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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



9612
Plutarch, Romulus, 17.3


συνθεμένου δὲ τοῦ Τατίου, νύκτωρ ἀνοίξασα πύλην μίαν, ἐδέξατο τοὺς Σαβίνους. οὐ μόνος οὖν ὡς ἔοικεν Ἀντίγονος ἔφη προδιδόντας μὲν φιλεῖν, προδεδωκότας δὲ μισεῖν, οὐδὲ Καῖσαρ, εἰπὼν ἐπὶ τοῦ Θρᾳκὸς Ῥοιμητάλκου, φιλεῖν μὲν προδοσίαν, προδότην δὲ μισεῖν, ἀλλὰ κοινόν τι τοῦτο πάθος ἐστὶ πρὸς τοὺς πονηροὺς τοῖς δεομένοις αὐτῶν, ὥσπερ ἰοῦ καὶ χολῆς ἐνίων θηρίων δέονται· τὴν γὰρ χρείαν ὅτε λαμβάνουσιν ἀγαπῶντες, ἐχθαίρουσι τὴν κακίαν ὅταν τύχωσι.Tatius agreed to this, whereupon she opened one of the gates by night and let the Sabines in. Antigonus was not alone, then, in saying that he loved men who offered to betray, but hated those who had betrayed; nor yet Caesar, in saying of the Thracian Rhoemetalces, that he loved treachery but hated a traitor; but this is a very general feeling towards the base on the part of those who need their services, just as they need certain wild creatures for their venom and gall; for while they feel the need of them, they put up with them, but abhor their vileness when they have obtained from them what they want.


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

15 results
1. Cicero, Letters, 1.9 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

2. Cicero, Letters, 1.9 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

3. Cicero, Letters, 1.9 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

4. Cicero, Letters, 1.9 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

5. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 4.62 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)

4.62. 1.  It is said that during the reign of Tarquinius another very wonderful piece of good luck also came to the Roman state, conferred upon it by the favour of some god or other divinity; and this good fortune was not of short duration, but throughout the whole existence of the country it has often saved it from great calamities.,2.  A certain woman who was not a native of the country came to the tyrant wishing to sell him nine books filled with Sibylline oracles; but when Tarquinius refused to purchase the books at the price she asked, she went away and burned three of them. And not long afterwards, bringing the remaining six books, she offered to sell them for the same price. But when they thought her a fool and mocked at her for asking the same price for the smaller number of books that she had been unable to get for even the larger number, she again went away and burned half of those that were left; then, bringing the remaining books, she asked the same amount of money for these.,3.  Tarquinius, wondering at the woman's purpose, sent for the augurs and acquainting them with the matter, asked them what he should do. These, knowing by certain signs that he had rejected a god-sent blessing, and declaring it to be a great misfortune that he had not purchased all the books, directed him to pay the woman all the money she asked and to get the oracles that were left.,4.  The woman, after delivering the books and bidding him take great care of them, disappeared from among men. Tarquinius chose two men of distinction from among the citizens and appointing two public slaves to assist them, entrusted to them the guarding of the books; and when one of these men, named Marcus Atilius, seemed to have been faithless to his trust and was informed upon by one of the public slaves, he ordered him to be sewed up in a leather bag and thrown into the sea as a parricide.,5.  Since the expulsion of the kings, the commonwealth, taking upon itself the guarding of these oracles, entrusts the care of them to persons of the greatest distinction, who hold this office for life, being exempt from military service and from all civil employments, and it assigns public slaves to assist them, in whose absence the others are not permitted to inspect the oracles. In short, there is no possession of the Romans, sacred or profane, which they guard so carefully as they do the Sibylline oracles. They consult them, by order of the senate, when the state is in the grip of party strife or some great misfortune has happened to them in war, or some important prodigies and apparitions have been seen which are difficult of interpretation, as has often happened. These oracles till the time of the Marsian War, as it was called, were kept underground in the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus in a stone chest under the guard of ten men.,6.  But when the temple was burned after the close of the one hundred and seventy-third Olympiad, either purposely, as some think, or by accident, these oracles together with all the offerings consecrated to the god were destroyed by the fire. Those which are now extant have been scraped together from many places, some from the cities of Italy, others from Erythrae in Asia (whither three envoys were sent by vote of the senate to copy them), and others were brought from other cities, transcribed by private persons. Some of these are found to be interpolations among the genuine Sibylline oracles, being recognized as such by means of the so‑called acrostics. In all this I am following the account given by Terentius Varro in his work on religion.
6. Livy, History, 1.11.6-1.11.9 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)

7. Ovid, Fasti, 1.260-1.262 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)

1.260. He at once retold the warlike acts of Oebalian Tatius 1.261. And how the treacherous keeper, Tarpeia, bribed with bracelets 1.262. Led the silent Sabines to the heights of the citadel.
8. Propertius, Elegies, 4.4 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)

9. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 13.88, 34.22-34.23, 35.23, 35.88 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

10. Plutarch, Marius, 17.1-17.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

11. Plutarch, Romulus, 2.5, 9.5, 14.2, 17.2, 17.4-17.5, 28.5-28.10, 29.1-29.11 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

2.5. When Tarchetius learned of this, he was wroth, and seized both the maidens, purposing to put them to death. But the goddess Hestia appeared to him in his sleep and forbade him the murder. He therefore imposed upon the maidens the weaving of a certain web in their imprisonment, assuring them that when they had finished the weaving of it, they should then be given in marriage. By day, then, these maidens wove, but by night other maidens, at the command of Tarchetius, unravelled their web. And when the handmaid became the mother of twin children by the phantom, Tarchetius gave them to a certain Teratius with orders to destroy them. 17.2. At this the rest of the Sabines were enraged, and after appointing Tatius their general, marched upon Rome. The city was difficult of access, having as its fortress the present Capitol, on which a guard had been stationed, with Tarpeius as its captain,— not Tarpeia, a maiden, as some say, thereby making Romulus a simpleton. But Tarpeia, a daughter of the commander, betrayed the citadel to the Sabines, having set her heart on the golden armlets which she saw them wearing, and she asked as payment for her treachery that which they wore on their left arms. 17.4. This, too, was the feeling which Tatius then had towards Tarpeia, when he ordered his Sabines, mindful of their agreement, not to begrudge the girl anything they wore on their left arms. And he was first to take from his arm not only his armlet, but at the same time his shield, and cast them upon her. All his men followed his example, and the girl was smitten by the gold and buried under the shields, and died from the number and weight of them. 17.5. And Tarpeius also was convicted of treason when prosecuted by Romulus, as, according to Juba, Sulpicius Galba relates. of those who write differently about Tarpeia, they are worthy of no belief at all who say that she was a daughter of Tatius, the leader of the Sabines, and was living with Romulus under compulsion, and acted and suffered as she did, at her father’s behest; of these, Antigonus is one. And Simylus the poet is altogether absurd in supposing that Tarpeia betrayed the Capitol, not to the Sabines, but to the Gauls, because she had fallen in love with their king. These are his words:— And Tarpeia, who dwelt hard by the Capitolian steep, Became the destroyer of the walls of Rome; She longed to be the wedded wife of the Gallic chieftain, And betrayed the homes of her fathers. And a little after, speaking of her death:— Her the Boni and the myriad tribes of Gauls Did not, exulting, cast amid the currents of the Po; But hurled the shields from their belligerent arms Upon the hateful maid, and made their ornament her doom. 28.5. The boys were killed, and Cleomedes, being pursued, took refuge in a great chest, closed the lid down, and held it so fast that many men with their united strength could not pull it up; but when they broke the chest to pieces, the man was not to be found, alive or dead. In their dismay, then, they sent messengers to consult the oracle at Delphi, and the Pythian priestess gave them this answer:— Last of the heroes he, Cleomedes, Astypalaean 28.6. It is said also that the body of Alcmene disappeared, as they were carrying her forth for burial, and a stone was seen lying on the bier instead. In short, many such fables are told by writers who improbably ascribe divinity to the mortal features in human nature, as well as to the divine. At any rate, to reject entirely the divinity of human virtue, were impious and base; but to mix heaven with earth is foolish. Let us therefore take the safe course and grant, with Pindar, Fragment 131, Bergk, Poet. Lyr. Gr. i.4 p. 427. that Our bodies all must follow death’s supreme behest, But something living still survives, an image of life, for this alone Comes from the gods. 28.7. Yes, it comes from them, and to them it returns, not with its body, but only when it is most completely separated and set free from the body, and becomes altogether pure, fleshless, and undefiled. For a dry soul is best, according to Heracleitus, Fragment 74 (Bywater, Heracliti Ephesii reliquiae, p. 30). and it flies from the body as lightning flashes from a cloud. But the soul which is contaminated with body, and surfeited with body, like a damp and heavy exhalation, is slow to release itself and slow to rise towards its source. 28.8. We must not, therefore, violate nature by sending the bodies of good men with their souls to heaven, but implicitly believe that their virtues and their souls, in accordance with nature and divine justice, ascend from men to heroes, from heroes to demi-gods, and from demi-gods, after they have been made pure and holy, as in the final rites of initiation, and have freed themselves from mortality and sense, to gods, not by civic law, but in very truth and according to right reason, thus achieving the fairest and most blessed consummation.
12. Plutarch, Theseus, 1.5, 2.2, 6.4, 23.2-23.3, 29.1-29.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

13. Gellius, Attic Nights, 1.19 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

14. Lactantius, Divine Institutes, 1.6 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)

1.6. Now let us pass to divine testimonies; but I will previously bring forward one which resembles a divine testimony, both on account of its very great antiquity, and because he whom I shall name was taken from men and placed among the gods. According to Cicero, Caius Cotta the pontiff, while disputing against the Stoics concerning superstitions, and the variety of opinions which prevail respecting the gods, in order that he might, after the custom of the Academics, make everything uncertain, says that there were five Mercuries; and having enumerated four in order, says that the fifth was he by whom Argus was slain, and that on this account he fled into Egypt, and gave laws and letters to the Egyptians. The Egyptians call him Thoth; and from him the first month of their year, that is, September, received its name among them. He also built a town, which is even now called in Greek Hermopolis (the town of Mercury), and the inhabitants of Phen honour him with religious worship. And although he was a man, yet he was of great antiquity, and most fully imbued with every kind of learning, so that the knowledge of many subjects and arts acquired for him the name of Trismegistus. He wrote books, and those in great numbers, relating to the knowledge of divine things, in which be asserts the majesty of the supreme and only God, and makes mention of Him by the same names which we use - God and Father. And that no one might inquire His name, he said that He was without name, and that on account of His very unity He does not require the peculiarity of a name. These are his own words: God is one, but He who is one only does not need a name; for He who is self-existent is without a name. God, therefore, has no name, because He is alone; nor is there any need of a proper name, except in cases where a multitude of persons requires a distinguishing mark, so that you may designate each person by his own mark and appellation. But God, because He is always one, has no peculiar name. It remains for me to bring forward testimonies respecting the sacred responses and predictions, which are much more to be relied upon. For perhaps they against whom we are arguing may think that no credence is to be given to poets, as though they invented fictions, nor to philosophers, inasmuch as they were liable to err, being themselves but men. Marcus Varro, than whom no man of greater learning ever lived, even among the Greeks, much less among the Latins, in those books respecting divine subjects which he addressed to Caius C sar the chief pontiff, when he was speaking of the Quindecemviri, says that the Sibylline books were not the production of one Sibyl only, but that they were called by one name Sibylline, because all prophetesses were called by the ancients Sibyls, either from the name of one, the Delphian priestess, or from their proclaiming the counsels of the gods. For in the Æolic dialect they used to call the gods by the word Sioi, not Theoi; and for counsel they used the word bule, not boule;- and so the Sibyl received her name as though Siobule. But he says that the Sibyls were ten in number, and he enumerated them all under the writers, who wrote an account of each: that the first was from the Persians, and of her Nicanor made mention, who wrote the exploits of Alexander of Macedon;- the second of Libya, and of her Euripides makes mention in the prologue of the Lamia;- the third of Delphi, concerning whom Chrysippus speaks in that book which he composed concerning divination - the fourth a Cimmerian in Italy, whom N vius mentions in his books of the Punic war, and Piso in his annals - the fifth of Erythr a, whom Apollodorus of Erythr a affirms to have been his own countrywoman, and that she foretold to the Greeks when they were setting out for Ilium, both that Troy was doomed to destruction, and that Homer would write falsehoods;- the sixth of Samos, respecting whom Eratosthenes writes that he had found a written notice in the ancient annals of the Samians. The seventh was of Cum, by name Amalth a, who is termed by some Herophile, or Demophile, and they say that she brought nine books to the king Tarquinius Priscus, and asked for them three hundred philippics, and that the king refused so great a price, and derided the madness of the woman; that she, in the sight of the king, burnt three of the books, and demanded the same price for those which were left; that Tarquinias much more considered the woman to be mad; and that when she again, having burnt three other books, persisted in asking the same price, the king was moved, and bought the remaining books for the three hundred pieces of gold: and the number of these books was afterwards increased, after the rebuilding of the Capitol; because they were collected from all cities of Italy and Greece, and especially from those of Erythr a, and were brought to Rome, under the name of whatever Sibyl they were. Further, that the eighth was from the Hellespont, born in the Trojan territory, in the village of Marpessus, about the town of Gergithus; and Heraclides of Pontus writes that she lived in the times of Solon and Cyrus - the ninth of Phrygia, who gave oracles at Ancyra;- the tenth of Tibur, by name Albunea, who is worshipped at Tibur as a goddess, near the banks of the river Anio, in the depths of which her statue is said to have been found, holding in her hand a book. The senate transferred her oracles into the Capitol. The predictions of all these Sibyls are both brought forward and esteemed as such, except those of the Cum an Sibyl, whose books are concealed by the Romans; nor do they consider it lawful for them to be inspected by any one but the Quindecemviri. And there are separate books the production of each, but because these are inscribed with the name of the Sibyl they are believed to be the work of one; and they are confused, nor can the productions of each be distinguished and assigned to their own authors, except in the case of the Erythr an Sibyl, for she both inserted her own true name in her verse, and predicted that she would be called Erythr an, though she was born at Babylon. But we also shall speak of the Sibyl without any distinction, wherever we shall have occasion to use their testimonies. All these Sibyls, then, proclaim one God, and especially the Erythr an, who is regarded among the others as more celebrated and noble; since Fenestella, a most diligent writer, speaking of the Quindecemviri, says that, after the rebuilding of the Capitol, Caius Curio the consul proposed to the senate that ambassadors should be sent to Erythr to search out and bring to Rome the writings of the Sibyl; and that, accordingly, Publius Gabinius, Marcus Otacilius, and Lucius Valerius were sent, who conveyed to Rome about a thousand verses written out by private persons. We have shown before that Varro made the same statement. Now in these verses which the ambassadors brought to Rome, are these testimonies respecting the one God:- 1. One God, who is alone, most mighty, uncreated. This is the only supreme God, who made the heaven, and decked it with lights. 2. But there is one only God of pre-eminent power, who made the heaven, and sun, and stars, and moon, and fruitful earth, and waves of the water of the sea. And since He alone is the framer of the universe, and the artificer of all things of which it consists or which are contained in it, it testifies that He alone ought to be worshipped: - 3. Worship Him who is alone the ruler of the world, who alone was and is from age to age. Also another Sibyl, whoever she is, when she said that she conveyed the voice of God to men, thus spoke:- 4. I am the one only God, and there is no other God. I would now follow up the testimonies of the others, were it not that these are sufficient, and that I reserve others for more befitting opportunities. But since we are defending the cause of truth before those who err from the truth and serve false religions, what kind of proof ought we to bring forward against them, rather than to refute them by the testimonies of their own gods?
15. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 9.6.1



Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
aftermath of cities Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 110
amazonomachy Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 255
amazons,graves of Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 255
antigonus (historian) Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 261, 265
antigonus gonatas Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 261, 262, 263
athens Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 110; Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 255
augustus,prima porta Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 63
augustus/octavian Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 261, 262, 263, 265
caecilia,gaia Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179
caesar Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 263, 264
camillus Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 255
character (plutarchs and readers concern with) Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 110
cicero Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 264
claudia quinta Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179
closure (endings of biographies) Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 110
continuance-motif (i.e. references to plutarchs present) Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 110
cornelia Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179
dionysius of halicarnassus,on the sibyl Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179
explanations Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 110
fabius pictor Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 263
festivals and rites,nonae caprotinae Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 255
festivals and rites Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 255
future (allusions to/evocation of) Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 110
god(dess) Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 110
gymnasia Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 63
herculaneum,female statue type from Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179
hercules Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 63
hermae Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 63
hermathena Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 63
history Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 110
humanitas Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 63
identity Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 264
landscape and topography Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 255
livy Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 263
lycurgus Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 110
marius,c.,and the prophetess martha Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179
monumentality/monuments Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 255
morality and ethics Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 263, 264, 265, 266
motivation,motives Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 110
myth(ic) Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 110
objects,and identity Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 63
oplontis Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 63
palaestrum Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 63
past,connected with present Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 110
philotis Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 255
piso frugi (l. calpurnius) Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 266
plato,platonic Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 110
plutarch Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 255, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 266
politics,the subjects preoccupation with Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 110
prolepsis Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 110
propertius Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 263
quindecemviri sacris faciundis Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179
rape Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 255, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 266
reader and audience Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 264, 265
romans,and romulus Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 110
romans Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 110
rome,rostrum Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179
rome,statues of seven kings on Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179
rome,temple of divus augustus,victoria in Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 63
rome Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 110
rome ara pacis,tarpeian rock Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 266
rome ara pacis,tarpeian tomb/grave Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 255
romulus Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 110
romulus and camillus,death Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 255
romulus and camillus,qualities as a ruler Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 264, 266
rüpke,j.,war with Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179
sabine Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 255
sabines as austere,enfranchisement and belonging Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 255
sabines as austere Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 263
second sophistic Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 266
sibyl Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179
simulacrum versus signum,of women Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179
sources,plutarchs use or criticism of Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 110
sources Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 110
sparta(ns) Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 110
statuary,miraculous properties of Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179
synkrisis,formal Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 110
tarpeia,her tomb on the capitoline Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179
tarpeia as amazon,as guardian Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 266
tarquin the proud Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179
tarquinius priscus,and the sibyl Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179
tatius king of sabines Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 262, 263, 264, 265, 266
theseus Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 110; Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 266
titus tatius Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179
treason and proditio,benefiting from Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 255, 262, 263, 264, 265
tullius cicero,m.,and humanitas Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 63
tullius cicero,m.,as collector Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 63
tullius cicero,m.,villa at tusculum Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 63
tullius cicero,m. Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 63
valerius maximus Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 263
veleda Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179
violence Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 110
women,idealized values and Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179
women Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179
women and girls' Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 255