Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database

9595

Plutarch, Pericles, 39.3-39.4
τὸν μὲν τόπον, ἐν ᾧ τοὺς θεοὺς κατοικεῖν λέγουσιν, ἀσφαλὲς ἕδος καὶ ἀσάλευτον καλοῦντες, οὐ πνεύμασιν, οὐ νέφεσι χρώμενον, ἀλλʼ αἴθρᾳ αἴθρᾳ Fuhr and Blass with F a S: αἰθρίᾳ . μαλακῇ καὶ φωτὶ καθαρωτάτῳ καθαρωτάτῳ Fuhr and Blass with F a S: καθαρῷ . τὸν ἅπαντα χρόνον ὁμαλῶς περιλαμπόμενον, ὡς τοιαύτης τινὸς τοιαύτης τινὸς Fuhr and Blass with F a S: τοιαύτης . τῷ μακαρίῳ καὶ ἀθανάτῳ διαγωγῆς μάλιστα πρεπούσης, αὐτοὺς δὲ τοὺς θεοὺς ταραχῆς καὶ δυσμενείας καὶ ὀργῆς ἄλλων τε μεστοὺς παθῶν ἀποφαίνοντες οὐδʼ ἀνθρώποις νοῦν ἔχουσι προσηκόντων. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ἴσως ἑτέρας δόξει πραγματείας εἶναι. ince they declare that the place where they say the gods dwell is a secure abode and tranquil, without experience of winds and clouds, but gleaming through all the unbroken time with the soft radiance of purest light, Cf. Hom. Od. 6.42 ff. —implying that some such a manner of existence is most becoming to the blessed immortal; and yet they represent the gods themselves as full of malice and hatred and wrath and other passions which ill become even men of any sense. But this, perhaps, will be thought matter for discussion elsewhere.
τοῦ δὲ Περικλέους ταχεῖαν αἴσθησιν καὶ σαφῆ πόθον Ἀθηναίοις ἐνειργάζετο τὰ πράγματα. καὶ γὰρ οἱ ζῶντος βαρυνόμενοι τὴν δύναμιν ὡς ἀμαυροῦσαν αὐτούς, εὐθὺς ἐκ ποδῶν γενομένου πειρώμενοι ῥητόρων καὶ δημαγωγῶν ἑτέρων ἀνωμολογοῦντο μετριώτερον ἐν ὄγκῳ καὶ σεμνότερον ἐν πρᾳότητι μὴ φῦναι τρόπον· The progress of events wrought in the Athenians a swift appreciation of Pericles and a keen sense of his loss. For those who, while he lived, were oppressed by a sense of his power and felt that it kept them in obscurity, straightway on his removal made trial of other orators and popular leaders, only to be led to the confession that a character more moderate than his in its solemn dignity, and more august in its gentleness, had not been created.

Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

30 results
1. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 2.65, 2.65.6-2.65.13 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) 2.65.6. He outlived its commencement two years and six months, and the correctness of his previsions respecting it became better known by his death. 2.65.7. He told them to wait quietly, to pay attention to their marine, to attempt no new conquests, and to expose the city to no hazards during the war, and doing this, promised them a favorable result. What they did was the very contrary, allowing private ambitions and private interests, in matters apparently quite foreign to the war, to lead them into projects unjust both to themselves and to their allies—projects whose success would only conduce to the honor and advantage of private persons, and whose failure entailed certain disaster on the country in the war. 2.65.8. The causes of this are not far to seek. Pericles indeed, by his rank, ability, and known integrity, was enabled to exercise an independent control over the multitude—in short, to lead them instead of being led by them; for as he never sought power by improper means, he was never compelled to flatter them, but, on the contrary, enjoyed so high an estimation that he could afford to anger them by contradiction. 2.65.9. Whenever he saw them unseasonably and insolently elated, he would with a word reduce them to alarm; on the other hand, if they fell victims to a panic, he could at once restore them to confidence. In short, what was nominally a democracy became in his hands government by the first citizen. 2.65.10. With his successors it was different. More on a level with one another, and each grasping at supremacy, they ended by committing even the conduct of state affairs to the whims of the multitude. 2.65.11. This, as might have been expected in a great and sovereign state, produced a host of blunders, and amongst them the Sicilian expedition; though this failed not so much through a miscalculation of the power of those against whom it was sent, as through a fault in the senders in not taking the best measures afterwards to assist those who had gone out, but choosing rather to occupy themselves with private cabals for the leadership of the commons, by which they not only paralyzed operations in the field, but also first introduced civil discord at home. 2.65.12. Yet after losing most of their fleet besides other forces in Sicily, and with faction already domit in the city, they could still for three years make head against their original adversaries, joined not only by the Sicilians, but also by their own allies nearly all in revolt, and at last by the king's son, Cyrus, who furnished the funds for the Peloponnesian navy. Nor did they finally succumb till they fell the victims of their own intestine disorders. 2.65.13. So superfluously abundant were the resources from which the genius of Pericles foresaw an easy triumph in the war over the unaided forces of the Peloponnesians.
2. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 1.33 (1st cent. CE
3. Plutarch, Alexander The Great, 51.3, 69.4-69.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) 51.3. Cleitus, however, would not yield, but called on Alexander to speak out freely what he wished to say, or else not to invite to supper men who were free and spoke their minds, but to live with Barbarians and slaves, who would do obeisance to his white tunic and Persian girdle. Then Alexander, no longer able to restrain his anger, threw one of the apples that lay on the table at Cleitus and hit him, and began looking about for his sword.
4. Plutarch, Cato The Younger, 67.3, 68.2-68.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
5. Plutarch, Cicero, 49.2, 49.5-49.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
6. Plutarch, Cimon, 19.3-19.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
7. Plutarch, Crassus, 33 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
8. Plutarch, Demetrius, 31.4-31.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
9. Plutarch, Demosthenes, 31.4-31.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
10. Plutarch, Fabius, 27.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
11. Plutarch, Lycurgus, 31.2, 31.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) 31.2. His design for a civil polity was adopted by Plato, Diogenes, Zeno, and by all those who have won approval for their treatises on this subject, although they left behind them only writings and words. Lycurgus, on the other hand, produced not writings and words, but an actual polity which was beyond imitation, and because he gave, to those who maintain that the much talked of natural disposition to wisdom exists only in theory, an example of an entire city given to the love of wisdom, his fame rightly transcended that of all who ever founded polities among the Greeks. 31.4. Some say that Lycurgus died in Cirrha; Apollothemis, that he was brought to Elis and died there; Timaeus and Aristoxenus, that he ended his days in Crete; and Aristoxenus adds that his tomb is shown by the Cretans in the district of Pergamus, near the public highway. It is also said that he left an only son, Antiorus, on whose death without issue, the family became extinct.
12. Plutarch, Lysander, 30.3-30.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
13. Plutarch, Marcellus, 30 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
14. Plutarch, Marius, 46.3-46.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
15. Plutarch, Numa Pompilius, 20.8-20.12, 22.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) 20.8. For possibly there is no need of any compulsion or menace in dealing with the multitude, but when they see with their own eyes a conspicuous and shining example of virtue in the life of their ruler, they will of their own accord walk in wisdom’s ways, and unite with him in conforming themselves to a blameless and blessed life of friendship and mutual concord, attended by righteousness and temperance. Such a life is the noblest end of all government, and he is most a king who can inculcate such a life and such a disposition in his subjects. This, then, as it appears, Numa was preeminent in discerning. 22.2. They did not burn his body, because, as it is said, he forbade it; but they made two stone coffins and buried them under the Janiculum. One of these held his body, and the other the sacred books which he had written out with his own hand, as the Greek lawgivers their tablets. But since, while he was still living, he had taught the priests the written contents of the books, and had inculcated in their hearts the scope and meaning of them all, he commanded that they should be buried with his body, convinced that such mysteries ought not to be entrusted to the care of lifeless documents.
16. Plutarch, Pelopidas, 35 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
17. Plutarch, Pericles, 39.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) 39.4. The progress of events wrought in the Athenians a swift appreciation of Pericles and a keen sense of his loss. For those who, while he lived, were oppressed by a sense of his power and felt that it kept them in obscurity, straightway on his removal made trial of other orators and popular leaders, only to be led to the confession that a character more moderate than his in its solemn dignity, and more august in its gentleness, had not been created.
18. Plutarch, Phocion, 38.2, 38.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
19. Plutarch, Pompey, 10.4-10.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
20. Plutarch, Romulus, 29.1-29.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
21. Plutarch, Theseus, 36.2-36.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
22. Plutarch, Tiberius And Gaius Gracchus, 38.8-38.9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
23. Suetonius, Caligula, 57.1-57.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
24. Suetonius, Domitianus, 23.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
25. Suetonius, Nero, 57 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
26. Tacitus, Annals, 2.72-2.73, 2.82, 15.60-15.64, 16.34-16.35 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) 2.72.  Then he turned to his wife, and implored her "by the memory of himself, and for the sake of their common children, to strip herself of pride, to stoop her spirit before the rage of fortune, and never — if she returned to the capital — to irritate those stronger than herself by a competition for power." These words in public: in private there were others, in which he was believed to hint at danger from the side of Tiberius. Soon afterwards he passed away, to the boundless grief of the province and the adjacent peoples. Foreign nations and princes felt the pang — so great had been his courtesy to allies, his humanity to enemies: in aspect and address alike venerable, while he maintained the magnificence and dignity of exalted fortune, he had escaped envy and avoided arrogance. 2.73.  His funeral, devoid of ancestral effigies or procession, was distinguished by eulogies and recollections of his virtues. There were those who, considering his personal appearance, his early age, and the circumstances of his death, — to which they added the proximity of the region where he perished, — compared his decease with that of Alexander the Great: — "Each eminently handsome, of famous lineage, and in years not much exceeding thirty, had fallen among alien races by the treason of their countrymen. But the Roman had borne himself as one gentle to his friends, moderate in his pleasures, content with a single wife and the children of lawful wedlock. Nor was he less a man of the sword; though he lacked the other's temerity, and, when his numerous victories had beaten down the Germanies, was prohibited from making fast their bondage. But had he been the sole arbiter of affairs, of kingly authority and title, he would have overtaken the Greek in military fame with an ease proportioned to his superiority in clemency, self-command, and all other good qualities." The body, before cremation, was exposed in the forum of Antioch, the place destined for the final rites. Whether it bore marks of poisoning was disputable: for the indications were variously read, as pity and preconceived suspicion swayed the spectator to the side of Germanicus, or his predilections to that of Piso. 2.82.  But at Rome, when the failure of Germanicus' health became current knowledge, and every circumstance was reported with the aggravations usual in news that has travelled far, all was grief and indignation. A storm of complaints burst out:— "So for this he had been relegated to the ends of earth; for this Piso had received a province; and this had been the drift of Augusta's colloquies with Plancina! It was the mere truth, as the elder men said of Drusus, that sons with democratic tempers were not pleasing to fathers on a throne; and both had been cut off for no other reason than because they designed to restore the age of freedom and take the Roman people into a partnership of equal rights." The announcement of his death inflamed this popular gossip to such a degree that before any edict of the magistrates, before any resolution of the senate, civic life was suspended, the courts deserted, houses closed. It was a town of sighs and silences, with none of the studied advertisements of sorrow; and, while there was no abstention from the ordinary tokens of bereavement, the deeper mourning was carried at the heart. Accidentally, a party of merchants, who had left Syria while Germanicus was yet alive, brought a more cheerful account of his condition. It was instantly believed and instantly disseminated. No man met another without proclaiming his unauthenticated news; and by him it was passed to more, with supplements dictated by joy. Crowds were running in the streets and forcing temple-doors. Credulity throve — it was night, and affirmation is boldest in the dark. Nor did Tiberius check the fictions, but left them to die out with the passage of time; and the people added bitterness for what seemed a second bereavement. 15.60.  The next killing, that of the consul designate Plautius Lateranus, was added by Nero to the list with such speed that he allowed him neither to embrace his children nor the usual moment's respite in which to choose his death. Dragged to the place reserved for the execution of slaves, he was slaughtered by the hand of the tribune Statius, resolutely silent and disdaining to reproach the tribune with his complicity in the same affair. There followed the murder of Annaeus Seneca, a joyful event to the sovereign: not that he had established his connection with the plot, but, as poison had not worked, he was anxious to proceed by the sword. Only Natalis, in fact, mentioned Seneca; nor did his statement go further than that he had been sent to visit him when sick and to make a complaint:— "Why did he close his door on Piso? It would be better if they cultivated their friendship by meeting on intimate terms." Seneca's answer had been that "spoken exchanges and frequent interviews were to the advantage of neither; still, his own existence depended on the safety of Piso." Gavius Silvanus, tribune of a praetorian cohort, was instructed to take this report and ask Seneca if he admitted Natalis' words and his own reply. By accident or design, Seneca that day had returned from Campania and broke his journey at one of his country-houses four miles out of Rome. Evening was near when the tribune arrived and surrounded the villa with pickets of soldiers: then he delivered the imperial message to the owner, who was dining with his wife Pompeia Paulina and two friends. 15.61.  Seneca rejoined that "Natalis had been sent to him, and had remonstrated in Piso's name against his refusal to receive his visits. By way of excuse, he had pleaded considerations of health and love of quiet. He had had no reason for ranking the security of a private person higher than his own safety, and his temper was not one which was quick to flattery: no one was better aware of that than Nero, who had more often experienced the frankness of Seneca than his servility." When the tribune made his report in the presence of Poppaea and Tigellinus — the emperor's privy council in his ferocious moods — Nero demanded if Seneca was preparing for a voluntary death. The officer then assured him that there were no evidences of alarm, and that he had not detected any sadness in his words or looks. He was therefore directed to go back and pronounce the death-sentence. Fabius Rusticus states that, instead of returning by the road he had come, the tribune went out of his way to the prefect Faenius, and, after recapitulating the Caesar's orders, asked if he should obey them; only to be advised by Faenius to carry them out. Fate had made cowards of them all. For Silvanus, too, was numbered with the plotters; and now he was engaged in adding to the crimes he had conspired to avenge. However, he was so far considerate of his voice and his eyes as to send one of his centurions in to Seneca, to announce the last necessity. 15.62.  Seneca, nothing daunted, asked for the tablets containing his will. The centurion refusing, he turned to his friends, and called them to witness that "as he was prevented from showing his gratitude for their services, he left them his sole but fairest possession — the image of his life. If they bore it in mind, they would reap the reward of their loyal friendship in the credit accorded to virtuous accomplishments." At the same time, he recalled them from tears to fortitude, sometimes conversationally, sometimes in sterner, almost coercive tones. "Where," he asked, "were the maxims of your philosophy? Where that reasoned attitude towards impending evils which they had studied through so many years? For to whom had Nero's cruelty been unknown? Nor was anything left him, after the killing of his mother and his brother, but to add the murder of his guardian and preceptor. 15.63.  After these and some similar remarks, which might have been meant for a wider audience, he embraced his wife, and, softening momentarily in view of the terrors at present threatening her, begged her, conjured her, to moderate her grief — not to take it upon her for ever, but in contemplating the life he had spent in virtue to find legitimate solace for the loss of her husband. Paulina replied by assuring him that she too had made death her choice, and she demanded her part in the executioner's stroke. Seneca, not wishing to stand in the way of her glory, and influenced also by his affection, that he might not leave the woman who enjoyed his whole-hearted love exposed to outrage, now said: "I had shown you the mitigations of life, you prefer the distinction of death: I shall not grudge your setting that example. May the courage of this brave ending be divided equally between us both, but may more of fame attend your own departure!" Aforesaid, they made the incision in their arms with a single cut. Seneca, since his aged body, emaciated further by frugal living, gave slow escape to the blood, severed as well the arteries in the leg and behind the knee. Exhausted by the racking pains, and anxious lest his sufferings might break down the spirit of his wife, and he himself lapse into weakness at the sight of her agony, he persuaded her to withdraw into another bedroom. And since, even at the last moment his eloquence remained at command, he called his secretaries, and dictated a long discourse, which has been given to the public in his own words, and which I therefore refrain from modifying. 15.64.  Nero, however, who had no private animosity against Paulina, and did not wish to increase the odium of his cruelty, ordered her suicide to be arrested. Under instructions from the military, her slaves and freedmen bandaged her arms and checked the bleeding — whether without her knowledge is uncertain. For, with the usual readiness of the multitude to think the worst, there were those who believed that, so long as she feared an implacable Nero, she had sought the credit of sharing her husband's fate, and then, when a milder prospect offered itself, had succumbed to the blandishments of life. To that life she added a few more years — laudably faithful to her husband's memory and blanched in face and limb to a pallor which showed how great had been the drain upon her vital powers. Seneca, in the meantime, as death continued to be protracted and slow, asked Statius Annaeus, who had long held his confidence as a loyal friend and a skilful doctor, to produce the poison — it had been provided much earlier — which was used for despatching prisoners condemned by the public tribunal of Athens. It was brought, and he swallowed it, but to no purpose; his limbs were already cold, and his system closed to the action of the drug. In the last resort, he entered a vessel of heated water, sprinkling some on the slaves nearest, with the remark that he offered the liquid as a drink-offering to Jove the Liberator. He was then lifted into a bath, suffocated by the vapour, and cremated without ceremony. It was the order he had given in his will, at a time when, still at the zenith of his wealth and power, he was already taking thought for his latter end. 16.34.  The consul's quaestor was then sent to Thrasea: he was spending the time in his gardens, and the day was already closing in for evening. He had brought together a large party of distinguished men and women, his chief attention been given to Demetrius, a master of the Cynic creed; with whom — to judge from his serious looks and the few words which caught the ear, when they chanced to raise their voices — he was debating the nature of the soul and the divorce of spirit and body. At last, Domitius Caecilianus, an intimate friend, arrived, and informed him of the decision reached by the senate. Accordingly, among the tears and expostulations of the company, Thrasea urged them to leave quickly, without linking their own hazardous lot to the fate of a condemned man. Arria, who aspired to follow her husband's ending and the precedent set by her mother and namesake, he advised to keep her life and not deprive the child of their union of her one support. 16.35.  He now walked on to the colonnade; where the quaestor found him nearer to joy than to sorrow, because he had ascertained that Helvidius, his son-in‑law, was merely debarred from Italy. Then, taking the decree of the senate, he led Helvidius and Demetrius into his bedroom, offered the arteries of both arms to the knife, and, when the blood had begun to flow, sprinkled it upon the ground, and called the quaestor nearer: "We are making a libation," he said, "to Jove the Liberator. Look, young man, and — may Heaven, indeed, avert the omen, but you have been born into times now it is expedient to steel the mind with instances of firmness." Soon, as the slowness of his end brought excruciating pain, turning his gaze upon Demetrius . . .
27. Tacitus, Histories, 1.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
28. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 56.45.1-56.45.2, 7271.36.4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) 56.45.2.  Indeed, it was possible at once for people of any intelligence to foresee the change in conditions. For the consul Pompeius, upon going out to meet the men who were bearing the body of Augustus, received a blow on the leg and had to be carried back on a litter with the body; and an owl sat on the roof of the senate-house again at the very first meeting of the senate after his death and uttered many ill-omened cries.
29. Herodian, History of The Empire After Marcus, 1.4.8 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
30. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Marcus Antoninus, 27.11-27.12 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)

Subjects of this text:

subject	book bibliographic info
(blurred)	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 60
aftermath of cities	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 99
allusions, closural	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 114
allusions, literary	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 114
allusions, to future and/or past	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 10
allusions	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 10, 114
analepsis	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 10
ancestors	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 10
anecdotes	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104
antony (mark antony)	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 10, 60
athenians, and pericles	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 10, 60, 99
athenians, and phocion	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 114
athenians	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 10, 60, 99, 114; Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 254
athens	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 10, 114
audience, extra-textual experience of	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104
audience, plutarchs interaction with his	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104
audience, the subjects interaction with his	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 99
caesar, pompey and	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 60
caesar, roman people and	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 60
caesar	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 60
cassius dio	Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 254
character (plutarchs and readers concern with)	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 10, 60, 99, 104, 114
closure (endings of biographies)	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 60, 99, 104, 114
cognition	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 99
commodus	Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 254
community, the subject and his	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 99
continuance-motif (i.e. references to plutarchs present)	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104
contrasts	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 10, 99
criticism, and counter-suggestibility	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 99
criticism, contemporary to the story narrated, exercised by onlookers	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 10
cross-references	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104
death, and posthumous conversion of people	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 10, 60, 99
death, as closural theme	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104, 114
death, of the subjects	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 10, 114
death	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 10, 60, 114; Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 254
descendants	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 10, 104
divine retribution	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104
education/educational/educative	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 114
examples (i.e. paradigm), comparative/parallel	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 114
examples (i.e. paradigm)	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 10
explanations	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 60
focalisation	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 10
fortune, mis-	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 114
free indirect mode	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 60
friends/friendship	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104
future (allusions to/evocation of)	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 10, 99
general statements (moral)	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104
groups	Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 254
history, greek	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 10, 99
history, roman	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 10
history	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 10, 99, 104
judgements, concluding	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104
leader(ship)	Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 254
lives, within a life	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 99
marcus aurelius	Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 254
medical imagery/language	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 60, 99
memory	Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 254
minds, internal	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 60
minds, internal and external, intertwined	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 60
minds	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 60
minds (of in-text characters)	Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 254
moderation	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 10, 99; Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 254
moral turnaround	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 99
narratology	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 10
narrator	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 10, 60
octavian	Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 254
onlookers	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 60, 114; Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 254
orator(y)	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 10
order (temporal)	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 10
past, comparisons between future and	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 10
people (as social group)	Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 254
perception	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 10, 99
pericles, and the hostile public mind	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 10, 60, 99
pericles, in thucydides	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 99
pericles	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 10, 60, 99
perspectives, of plutarch	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 10
perspectives, of the readers	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 10
perspectives, of the subjects	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 10
philosophy/philosophers/philosophical, and plutarch	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 114
philosophy/philosophers/philosophical, and politics	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 114
philosophy/philosophers/philosophical, the subjects acquaintance with	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 114
philosophy/philosophers/philosophical	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 114
phocion	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 114
plato, platonic	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 99, 114
plutarch	Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 254
politics	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 60
pompey	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 60
posthumous, honour or dishonour	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 10, 60, 99, 104
posthumous, material	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 114
posthumous	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 99, 104, 114
praise	Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 254
prolepsis	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 10
recapitulation	Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 254
reflection, the readers	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 10, 60, 99
reflection, the subjects	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 10, 60
retribution of opponents	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104
retrospection (backward movement)	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 99
romans, and caesar	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 60
romans, and pompey	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 60
romans	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 60
series of lives	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104
social/society, dialogue of individual with	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 99
social/society, plutarchs interest in	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 99
social/society, plutarchs reconstruction of	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 99
socrates	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 114
soldiers	Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 254
speech(es)	Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 254
stoicism	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 114
surprise	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104
thucydides	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 99; Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 254
tyranny/tyrants	Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 10, 60, 99
virtues'	Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 254