, the first and only writer who really undertook a general history, I will avoid criticizing at length or mentioning by name any of the others, and will simply say this much, that certain writers of history in my own times after giving an account of the war between Rome and Carthage in three or four pages, maintain that they write universal history. 6.45.1.  To pass to the constitution of Crete, two points here demand our attention. How was it that the most learned of the ancient writers — Ephorus, Xenophon, Callisthenes, and Plato — state in the first place that it is one and the same with that of Lacedaemon and in the second place pronounce it worthy of commendation? 9.34.1.  "Again, you have bitterly reproached Alexander for punishing Thebes when he believed that city had wronged him, but you never mentioned how he inflicted punishment on the Persians for their outrages on all the Greeks 12.17. 1.  In order that I may not seem to insist arbitrarily on the acceptance of my criticism of such famous writers, I will take one battle and a very celebrated one, a battle which took place at no very distant date and, what is most important, one at which Callisthenes himself was present.,2.  I mean Alexander's battle with Darius in Cilicia. Callisthenes tells us that Alexander had already passed the narrows and the so‑called Cilician gates, while Darius had marched through the pass known as the Gates of Amanus and had descended with his army into Cilicia.,3.  On learning from the natives that Alexander was advancing in the direction of Syria he followed him up, and when he approached the pass, encamped on the banks of the river Pinarus.,4.  The distance, he says, from the sea to the foot of the hills is not more than fourteen stades,,5.  the river running obliquely across this space, with gaps in its banks just where it issues from the mountains, but in its whole course through the plain as far as the sea passing between steep hills difficult to climb.,6.  Having given this sketch of the country, he tells us that Darius and his generals, when Alexander turned and marched back to meet them, decided to draw up the whole phalanx in the camp itself in its original position, the river affording protection, as it ran close past the camp.,7.  After this he says they drew up the cavalry along the sea-shore, the mercenaries next them at the brink of the river, and the peltasts next the mercenaries in a line reaching as far as the mountains. 12.18. 1.  It is difficult to understand how they posted all these troops in front of the phalanx, considering that the river ran close past the camp, especially in view of their numbers, for, as Callisthenes himself says, there were thirty thousand cavalry and thirty thousand mercenaries, and it is easy to calculate how much space was required to hold them.,3.  For to be really useful cavalry should not be drawn up more than eight deep, and between each troop there must be a space equal in length to the front of a troop so that there may be no difficulty in wheeling and facing round.,4.  Thus a stade will hold eight hundred horse, ten stades eight thousand, and four stades three thousand two hundred, so that eleven thousand two hundred horse would fill a space of fourteen stades.,5.  If the whole force of thirty thousand were drawn up the cavalry alone would very nearly suffice to form three such bodies, one placed close behind the other.,6.  Where, then, were the mercenaries posted, unless indeed they were drawn up behind the cavalry? This he tells us was not so, as they were the first to meet the Macedonian attack.,7.  We must, then, of necessity, understand that the cavalry occupied that half of the space which was nearest the sea and the mercenaries the half nearest the hills,,8.  and from this it is easy to reckon which was the depth of the cavalry and how far away from the camp the river must have been.,9.  After this he tells us that on the approach of the enemy, Darius, who was half way down the line, called the mercenaries himself from the wing to come to him. It is difficult to see what he means by this.,10.  For the mercenaries and cavalry must have been in touch just in the middle of the field, so that how, why, and where could Darius, who was actually among the mercenaries, call them to come to him?,11.  Lastly, he says that the cavalry from the right wing advanced and attacked Alexander's cavalry, who received their charge bravely and delivering a counter charge fought stubbornly.,12.  He forgets that there was a river between them and such a river as he has just described. 12.19. 1.  Very similar are his statements about Alexander. He says that when he crossed to Asia he had forty thousand foot and four thousand five hundred horse,,2.  and that when he was on the point of invading Cilicia he was joined by a further force of five thousand foot and eight hundred horse.,3.  Suppose we deduct from this total three thousand foot and three hundred horse, a liberal allowance for those absent on special service, there still remain forty-two thousand foot and five thousand horse.,4.  Assuming these numbers, he tells us that when Alexander heard the news of Darius's arrival in Cilicia he was a hundred stades away and had already traversed the pass.,5.  In consequence he turned and marched back through the pass with the phalanx in front, followed by the cavalry, and last of all the baggage-train.,6.  Immediately on issuing into the open country he re-formed his order, passing to all the word of command to form into phalanx, making it at first thirty-two deep, changing this subsequently to sixteen deep, and finally as he approach the enemy to eight deep.,7.  These statements are even more absurd than his former ones. For with the proper intervals for marching order a stade, when the men are sixteen deep, will hold sixteen hundred, each man being at a distance of six feet from the next.,8.  It is evident, then, that ten stades will hold sixteen thousand men and twenty stades twice as many.,9.  From all this it is quite plain that when Alexander made his army sixteen deep the line necessarily extended for twenty stades, and this left all the cavalry and ten thousand of the infantry over. 12.20. 1.  After this he says that Alexander led on his army in an extended line, being then at a distance of about forty stades from the enemy.,2.  It is difficult to conceive anything more absurd than this. Where, especially in Cilicia, could one find an extent of ground where a phalanx with its long spears could advance for forty stades in a line twenty stades long?,3.  The obstacles indeed to such a formation and such a movement are so many that it would be difficult to enumerate them all, a single one mentioned by Callisthenes himself being sufficient to convince us of its impossibility.,4.  For he tells us that the torrents descending the mountains have formed so many clefts in the plain that most of the Persians in their flight perished in such fissures.,5.  But, it may be said, Alexander wished to be prepared for the appearance of the enemy.,6.  And what can be less prepared than a phalanx advancing in line but broken and disunited? How much easier indeed it would have been to develop from proper marching-order into order of battle than to straighten out and prepare for action on thickly wooded and fissured ground a broken line with numerous gaps in it.,7.  It would, therefore, have been considerably better to form a proper double or quadruple phalanx, for which it was not impossible to find marching room and which it would have been quite easy to get into order of battle expeditiously enough, as he was enabled through his scouts to receive in good time warning of the approach of the enemy.,8.  But, other things apart, Alexander did not even, according to Callisthenes, send his cavalry on in front when advancing in line over flat ground, but apparently placed them alongside the infantry. 12.21. 1.  But here is the greatest of all his mistakes. He tells us that Alexander, on approaching the enemy, made his line eight deep.,2.  It is evident then that now the total length of the line must have been forty stades.,3.  And even if they closed up so that, as described by Homer, they actually jostled each other, still the front must have extended over twenty stades.,4.  But he tells us that there was only a space of less than fourteen stades, and as half of the cavalry were on the left near the sea and half on the right, the room available for the infantry is still further reduced. Add to this that the whole line must have kept at a considerable distance from the mountains so as not to be exposed to attack by those of the enemy who held the foot-hills.,6.  We know that he did as a fact draw up part of his force in a crescent formation to oppose this latter. I omit to reckon here also the ten thousand infantry more than his purpose required.,7.  So the consequence is that the length of the line must have been, according to Callisthenes himself, eleven stades at the most, and in this space thirty-two thousand men must have stood closely packed and thirty deep, whereas he tells us that in the battle they were eight deep.,8.  Now for such mistakes we can admit no excuse.,9.  For when the actual facts show a thing to be impossible we are instantly convinced that it is so.,10.  Thus when a writer gives definitely, as in this case, the distance from man to man, the total area of the ground, and the number of men, he is perfectly inexcusable in making false statements. 12.22. 1.  It would be too long a story to mention all the other absurdities of his narrative, and it will suffice to point out a few.,2.  He tells us that Alexander in drawing up his army was most anxious to be opposed to Darius in person, and that Darius also at first entertained the same wish, but afterwards changed his mind.,3.  But he tells us absolutely nothing as to how they intimated to each other at what point in their own line they were stationed, or where Darius finally went on changing his position.,4.  And how, we ask, did a phalanx of heavy-armed men manage to mount the bank of the river which was steep and overgrown with brambles?,5.  This, too, is inexplicable. Such an absurdity cannot be attributed to Alexander, as it is universally acknowledged that from his childhood he was well versed and trained in the art of war.,6.  We should rather attribute it to the writer, who is so ignorant as to be unable to distinguish the possible from the impossible in such matters.,7.  Let this suffice for Ephorus and Callisthenes. VI. The Faults of Timaeu 34.1.3.  Polybius says that in regard to Greece Eudoxus has given a good and Ephorus a very good account of the foundation of cities, genealogies, migrations
3. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 1.8.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

1.8.2.  and I bring the narrative down to the beginning of the First Punic War, which fell in the third year of the one hundred and twenty-eighth Olympiad. I relate all the foreign wars that the city waged during that period and all the internal seditions with which she was agitated, showing from what causes they sprang and by what methods and by what arguments they were brought to an end. I give an account also of all the forms of government Rome used, both during the monarchy and after its overthrow, and show what was the character of each. I describe the best customs and the most remarkable laws; and, in short, I show the whole life of the ancient Romans.
4. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Letter To Pompeius Geminus, 6.7 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)



Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
alexander the great Miltsios, Leadership and Leaders in Polybius (2023) 15
antiochus iv epiphanes (seleucid ruler) Goldhill, The Christian Invention of Time: Temporality and the Literature of Late Antiquity (2022) 138
aratus of sicyon Goldhill, The Christian Invention of Time: Temporality and the Literature of Late Antiquity (2022) 138
arrian, anabasis Miltsios, Leadership and Leaders in Polybius (2023) 15
arrian Miltsios, Leadership and Leaders in Polybius (2023) 15
callisthenes Miltsios, Leadership and Leaders in Polybius (2023) 15
causality Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 382
dionysius of halicarnassus, roman antiquities Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 78
dionysius of halicarnassus, rome and roman history Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 78
dionysius of halicarnassus Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 78
ephorus Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 382
epos, epic poetry' Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 264
fabius pictor Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 382
greco-roman culture, universal histories and simultaneity Goldhill, The Christian Invention of Time: Temporality and the Literature of Late Antiquity (2022) 138
greece Ammann et al., Collective Violence and Memory in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 231
hannibalic war Goldhill, The Christian Invention of Time: Temporality and the Literature of Late Antiquity (2022) 138
herodotus Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 382; Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 264
history, kata meros Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 382
history, universal Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 382
history (as a discursive practice) Ammann et al., Collective Violence and Memory in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 231
homer Bianchetti et al., Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition (2015) 281
issus, battle of Miltsios, Leadership and Leaders in Polybius (2023) 15
italy Bianchetti et al., Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition (2015) 281
jewish war Eckhardt, Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals (2011) 187
kairos (the decisive time), simultaneity and Goldhill, The Christian Invention of Time: Temporality and the Literature of Late Antiquity (2022) 138
military Ammann et al., Collective Violence and Memory in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 231
narrative Ammann et al., Collective Violence and Memory in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 231
nicolaus of damascus Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 78
oikoumene Bianchetti et al., Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition (2015) 281
pentekontaetia Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 382
philip of macedon Goldhill, The Christian Invention of Time: Temporality and the Literature of Late Antiquity (2022) 138
philip v, and alexander the great Miltsios, Leadership and Leaders in Polybius (2023) 15
phylarchus Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 382
plataea Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 264
plataean debate Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 264
plataeans Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 264
po Bianchetti et al., Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition (2015) 281
poetry Ammann et al., Collective Violence and Memory in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 231
polybius, history Goldhill, The Christian Invention of Time: Temporality and the Literature of Late Antiquity (2022) 138
polybius Bianchetti et al., Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition (2015) 281; Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 382; Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 78
ptolemy philopater Goldhill, The Christian Invention of Time: Temporality and the Literature of Late Antiquity (2022) 138
rome, as empire Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 78
rome, romans Eckhardt, Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals (2011) 187
rome/romans Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 382
rome Ammann et al., Collective Violence and Memory in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 231
sicily Bianchetti et al., Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition (2015) 281
simultaneity and synchronicity, classical universal histories and local history Goldhill, The Christian Invention of Time: Temporality and the Literature of Late Antiquity (2022) 138
simultaneity and synchronicity Goldhill, The Christian Invention of Time: Temporality and the Literature of Late Antiquity (2022) 138
social war Goldhill, The Christian Invention of Time: Temporality and the Literature of Late Antiquity (2022) 138; Miltsios, Leadership and Leaders in Polybius (2023) 15
story Ammann et al., Collective Violence and Memory in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 231
strabo Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 78
thebans Miltsios, Leadership and Leaders in Polybius (2023) 15
thebes Miltsios, Leadership and Leaders in Polybius (2023) 15
theopompus Kirkland, Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception (2022) 78
thucydides, in opposition to herodotus Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 382
thucydides Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 382
timaeus Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 382
time Goldhill, The Christian Invention of Time: Temporality and the Literature of Late Antiquity (2022) 138
tradition Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 382
virtue Ammann et al., Collective Violence and Memory in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 231
war Ammann et al., Collective Violence and Memory in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 231