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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



9615
Plutarch, Solon, 12


nanNow the Cylonian pollution had for a long time agitated the city, ever since Megacles the archon had persuaded Cylon and his fellow conspirators, who had taken sanctuary in the temple of Athena, to come down and stand their trial. About 636 B.C. Cf. Hdt. 5.71 ; Thuc. 1.126 . They fastened a braided thread to the image of the goddess and kept hold of it, but when they reached the shrine of the Erinyes on their way down, the thread broke of its own accord, upon which Megacles and his fellow-archons rushed to seize them, on the plea that the goddess refused them the rights of suppliants. Those who were outside of sacred precincts were stoned to death, and those who took refuge at the altars were slaughtered there; only those were spared who made supplication to the wives of the archons.,Therefore the archons were called polluted men and were held in execration. The survivors of the followers of Cylon also recovered strength, and were forever at variance with the descendants of Megacles. At this particular time the quarrel was at its height and the people divided between the two factions. Solon, therefore, being now in high repute, interposed between them, along with the noblest of the Athenians, and by his entreaties and injunctions persuaded the men who were held to be polluted to submit to a trial, and to abide by the decision of three hundred jurors selected from the nobility.,Myron of Phlya conducted the prosecution, and the family of Megacles was found guilty. Those who were alive were banished, and the bodies of the dead were dug up and cast forth beyond the borders of the country. During these disturbances the Megarians also attacked the Athenians, who lost Nisaea, and were driven out of Salamis once more. The city was also visited with superstitious fears and strange appearances, and the seers declared that their sacrifices indicated pollutions and defilements which demanded expiation.,Under these circumstances they summoned to their aid from Crete Epimenides of Phaestus, who is reckoned as the seventh Wise Man by some of those who refuse Periander a place in the list. See note on Plut. Sol. 3.5, and cf. Aristot. Const. Ath. 1 . He was reputed to be a man beloved of the gods, and endowed with a mystical and heaven-sent wisdom in religious matters. Therefore the men of his time said that he was the son of a nymph named Balte, and called him a new Cures. The Curetes were Cretan priests of Idaean Zeus, who took their name from the demi-gods to whose care Rhea was said to have committed the infant Zeus. On coming to Athens he made Solon his friend, assisted him in many ways, and paved the way for his legislation.,For he made the Athenians decorous and careful in their religious services, and milder in their rites of mourning, by attaching certain sacrifices immediately to their funeral ceremonies and by taking away the harsh and barbaric practices in which their women had usually indulged up to that time. Most important of all, by sundry rites of propitiation and purification, and by sacred foundations, he hallowed and consecrated the city, and brought it to be observant of justice and more easily inclined to unanimity. It is said that when he had seen Munychia The acropolis of the Peiraeus, stategically commanding not only that peninsula, but also Athens itself. garrisoned by conquerors of Athens and considered it for some time, he remarked to the bystanders that man was indeed blind to the future;,for if the Athenians only knew what mischiefs the place would bring upon their city, they would devour it with their own teeth. A similar insight into futurity is ascribed to Thales. They say that he gave directions for his burial in an obscure and neglected quarter of the city’s territory, predicting that it would one day be the market-place of Miletus. Well then, Epimenides was vastly admired by the Athenians, who offered him much money and large honors; but he asked for nothing more than a branch of the sacred olive-tree, with which he returned home.


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

21 results
1. Alcman, Poems, 1 (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE)

2. Herodotus, Histories, 1.21, 1.30.2-1.30.4, 1.32, 1.32.1, 1.32.4, 1.32.9, 1.45, 1.65-1.66, 1.75, 1.157-1.160, 3.65, 3.124-3.125, 5.36, 5.46, 5.59-5.61, 5.70-5.71, 5.83, 6.75, 6.79, 6.91, 6.107-6.108, 7.12-7.18, 8.51-8.55 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

1.21. The Milesians say it happened so. Then, when the Delphic reply was brought to Alyattes, he promptly sent a herald to Miletus, offering to make a truce with Thrasybulus and the Milesians during his rebuilding of the temple. So the envoy went to Miletus . But Thrasybulus, forewarned of the whole matter, and knowing what Alyattes meant to do, devised the following plan: ,he brought together into the marketplace all the food in the city, from private stores and his own, and told the men of Miletus all to drink and celebrate together when he gave the word. 1.30.2. After Solon had seen everything and had thought about it, Croesus found the opportunity to say, “My Athenian guest, we have heard a lot about you because of your wisdom and of your wanderings, how as one who loves learning you have traveled much of the world for the sake of seeing it, so now I desire to ask you who is the most fortunate man you have seen.” 1.30.3. Croesus asked this question believing that he was the most fortunate of men, but Solon, offering no flattery but keeping to the truth, said, “O King, it is Tellus the Athenian.” 1.32. Thus Solon granted second place in happiness to these men. Croesus was vexed and said, “My Athenian guest, do you so much despise our happiness that you do not even make us worth as much as common men?” Solon replied, “Croesus, you ask me about human affairs, and I know that the divine is entirely grudging and troublesome to us. ,In a long span of time it is possible to see many things that you do not want to, and to suffer them, too. I set the limit of a man's life at seventy years; ,these seventy years have twenty-five thousand, two hundred days, leaving out the intercalary month. But if you make every other year longer by one month, so that the seasons agree opportunely, then there are thirty-five intercalary months during the seventy years, and from these months there are one thousand fifty days. ,Out of all these days in the seventy years, all twenty-six thousand, two hundred and fifty of them, not one brings anything at all like another. So, Croesus, man is entirely chance. ,To me you seem to be very rich and to be king of many people, but I cannot answer your question before I learn that you ended your life well. The very rich man is not more fortunate than the man who has only his daily needs, unless he chances to end his life with all well. Many very rich men are unfortunate, many of moderate means are lucky. ,The man who is very rich but unfortunate surpasses the lucky man in only two ways, while the lucky surpasses the rich but unfortunate in many. The rich man is more capable of fulfilling his appetites and of bearing a great disaster that falls upon him, and it is in these ways that he surpasses the other. The lucky man is not so able to support disaster or appetite as is the rich man, but his luck keeps these things away from him, and he is free from deformity and disease, has no experience of evils, and has fine children and good looks. ,If besides all this he ends his life well, then he is the one whom you seek, the one worthy to be called fortunate. But refrain from calling him fortunate before he dies; call him lucky. ,It is impossible for one who is only human to obtain all these things at the same time, just as no land is self-sufficient in what it produces. Each country has one thing but lacks another; whichever has the most is the best. Just so no human being is self-sufficient; each person has one thing but lacks another. ,Whoever passes through life with the most and then dies agreeably is the one who, in my opinion, O King, deserves to bear this name. It is necessary to see how the end of every affair turns out, for the god promises fortune to many people and then utterly ruins them.” 1.32.1. Thus Solon granted second place in happiness to these men. Croesus was vexed and said, “My Athenian guest, do you so much despise our happiness that you do not even make us worth as much as common men?” Solon replied, “Croesus, you ask me about human affairs, and I know that the divine is entirely grudging and troublesome to us. 1.32.4. Out of all these days in the seventy years, all twenty-six thousand, two hundred and fifty of them, not one brings anything at all like another. So, Croesus, man is entirely chance. 1.32.9. Whoever passes through life with the most and then dies agreeably is the one who, in my opinion, O King, deserves to bear this name. It is necessary to see how the end of every affair turns out, for the god promises fortune to many people and then utterly ruins them.” 1.45. Soon the Lydians came, bearing the corpse, with the murderer following after. He then came and stood before the body and gave himself up to Croesus, holding out his hands and telling him to kill him over the corpse, mentioning his former misfortune, and that on top of that he had destroyed the one who purified him, and that he was not fit to live. ,On hearing this, Croesus took pity on Adrastus, though his own sorrow was so great, and said to him, “Friend, I have from you the entire penalty, since you sentence yourself to death. But it is not you that I hold the cause of this evil, except in so far as you were the unwilling doer of it, but one of the gods, the same one who told me long ago what was to be.” ,So Croesus buried his own son in such manner as was fitting. But Adrastus, son of Gordias who was son of Midas, this Adrastus, the destroyer of his own brother and of the man who purified him, when the tomb was undisturbed by the presence of men, killed himself there by the sepulcher, seeing clearly now that he was the most heavily afflicted of all whom he knew. 1.65. So Croesus learned that at that time such problems were oppressing the Athenians, but that the Lacedaemonians had escaped from the great evils and had mastered the Tegeans in war. In the kingship of Leon and Hegesicles at Sparta, the Lacedaemonians were successful in all their other wars but met disaster only against the Tegeans. ,Before this they had been the worst-governed of nearly all the Hellenes and had had no dealings with strangers, but they changed to good government in this way: Lycurgus, a man of reputation among the Spartans, went to the oracle at Delphi . As soon as he entered the hall, the priestess said in hexameter: , quote type="oracle" l met="dact"You have come to my rich temple, Lycurgus, /l lA man dear to Zeus and to all who have Olympian homes. /l lI am in doubt whether to pronounce you man or god, /l lBut I think rather you are a god, Lycurgus. /l /quote ,Some say that the Pythia also declared to him the constitution that now exists at Sparta, but the Lacedaemonians themselves say that Lycurgus brought it from Crete when he was guardian of his nephew Leobetes, the Spartan king. ,Once he became guardian, he changed all the laws and took care that no one transgressed the new ones. Lycurgus afterwards established their affairs of war: the sworn divisions, the bands of thirty, the common meals; also the ephors and the council of elders. 1.66. Thus they changed their bad laws to good ones, and when Lycurgus died they built him a temple and now worship him greatly. Since they had good land and many men, they immediately flourished and prospered. They were not content to live in peace, but, confident that they were stronger than the Arcadians, asked the oracle at Delphi about gaining all the Arcadian land. ,She replied in hexameter: quote type="oracle" l met="dact"You ask me for Arcadia ? You ask too much; I grant it not. /l lThere are many men in Arcadia, eaters of acorns, /l lWho will hinder you. But I grudge you not. /l lI will give you Tegea to beat with your feet in dancing, /l lAnd its fair plain to measure with a rope. /l /quote ,When the Lacedaemonians heard the oracle reported, they left the other Arcadians alone and marched on Tegea carrying chains, relying on the deceptive oracle. They were confident they would enslave the Tegeans, but they were defeated in battle. ,Those taken alive were bound in the very chains they had brought with them, and they measured the Tegean plain with a rope by working the fields. The chains in which they were bound were still preserved in my day, hanging up at the temple of Athena Alea. 1.75. Cyrus had subjugated this Astyages, then, Cyrus' own mother's father, for the reason which I shall presently disclose. ,Having this reason to quarrel with Cyrus, Croesus sent to ask the oracles if he should march against the Persians; and when a deceptive answer came he thought it to be favorable to him, and so led his army into the Persian territory. ,When he came to the river Halys, he transported his army across it—by the bridges which were there then, as I maintain; but the general belief of the Greeks is that Thales of Miletus got the army across. ,The story is that, as Croesus did not know how his army could pass the river (as the aforesaid bridges did not yet exist then), Thales, who was in the encampment, made the river, which flowed on the left of the army, also flow on the right, in the following way. ,Starting from a point on the river upstream from the camp, he dug a deep semi-circular trench, so that the stream, turned from its ancient course, would flow in the trench to the rear of the camp and, passing it, would issue into its former bed, with the result that as soon as the river was thus divided into two, both channels could be forded. ,Some even say that the ancient channel dried up altogether. But I do not believe this; for in that case, how did they pass the river when they were returning? 1.157. After giving these commands on his journey, he marched away into the Persian country. But Pactyes, learning that an army sent against him was approaching, was frightened and fled to Cyme . ,Mazares the Mede, when he came to Sardis with the part that he had of Cyrus' host and found Pactyes' followers no longer there, first of all compelled the Lydians to carry out Cyrus' commands; and by his order they changed their whole way of life. ,After this, he sent messengers to Cyme demanding that Pactyes be surrendered. The Cymaeans resolved to make the god at Branchidae their judge as to what course they should take; for there was an ancient place of divination there, which all the Ionians and Aeolians used to consult; the place is in the land of Miletus, above the harbor of Panormus . 1.158. The men of Cyme, then, sent to Branchidae to inquire of the shrine what they should do in the matter of Pactyes that would be most pleasing to the gods; and the oracle replied that they must surrender Pactyes to the Persians. ,When this answer came back to them, they set about surrendering him. But while the greater part were in favor of doing this, Aristodicus son of Heraclides, a notable man among the citizens, stopped the men of Cyme from doing it; for he did not believe the oracle and thought that those who had inquired of the god spoke falsely; until at last a second band of inquirers was sent to inquire concerning Pactyes, among whom was Aristodicus. 1.159. When they came to Branchidae, Aristodicus, speaking for all, put this question to the oracle: “Lord, Pactyes the Lydian has come to us a suppliant fleeing a violent death at the hands of the Persians; and they demand him of us, telling the men of Cyme to surrender him. ,But we, as much as we fear the Persian power, have not dared give up this suppliant of ours until it is clearly made known to us by you whether we are to do this or not.” Thus Aristodicus inquired; and the god again gave the same answer, that Pactyes should be surrendered to the Persians. ,With that Aristodicus did as he had already decided; he went around the temple, and took away the sparrows and all the families of nesting birds that were in it. But while he was doing so, a voice (they say) came out of the inner shrine calling to Aristodicus, and saying, “Vilest of men, how dare you do this? Will you rob my temple of those that take refuge with me?” ,Then Aristodicus had his answer ready: “Lord,” he said, “will you save your own suppliants, yet tell the men of Cyme to deliver up theirs?” But the god replied, “Yes, I do command them, so that you may perish all the sooner for your impiety, and never again come to inquire of my oracle about giving up those that seek refuge with you.” 1.160. When the Cymaeans heard this answer, they sent Pactyes away to Mytilene ; for they were anxious not to perish for delivering him up or to be besieged for keeping him with them. ,Then Mazares sent a message to Mytilene demanding the surrender of Pactyes, and the Mytilenaeans prepared to give him, for a price; I cannot say exactly how much it was, for the bargain was never fulfilled; ,for when the Cymaeans learned what the Mytilenaeans were about, they sent a ship to Lesbos and took Pactyes away to Chios . From there he was dragged out of the temple of City-guarding Athena and delivered up by the Chians, ,who received in return Atarneus, which is a district in Mysia opposite Lesbos . The Persians thus received Pactyes and kept him guarded, so that they might show him to Cyrus; ,and for a long time no one would use barley meal from this land of Atarneus in sacrifices to any god, or make sacrificial cakes of what grew there; everything that came from that country was kept away from any sacred rite. 3.65. At this time he said no more. But about twenty days later, he sent for the most prominent of the Persians that were about him, and thus addressed them: “Persians, I have to make known to you something which I kept most strictly concealed. ,When I was in Egypt I had a dream, which I wish I had not had; it seemed to me that a messenger came from home to tell me that Smerdis sitting on the royal throne touched heaven with his head. ,Then I feared that my brother would take away my sovereignty from me, and I acted with more haste than wisdom; for it is not in the power of human nature to run away from what is to be; but I, blind as I was, sent Prexaspes to Susa to kill Smerdis. When that great wrong was done I lived without fear, for I never thought that when Smerdis was removed another man might rise against me. ,But I mistook altogether what was to be; I have killed my brother when there was no need, and I have lost my kingdom none the less; for it was the Magus Smerdis that the divinity forewarned in the dream would revolt. ,Now he has been done for by me, and I would have you believe that Smerdis Cyrus' son no longer lives; the Magi rule the kingdom, the one that I left caretaker of my house, and his brother Smerdis. So then, the man is dead of an unholy destiny at the hands of his relations who ought to have been my avenger for the disgrace I have suffered from the Magi; ,and as he is no longer alive, necessity constrains me to charge you, men of Persia, in his place, with the last desire of my life. In the name of the gods of my royal house I charge all of you, but chiefly those Achaemenids that are here, not to let the sovereignty fall again into Median hands; if they have it after getting it by trickery, take it back through trickery of your own; if they have got it away by force, then by force all the stronger get it back. ,And if you do this, may your land bring forth fruit, and your women and your flocks and herds be blessed with offspring, remaining free for all time; but if you do not get the kingdom back or attempt to get it back, then I pray things turn out the opposite for you, and on top of this, that every Persian meet an end such as mine.” With that Cambyses wept bitterly for all that had happened to him. 3.124. Polycrates then prepared to visit Oroetes, despite the strong dissuasion of his diviners and friends, and a vision seen by his daughter in a dream; she dreamt that she saw her father in the air overhead being washed by Zeus and anointed by Helios; ,after this vision she used all means to persuade him not to go on this journey to Oroetes; even as he went to his fifty-oared ship she prophesied evil for him. When Polycrates threatened her that if he came back safe, she would long remain unmarried, she answered with a prayer that his threat might be fulfilled: for she would rather, she said, long remain unmarried than lose her father. 3.125. But Polycrates would listen to no advice. He sailed to meet Oroetes, with a great retinue of followers, among whom was Democedes, son of Calliphon, a man of Croton and the most skillful physician of his time. ,But no sooner had Polycrates come to Magnesia than he was horribly murdered in a way unworthy of him and of his aims; for, except for the sovereigns of Syracuse, no sovereign of Greek race is fit to be compared with Polycrates for magnificence. ,Having killed him in some way not fit to be told, Oroetes then crucified him; as for those who had accompanied him, he let the Samians go, telling them to thank him that they were free; those who were not Samians, or were servants of Polycrates' followers, he kept for slaves. ,And Polycrates hanging in the air fulfilled his daughter's vision in every detail; for he was washed by Zeus when it rained, and he was anointed by Helios as he exuded sweat from his body. 5.36. With this intent, then, Histiaeus sent his messenger, and it chanced that all these things came upon Aristagoras at one and the same time. He accordingly took counsel with the members of his faction, stating his own opinion as well as the message which had come to him from Histiaeus. ,All the rest spoke their minds to the same effect, favoring revolt, with the exception of Hecataeus the historian who, listing all the nations subject to Darius and all his power, advised them that they should not make war on the king of Persia. When, however, he failed to persuade them, he counselled them that their next best plan was to make themselves masters of the sea. ,This, he said, could only be accomplished in one way (Miletus, he knew, was a city of no great wealth), namely if they took away from the temple at Branchidae the treasure which Croesus the Lydian had dedicated there. With this at their disposal, he fully expected them to gain the mastery of the sea. They would then have the use of that treasure and their enemies would not be able to plunder it. ,The treasure was very great, as I have shown in the beginning of my account. This plan was not approved, and they resolved that they would revolt. One out of their number was to sail to Myus, to the army which had left Naxos and was there, and attempt to seize the generals who were aboard the ships. 5.46. Other Spartans too sailed with Dorieus to found his colony, namely, Thessalus, Paraebates, Celees, and Euryleon. When these men had come to Sicily with all their company, they were all overcome and slain in battle by the Phoenicians and Egestans, all, that is, except Euryleon, who was the only settler that survived this disaster. ,He mustered the remt of his army and took Minoa, the colony from Selinus, and aided in freeing the people of Selinus from their monarch Pithagoras. After deposing this man, he himself attempted to become tyrant of Selinus but was monarch there for only a little while since the people of the place rose against him and slew him at the altar of Zeus of the marketplace, to which he had fled for refuge. 5.59. I have myself seen Cadmean writing in the temple of Ismenian Apollo at Thebes of Boeotia engraved on certain tripods and for the most part looking like Ionian letters. On one of the tripods there is this inscription: quote type="inscription" l met="dact" Amphitryon dedicated me from the spoils of Teleboae. /l /quote This would date from about the time of Laius the son of Labdacus, grandson of Polydorus and great-grandson of Cadmus. 5.60. A second tripod says, in hexameter verse: quote type="inscription" l met="dact" Scaeus the boxer, victorious in the contest, /l lGave me to Apollo, the archer god, a lovely offering. /l /quote Scaeus the son of Hippocoon, if he is indeed the dedicator and not another of the same name, would have lived at the time of Oedipus son of Laius. 5.61. The third tripod says, in hexameter verse again: quote type="inscription" l met="dact" Laodamas, while he reigned, dedicated this cauldron /l lTo Apollo, the sure of aim, as a lovely offering. /l /quote ,During the rule of this Laodamas son of Eteocles, the Cadmeans were expelled by the Argives and went away to the Encheleis. The Gephyraeans were left behind but were later compelled by the Boeotians to withdraw to Athens. They have certain set forms of worship at Athens in which the rest of the Athenians take no part, particularly the rites and mysteries of Achaean Demeter. 5.70. Isagoras, who was on the losing side, devised a counter-plot, and invited the aid of Cleomenes, who had been his friend since the besieging of the Pisistratidae. It was even said of Cleomenes that he regularly went to see Isagoras' wife. ,Then Cleomenes first sent a herald to Athens demanding the banishment of Cleisthenes and many other Athenians with him, the Accursed, as he called them. This he said in his message by Isagoras' instruction, for the Alcmeonidae and their faction were held to be guilty of that bloody deed while Isagoras and his friends had no part in it. 5.71. How the Accursed at Athens had received their name, I will now relate. There was an Athenian named Cylon, who had been a winner at Olympia. This man put on the air of one who aimed at tyranny, and gathering a company of men of like age, he attempted to seize the citadel. When he could not win it, he took sanctuary by the goddess' statue. ,He and his men were then removed from their position by the presidents of the naval boards, the rulers of Athens at that time. Although they were subject to any penalty save death, they were slain, and their death was attributed to the Alcmaeonidae. All this took place before the time of Pisistratus. 5.83. Now at this time, as before it, the Aeginetans were in all matters still subject to the Epidaurians and even crossed to Epidaurus for the hearing of their own private lawsuits. From this time, however, they began to build ships, and stubbornly revolted from the Epidaurians. ,In the course of this struggle, they did the Epidaurians much damage and stole their images of Damia and Auxesia. These they took away and set them up in the middle of their own country at a place called Oea, about twenty furlongs distant from their city. ,Having set them up in this place they sought their favor with sacrifices and female choruses in the satirical and abusive mode. Ten men were appointed providers of a chorus for each of the deities, and the choruses aimed their raillery not at any men but at the women of the country. The Epidaurians too had the same rites, and they have certain secret rites as well. 6.75. When the Lacedaemonians learned that Cleomenes was doing this, they took fright and brought him back to Sparta to rule on the same terms as before. Cleomenes had already been not entirely in his right mind, and on his return from exile a mad sickness fell upon him: any Spartan that he happened to meet he would hit in the face with his staff. ,For doing this, and because he was out of his mind, his relatives bound him in the stocks. When he was in the stocks and saw that his guard was left alone, he demanded a dagger; the guard at first refused to give it, but Cleomenes threatened what he would do to him when he was freed, until the guard, who was a helot, was frightened by the threats and gave him the dagger. ,Cleomenes took the weapon and set about slashing himself from his shins upwards; from the shin to the thigh he cut his flesh lengthways, then from the thigh to the hip and the sides, until he reached the belly, and cut it into strips; thus he died, as most of the Greeks say, because he persuaded the Pythian priestess to tell the tale of Demaratus. The Athenians alone say it was because he invaded Eleusis and laid waste the precinct of the gods. The Argives say it was because when Argives had taken refuge after the battle in their temple of Argus he brought them out and cut them down, then paid no heed to the sacred grove and set it on fire. 6.79. Then Cleomenes' plan was this: He had with him some deserters from whom he learned the names, then he sent a herald calling by name the Argives that were shut up in the sacred precinct and inviting them to come out, saying that he had their ransom. (Among the Peloponnesians there is a fixed ransom of two minae to be paid for every prisoner.) So Cleomenes invited about fifty Argives to come out one after another and murdered them. ,Somehow the rest of the men in the temple precinct did not know this was happening, for the grove was thick and those inside could not see how those outside were faring, until one of them climbed a tree and saw what was being done. Thereafter they would not come out at the herald's call. 6.91. But this happened later. The rich men of Aegina gained mastery over the people, who had risen against them with Nicodromus, then made them captive and led them out to be killed. Because of this a curse fell upon them, which despite all their efforts they could not get rid of by sacrifice, and they were driven out of their island before the goddess would be merciful to them. ,They had taken seven hundred of the people alive; as they led these out for slaughter one of them escaped from his bonds and fled to the temple gate of Demeter the Lawgiver, where he laid hold of the door-handles and clung to them. They could not tear him away by force, so they cut off his hands and carried him off, and those hands were left clinging fast to the door-handles. 6.107. So they waited for the full moon, while the foreigners were guided to Marathon by Hippias son of Pisistratus. The previous night Hippias had a dream in which he slept with his mother. ,He supposed from the dream that he would return from exile to Athens, recover his rule, and end his days an old man in his own country. Thus he reckoned from the dream. Then as guide he unloaded the slaves from Eretria onto the island of the Styrians called Aegilia, and brought to anchor the ships that had put ashore at Marathon, then marshalled the foreigners who had disembarked onto land. ,As he was tending to this, he happened to sneeze and cough more violently than usual. Since he was an elderly man, most of his teeth were loose, and he lost one of them by the force of his cough. It fell into the sand and he expended much effort in looking for it, but the tooth could not be found. ,He groaned aloud and said to those standing by him: “This land is not ours and we will not be able to subdue it. My tooth holds whatever share of it was mine.” 6.108. Hippias supposed that the dream had in this way come true. As the Athenians were marshalled in the precinct of Heracles, the Plataeans came to help them in full force. The Plataeans had put themselves under the protection of the Athenians, and the Athenians had undergone many labors on their behalf. This is how they did it: ,when the Plataeans were pressed by the Thebans, they first tried to put themselves under the protection of Cleomenes son of Anaxandrides and the Lacedaemonians, who happened to be there. But they did not accept them, saying, “We live too far away, and our help would be cold comfort to you. You could be enslaved many times over before any of us heard about it. ,We advise you to put yourselves under the protection of the Athenians, since they are your neighbors and not bad men at giving help.” The Lacedaemonians gave this advice not so much out of goodwill toward the Plataeans as wishing to cause trouble for the Athenians with the Boeotians. ,So the Lacedaemonians gave this advice to the Plataeans, who did not disobey it. When the Athenians were making sacrifices to the twelve gods, they sat at the altar as suppliants and put themselves under protection. When the Thebans heard this, they marched against the Plataeans, but the Athenians came to their aid. ,As they were about to join battle, the Corinthians, who happened to be there, prevented them and brought about a reconciliation. Since both sides desired them to arbitrate, they fixed the boundaries of the country on condition that the Thebans leave alone those Boeotians who were unwilling to be enrolled as Boeotian. After rendering this decision, the Corinthians departed. The Boeotians attacked the Athenians as they were leaving but were defeated in battle. ,The Athenians went beyond the boundaries the Corinthians had made for the Plataeans, fixing the Asopus river as the boundary for the Thebans in the direction of Plataea and Hysiae. So the Plataeans had put themselves under the protection of the Athenians in the aforesaid manner, and now came to help at Marathon. 7.12. The discussion went that far; then night came, and Xerxes was pricked by the advice of Artabanus. Thinking it over at night, he saw clearly that to send an army against Hellas was not his affair. He made this second resolve and fell asleep; then (so the Persians say) in the night he saw this vision: It seemed to Xerxes that a tall and handsome man stood over him and said, ,“Are you then changing your mind, Persian, and will not lead the expedition against Hellas, although you have proclaimed the mustering of the army? It is not good for you to change your mind, and there will be no one here to pardon you for it; let your course be along the path you resolved upon yesterday.” 7.13. So the vision spoke, and seemed to Xerxes to vanish away. When day dawned, the king took no account of this dream, and he assembled the Persians whom he had before gathered together and addressed them thus: ,“Persians, forgive me for turning and twisting in my purpose; I am not yet come to the fullness of my wisdom, and I am never free from people who exhort me to do as I said. It is true that when I heard Artabanus' opinion my youthful spirit immediately boiled up, and I burst out with an unseemly and wrongful answer to one older than myself; but now I see my fault and will follow his judgment. ,Be at peace, since I have changed my mind about marching against Hellas.” 7.14. When the Persians heard that, they rejoiced and made obeisance to him. But when night came on, the same vision stood again over Xerxes as he slept, and said, “Son of Darius, have you then plainly renounced your army's march among the Persians, and made my words of no account, as though you had not heard them? Know for certain that, if you do not lead out your army immediately, this will be the outcome of it: as you became great and mighty in a short time, so in a moment will you be brought low again.” 7.15. Greatly frightened by the vision, Xerxes leapt up from his bed, and sent a messenger to summon Artabanus. When he came, Xerxes said, “Artabanus, for a moment I was of unsound mind, and I answered your good advice with foolish words; but after no long time I repented, and saw that it was right for me to follow your advice. ,Yet, though I desire to, I cannot do it; ever since I turned back and repented, a vision keeps coming to haunt my sight, and it will not allow me to do as you advise; just now it has threatened me and gone. ,Now if a god is sending the vision, and it is his full pleasure that there this expedition against Hellas take place, that same dream will hover about you and give you the same command it gives me. I believe that this is most likely to happen, if you take all my apparel and sit wearing it upon my throne, and then lie down to sleep in my bed.” 7.16. Xerxes said this, but Artabanus would not obey the first command, thinking it was not right for him to sit on the royal throne; at last he was compelled and did as he was bid, saying first: ,“O king, I judge it of equal worth whether a man is wise or is willing to obey good advice; to both of these you have attained, but the company of bad men trips you up; just as they say that sea, of all things the most serviceable to men, is hindered from following its nature by the blasts of winds that fall upon it. ,It was not that I heard harsh words from you that stung me so much as that, when two opinions were laid before the Persians, one tending to the increase of pride, the other to its abatement, showing how evil a thing it is to teach the heart continual desire of more than it has, of these two opinions you preferred that one which was more fraught with danger to yourself and to the Persians. ,Now when you have turned to the better opinion, you say that, while intending to abandon the expedition against the Greeks, you are haunted by a dream sent by some god, which forbids you to disband the expedition. ,But this is none of heaven's working, my son. The roving dreams that visit men are of such nature as I shall teach you, since I am many years older than you. Those visions that rove about us in dreams are for the most part the thoughts of the day; and in these recent days we have been very busy with this expedition. ,But if this is not as I determine and it has something divine to it, then you have spoken the conclusion of the matter; let it appear to me just as it has to you, and utter its command. If it really wishes to appear, it should do so to me no more by virtue of my wearing your dress instead of mine, and my sleeping in your bed rather than in my own. ,Whatever it is that appears to you in your sleep, surely it has not come to such folly as to infer from your dress that I am you when it sees me. We now must learn if it will take no account of me and not deign to appear and haunt me, whether I am wearing your robes or my own, but will come to you; if it comes continually, I myself would say that it is something divine. ,If you are determined that this must be done and there is no averting it, and I must lie down to sleep in your bed, so be it; this duty I will fulfill, and let the vision appear also to me. But until then I will keep my present opinion.” 7.17. So spoke Artabanus and did as he was bid, hoping to prove Xerxes' words vain; he put on Xerxes' robes and sat on the king's throne. Then while he slept there came to him in his sleep the same dream that had haunted Xerxes; it stood over him and spoke thus: ,“Are you the one who dissuades Xerxes from marching against Hellas, because you care for him? Neither in the future nor now will you escape with impunity for striving to turn aside what must be. To Xerxes himself it has been declared what will befall him if he disobeys.” 7.18. With this threat (so it seemed to Artabanus) the vision was about to burn his eyes with hot irons. He leapt up with a loud cry, then sat by Xerxes and told him the whole story of what he had seen in his dream, and next he said: ,“O King, since I have seen, as much as a man may, how the greater has often been brought low by the lesser, I forbade you to always give rein to your youthful spirit, knowing how evil a thing it is to have many desires, and remembering the end of Cyrus' expedition against the Massagetae and of Cambyses' against the Ethiopians, and I myself marched with Darius against the Scythians. ,Knowing this, I judged that you had only to remain in peace for all men to deem you fortunate. But since there is some divine motivation, and it seems that the gods mark Hellas for destruction, I myself change and correct my judgment. Now declare the gods' message to the Persians, and bid them obey your first command for all due preparation. Do this, so that nothing on your part be lacking to the fulfillment of the gods' commission.” ,After this was said, they were incited by the vision, and when daylight came Xerxes imparted all this to the Persians. Artabanus now openly encouraged that course which he alone had before openly discouraged. 8.51. Since the crossing of the Hellespont, where the barbarians began their journey, they had spent one month there crossing into Europe and in three more months were in Attica, when Calliades was archon at Athens. ,When they took the town it was deserted, but in the sacred precinct they found a few Athenians, stewards of the sacred precinct and poor people, who defended themselves against the assault by fencing the acropolis with doors and logs. They had not withdrawn to Salamis not only because of poverty but also because they thought they had discovered the meaning of the oracle the Pythia had given, namely that the wooden wall would be impregnable. They believed that according to the oracle this, not the ships, was the refuge. 8.52. The Persians took up a position on the hill opposite the acropolis, which the Athenians call the Areopagus, and besieged them in this way: they wrapped arrows in tar and set them on fire, and then shot them at the barricade. Still the besieged Athenians defended themselves, although they had come to the utmost danger and their barricade had failed them. ,When the Pisistratids proposed terms of surrender, they would not listen but contrived defenses such as rolling down boulders onto the barbarians when they came near the gates. For a long time Xerxes was at a loss, unable to capture them. 8.53. In time a way out of their difficulties was revealed to the barbarians, since according to the oracle all the mainland of Attica had to become subject to the Persians. In front of the acropolis, and behind the gates and the ascent, was a place where no one was on guard, since no one thought any man could go up that way. Here some men climbed up, near the sacred precinct of Cecrops' daughter Aglaurus, although the place was a sheer cliff. ,When the Athenians saw that they had ascended to the acropolis, some threw themselves off the wall and were killed, and others fled into the chamber. The Persians who had come up first turned to the gates, opened them, and murdered the suppliants. When they had levelled everything, they plundered the sacred precinct and set fire to the entire acropolis. 8.54. So it was that Xerxes took complete possession of Athens, and he sent a horseman to Susa to announce his present success to Artabanus. On the day after the messenger was sent, he called together the Athenian exiles who accompanied him and asked them go up to the acropolis and perform sacrifices in their customary way, an order given because he had been inspired by a dream or because he felt remorse after burning the sacred precinct. The Athenian exiles did as they were commanded. 8.55. I will tell why I have mentioned this. In that acropolis is a shrine of Erechtheus, called the “Earthborn,” and in the shrine are an olive tree and a pool of salt water. The story among the Athenians is that they were set there by Poseidon and Athena as tokens when they contended for the land. It happened that the olive tree was burnt by the barbarians with the rest of the sacred precinct, but on the day after its burning, when the Athenians ordered by the king to sacrifice went up to the sacred precinct, they saw a shoot of about a cubit's length sprung from the stump, and they reported this.
3. Plato, Euthyphro, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

4b. Euthyphro. Very far, indeed, Socrates, by Zeus. Socrates. Is the one who was killed by your father a relative? But of course he was; for you would not bring a charge of murder against him on a stranger’s account. Euthyphro. It is ridiculous, Socrates, that you think it matters whether the man who was killed was a stranger or a relative, and do not see that the only thing to consider is whether the action of the slayer was justified or not, and that if it was justified one ought to let him alone, and if not, one ought to proceed against him, even if he share one’s hearth
4. Plato, Laws, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

642d. not by outward compulsion but by inner disposition. Thus, so far as I am concerned, you may speak without fear and say all you please. Clin. My story, too, Stranger, when you hear it, will show you that you may boldly say all you wish. You have probably heard how that inspired man Epimenides, who was a family connection of ours, was born in Crete ; and how ten years before the Persian War, in obedience to the oracle of the god, he went to Athens and offered certain sacrifices which the god had ordained; and how, moreover, when the Athenians were alarmed at the Persians’ expeditionary force
5. Plato, Protagoras, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

343a. to utter such remarks is to be ascribed to his perfect education. Such men were Thales of Miletus, Pittacus of Mytilene, Bias of Priene, Solon of our city, Cleobulus of Lindus, Myson of Chen, and, last of the traditional seven, Chilon of Sparta . All these were enthusiasts, lovers and disciples of the Spartan culture; and you can recognize that character in their wisdom by the short, memorable sayings that fell from each of them they assembled together
6. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.20.2, 1.126-1.127, 1.126.3, 1.132, 1.134, 6.56-6.58 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

1.20.2. The general Athenian public fancy that Hipparchus was tyrant when he fell by the hands of Harmodius and Aristogiton; not knowing that Hippias, the eldest of the sons of Pisistratus, was really supreme, and that Hipparchus and Thessalus were his brothers; and that Harmodius and Aristogiton suspecting, on the very day, nay at the very moment fixed on for the deed, that information had been conveyed to Hippias by their accomplices, concluded that he had been warned, and did not attack him, yet, not liking to be apprehended and risk their lives for nothing, fell upon Hipparchus near the temple of the daughters of Leos, and slew him as he was arranging the Panathenaic procession.
7. Aeschines, Letters, 3.116 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

8. Aristotle, Athenian Constitution, 7.1, 8.3, 9.1, 20.2-20.3 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

9. Demosthenes, Orations, 21.144 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

10. Duris of Samos, Fragments, 63 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)

11. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 11.45.7-11.45.9, 11.62.3 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

11.45.7.  And the Lacedaemonians, falling in with the mother's decision, walled up the entrance and in this manner forced Pausanias to meet his end through starvation. Now the body of the dead man was turned over to his relatives for burial; but the divinity showed its displeasure at the violation of the sanctity of suppliants 11.45.8.  for once when the Lacedaemonians were consulting the oracle at Delphi about some other matters, the god replied by commanding them to restore her suppliant to the goddess. 11.45.9.  Consequently the Spartans, thinking the oracle's command to be impracticable, were at a loss for a considerable time, being unable to carry out the injunction of the god. Concluding, however, to do as much as was within their power, they made two bronze statues of Pausanias and set them up in the temple of Athena. 11.62.3.  And the Athenian people, taking a tenth part of the booty, dedicated it to the god, and the inscription which they wrote upon the dedication they made ran as follows: E'en from the day when the sea divided Europe from Asia, And the impetuous god, Ares, the cities of men Took for his own, no deed such as this among earth-dwelling mortals Ever was wrought at one time both upon land and at sea. These men indeed upon Cyprus sent many a Mede to destruction, Capturing out on the sea warships a hundred in sum Filled with Phoenician men; and deeply all Asia grieved o'er them, Smitten thus with both hands, vanquished by war's mighty power.
12. Plutarch, On The Malice of Herodotus, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

13. Plutarch, On The Delays of Divine Vengeance, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

14. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

15. Plutarch, Solon, 8.1, 19.1, 19.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

19.1. After he had established the council of the Areiopagus, consisting of those who had been archons year by year (and he himself was a member of this body since he had been archon), he observed that the common people were uneasy and bold in consequence of their release from debt, and therefore established another council besides, consisting of four hundred men, one hundred chosen from each of the four tribes. Cf. Aristot. Const. Ath. 8.4 . These were to deliberate on public matters before the people did, and were not to allow any matter to come before the popular assembly without such previous deliberation. 19.4. This surely proves to the contrary that the council of the Areiopagus was in existence before the archonship and legislation of Solon. For how could men have been condemned in the Areiopagus before the time of Solon, if Solon was the first to give the council of the Areiopagus its jurisdiction? Perhaps, indeed, there is some obscurity in the document, or some omission, and the meaning is that those who had been convicted on charges within the cognizance of those who were Areiopagites and ephetai and prytanes when the law was published, should remain disfranchised while those convicted on all other charges should recover their rights and franchises. This question, however, my reader must decide for himself.
16. Plutarch, Themistocles, 5.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

17. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.26.5, 1.27.2, 3.4.3-3.4.6 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

1.26.5. There is also a building called the Erechtheum. Before the entrance is an altar of Zeus the Most High, on which they never sacrifice a living creature but offer cakes, not being wont to use any wine either. Inside the entrance are altars, one to Poseidon, on which in obedience to an oracle they sacrifice also to Erechtheus, the second to the hero Butes, and the third to Hephaestus. On the walls are paintings representing members of the clan Butadae; there is also inside—the building is double—sea-water in a cistern. This is no great marvel, for other inland regions have similar wells, in particular Aphrodisias in Caria . But this cistern is remarkable for the noise of waves it sends forth when a south wind blows. On the rock is the outline of a trident. Legend says that these appeared as evidence in support of Poseidon's claim to the land. 1.27.2. About the olive they have nothing to say except that it was testimony the goddess produced when she contended for their land. Legend also says that when the Persians fired Athens the olive was burnt down, but on the very day it was burnt it grew again to the height of two cubits. Adjoining the temple of Athena is the temple of Pandrosus, the only one of the sisters to be faithful to the trust. 3.4.3. While Cleomenes was occupied in Aegina, Demaratus, the king of the other house, was slandering him to the Lacedaemonian populace. On his return from Aegina, Cleomenes began to intrigue for the deposition of king Demaratus. He bribed the Pythian prophetess to frame responses about Demaratus according to his instructions, and instigated Leotychides, a man of royal birth and of the same family as Demaratus, to put in a claim to the throne. 3.4.4. Leotychides seized upon the remark that Ariston in his ignorance blurted out when Demaratus was born, denying that he was his child. On the present occasion the Lacedaemonians, according to their wont, referred to the oracle at Delphi the claim against Demaratus, and the prophetess gave them a response which favoured the designs of Cleomenes. 3.4.5. So Demaratus was deposed, not rightfully, but because Cleomenes hated him. Subsequently Cleomenes met his end in a fit of madness for seizing a sword he began to wound himself, and hacked and maimed his body all over. The Argives assert that the manner of his end was a punishment for his treatment of the suppliants of Argus; the Athenians say that it was because he had devastated Orgas; the Delphians put it down to the bribes he gave the Pythian prophetess, persuading her to give lying responses about Demaratus. 3.4.6. It may well be too that the wrath of heroes and the wrath of gods united together to punish Cleomenes since it is a fact that for a personal wrong Protesilaus, a hero not a whit more illustrious than Argus, punished at Elaeus Artayctes, a Persian; while the Megarians never succeeded in propitiating the deities at Eleusis for having encroached upon the sacred land. As to the tampering with the oracle, we know of nobody, with the exception of Cleomenes, who has had the audacity even to attempt it.
18. Pollux, Onomasticon, 8.108 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

19. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 1.25, 1.110 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

1.25. (It was Pythagoras who developed to their furthest extent the discoveries attributed by Callimachus in his Iambics to Euphorbus the Phrygian, I mean scalene triangles and whatever else has to do with theoretical geometry.)Thales is also credited with having given excellent advice on political matters. For instance, when Croesus sent to Miletus offering terms of alliance, he frustrated the plan; and this proved the salvation of the city when Cyrus obtained the victory. Heraclides makes Thales himself say that he had always lived in solitude as a private individual and kept aloof from State affairs. Some authorities say that he married and had a son Cybisthus; 1.110. So he became famous throughout Greece, and was believed to be a special favourite of heaven.Hence, when the Athenians were attacked by pestilence, and the Pythian priestess bade them purify the city, they sent a ship commanded by Nicias, son of Niceratus, to Crete to ask the help of Epimenides. And he came in the 46th Olympiad, purified their city, and stopped the pestilence in the following way. He took sheep, some black and others white, and brought them to the Areopagus; and there he let them go whither they pleased, instructing those who followed them to mark the spot where each sheep lay down and offer a sacrifice to the local divinity. And thus, it is said, the plague was stayed. Hence even to this day altars may be found in different parts of Attica with no name inscribed upon them, which are memorials of this atonement. According to some writers he declared the plague to have been caused by the pollution which Cylon brought on the city and showed them how to remove it. In consequence two young men, Cratinus and Ctesibius, were put to death and the city was delivered from the scourge.
20. Aeschines, Or., 3.116

21. Epigraphy, Ig, 533



Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
achilles Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 55
aegina Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 81
aeginetans Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 200
alcmaeonidae Leão and Lanzillotta, A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic (2019) 42
alcmaeonidae of athens Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 214
alcmaeonids Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 55
alcman Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 81
aphrodite, ismenius of thebes Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 214
aphrodite, pythios of delphi Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 200
archons Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 55
aristocracy, aristocrats, aristocratic, and the abuse of power Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 55
aristocracy, aristocrats, aristocratic Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 55
arrhachion of phigalia Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 90
artabanus of persia Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 200
athena, polias of athens Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 214
athenians, and solon Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 17
athenians Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 17
athens Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 17; Leão and Lanzillotta, A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic (2019) 42
athletes, and tyranny Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 90
athletes, honored in archaic poleis Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 90
barbarians, contrasted with greeks Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 17
bias Lloyd, The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science (1989) 84
cambyses of persia, dreams of Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 200
chorêgiai, chorêgoi Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 81
civil strife Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 55
class, lower Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 55
class, upper Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 55
cleisthenes of athens Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 214
cleombrotus, son of dexilaus of sybaris Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 90
cleomenes of sparta, impieties of Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 200
cleomenes of sparta, oracles to Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 200
contradictions Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 17
contrasts, as theme in plutarchs narrative Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 17
contrasts Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 17
corinthians Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 214
croesus Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 17
croesus of lydia, dedications of Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 200
croesus of lydia, dreams and omens Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 200
croesus of lydia, oracles to Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 200
cylon Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 90; Leão and Lanzillotta, A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic (2019) 42; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 55
cylon of athens Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 214
cymaeans Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 200
cyrus of persia, dreams of Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 200
darius of persia Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 200
delphi Johnston and Struck, Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination (2005) 293
delphic oracle, to spartans Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 200
demos (damos), as court of appeals Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 55
didyma Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 200
dodona Johnston and Struck, Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination (2005) 293
draco Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 55
dream interpreters Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 200
dreams, of hippias Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 200
dreams, of polycrates daughter Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 200
epidaurus Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 81
epimenides Johnston and Struck, Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination (2005) 293; Lloyd, The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science (1989) 84
epinikia, as gifts by athletes Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 90
epinikia, compared to cash rewards Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 90
epinikia Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 90
equality Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 55
euryleon of sparta Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 200, 214
festivals, in aegina Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 81
fortune, mutability of Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 17
fortune, the subjects attitude towards Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 17
fortune Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 17
gifts, and interest Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 90
gymnasiarchiai Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 81
happiness Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 17
hecataeus of miletus Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 200
hera, of samos Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 214
herodotus, historian Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 81
herodotus Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 17
hesiod Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 55
homer, homeric Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 55
judges, elite Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 55
jurors, juries, athenian (dikastai) Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 55
kômoi Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 90
law, equality before Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 55
law, homicide Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 55
law Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 55
lawgivers Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 55
liturgies, in the archaic period Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 81
liturgies, voluntary Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 81
lives, with readers knowledge Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 17
lives, within a life Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 17
mandrocles of samos Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 214
megara Leão and Lanzillotta, A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic (2019) 42
milesians Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 200
moderation Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 17
money, as reward Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 90
moralia Leão and Lanzillotta, A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic (2019) 42
naukrariai Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 81
necromancy Johnston and Struck, Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination (2005) 293
omissions Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 17
oracles Lloyd, The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science (1989) 84; Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 200
panhellenic Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 55
pausanias of sparta, asylum violated Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 200
pausanias of sparta, delphi dedication and Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 214
peisistratus Leão and Lanzillotta, A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic (2019) 42
peparethians Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 214
periander Lloyd, The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science (1989) 84
pericles of athens Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 200, 214
perspectives, of the subjects Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 17
phigalia Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 90
pittacus Lloyd, The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science (1989) 84; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 55
plutarch Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 90
plutarchs lives, life of solon Leão and Lanzillotta, A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic (2019) 42
politics Lloyd, The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science (1989) 84
polycrates of samos Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 81; Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 200
psychagôgia' Johnston and Struck, Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination (2005) 293
purifications Lloyd, The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science (1989) 84
religion, greek Leão and Lanzillotta, A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic (2019) 42
religion Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 55
rich, the Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 81
salamis Leão and Lanzillotta, A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic (2019) 42
samos Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 81
seers Lloyd, The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science (1989) 84
self-curses, dicasts and Sommerstein and Torrance, Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece (2014) 17
semnai theai Sommerstein and Torrance, Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece (2014) 17
shaman Lloyd, The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science (1989) 84
solon, and croesus Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 17
solon Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 17; Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 90; Leão and Lanzillotta, A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic (2019) 42; Lloyd, The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science (1989) 84; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 55
spartans, impieties of Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 200
spartans Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 200
statues, in the agora Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 90
statues, of arrhachion of phigalia Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 90
statues, of athletes Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 90
statues, of cleombrotus of sybaris Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 90
surprise Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 17
sybaris Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 90
thales Lloyd, The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science (1989) 84
theagenes of megara Leão and Lanzillotta, A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic (2019) 42
theatricality Leão and Lanzillotta, A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic (2019) 42
themistocles of athens, dedications of Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 214
tradition Lloyd, The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science (1989) 84
tyranny, tyrants Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 55
tyranny/tyrants Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 17
water Lloyd, The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science (1989) 84
wisdom/wise Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 17
wisdom Lloyd, The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science (1989) 84
wonder-workers Lloyd, The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science (1989) 84
xenophanes Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 90
xerxes of persia, dreams of Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 200
zeus, agoraios of selinus Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 200
zeus, eleutherios of plataea Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 214