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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



9595
Plutarch, Pericles, 11.1


οἱ δʼ ἀριστοκρατικοὶ μέγιστον μὲν ἤδη τὸν Περικλέα καὶ πρόσθεν ὁρῶντες γεγονότα τῶν πολιτῶν, βουλόμενοι δʼ ὅμως εἶναι τινα τὸν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀντιτασσόμενον ἐν τῇ πόλει καὶ τὴν δύναμιν ἀμβλύνοντα, ὥστε μὴ κομιδῇ μοναρχίαν εἶναι, Θουκυδίδην τὸν Ἀλωπεκῆθεν, ἄνδρα σώφρονα καὶ κηδεστὴν Κίμωνος, ἀντέστησαν ἐναντιωσόμενονThen the aristocrats, aware even some time before this that Pericles was already become the greatest citizen, but wishing nevertheless to have some one in the city who should stand up against him and blunt the edge of his power, that it might not be an out and out monarchy, put forward Thucydides of Alopece, a discreet man and a relative of Cimon, to oppose him.


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

14 results
1. Aristophanes, Acharnians, 709-712, 708 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

708. ὃς μὰ τὴν Δήμητρ', ἐκεῖνος ἡνίκ' ἦν Θουκυδίδης
2. Plato, Laches, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

3. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 2.65.9 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

2.65.9. Whenever he saw them unseasonably and insolently elated, he would with a word reduce them to alarm; on the other hand, if they fell victims to a panic, he could at once restore them to confidence. In short, what was nominally a democracy became in his hands government by the first citizen.
4. Xenophon, Hellenica, 6.3.2-6.3.17 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

6.3.3. Callistratus, the popular orator, also went with the embassy; for he had promised Iphicrates that if he would let him go home, he would either send money for the fleet or bring about peace, and consequently he had been at Athens and engaged in efforts to secure peace; and when the ambassadors came before the assembly of the Lacedaemonians and the representatives of their allies, the first of them who spoke was Callias, the torch-bearer. of the Eleusinian mysteries.cp. II. iv. 20. He was the sort of man to enjoy no less being praised by himself than by others, and on this occasion he began in about the following words: 6.3.4. Men of Lacedaemon, as regards the position I hold as your diplomatic agent, I am not the only member of our family who has held it, but my father’s father received it from his father and handed 371 B.C. it on to his descendants; and I also wish to make clear to you how highly esteemed we have been by our own state. For whenever there is war she chooses us as generals, and whenever she becomes desirous of tranquillity she sends us out as peacemakers. I, for example, have twice before now come here to treat for a termination of war, and on both these embassies I succeeded in achieving peace both for you and for ourselves; now for a third time I am come, and it is now, I believe, that with greater justice than ever before I should obtain a reconciliation between us. 6.3.5. For I see that you do not think one way and we another, but that you as well as we are distressed over the destruction of Plataea and Thespiae. How, then, is it not fitting that men who hold the same views should be friends of one another rather than enemies? Again, it is certainly the part of wise men not to undertake war even if they should have differences, if they be slight; but if, in fact, we should actually find ourselves in complete agreement, should we not be astounding fools not to make peace? 6.3.6. The right course, indeed, would have been for us not to take up arms against one another in the beginning, since the tradition is that the first strangers to whom Triptolemus, Triptolemus of Eleusis had, according to the legend, carried from Attica throughout Greece both the cult of Demeter and the knowledge of her art — agriculture. Heracles was the traditional ancestor of the Spartan kings (cp. III. iii.) while the Dioscuri, Castor and Pollux, were putative sons of Tyndareus of Sparta. our ancestor, revealed the mystic rites of Demeter and Core were Heracles, your state’s founder, and the Dioscuri, your citizens; and, further, that it was upon Peloponnesus that he first bestowed the seed of Demeter’s fruit. How, then, can it be right, 371 B.C. either that you should ever come to destroy the fruit of those very men from whom you received the seed, or that we should not desire those very men, to whom we gave the seed, to obtain the greatest possible abundance of food? But if it is indeed ordered of the gods that wars should come among men, then we ought to begin war as tardily as we can, and, when it has come, to bring it to an end as speedily as possible. 6.3.7. After him Autocles, who had the reputation of being a very incisive orator, spoke as follows: Men of Lacedaemon, that what I am about to say will not be said to your pleasure, I am not unaware; but it seems to me that men who desire the friendship which they may establish to endure for the longest possible time, ought to point out to one another the causes of their wars. Now you always say, The cities must be independent, but you are yourselves the greatest obstacle in the way of their independence. For the first stipulation you make with your allied cities is this, that they follow wherever you may lead. And yet how is this consistent with independence? 6.3.8. And you make for yourselves enemies without taking counsel with your allies, and against those enemies you lead them; so that frequently they who are said to be independent are compelled to take the field against men most friendly to themselves. Furthermore — and there can be nothing in the world more opposed to independence — you establish governments of ten here and governments of thirty there; and in the case of these rulers your care is, not that they shall rule according to law, but that they shall be able to hold possession of their cities by force. So that you manifestly take pleasure in despotisms rather 371 B.C. than in free governments. 6.3.9. Again, when the King directed that the cities be independent, you showed yourselves strongly of the opinion that if the Thebans did not allow each one of their cities, not only to rule itself, but also to live under whatever laws it chose, they would not be acting in accordance with the King’s writing; but when you had seized the Cadmea, you did not permit even the Thebans themselves to be independent. The right thing, however, is that those who are going to be friends should not insist upon obtaining their full rights from others, and then show themselves disposed to grasp the most they can. 6.3.10. By these words he caused silence on the part of all, while at the same time he gave pleasure to those who were angry with the Lacedaemonians. After him Callistratus said: Men of Lacedaemon, that mistakes have not been made, both on our side and on yours, I for one do not think I could assert; but I do not hold to the opinion that one ought never again to have any dealings with people who make mistakes. For I see that no one in the world remains always free from error. And it seems to me that through making mistakes men sometimes become even easier to deal with, especially if they have incurred punishment in consequence of their mistakes, as we have. 6.3.11. In your own case, also, I see that sometimes many reverses result from the things you have done with too little judgment, among which was, in fact, the seizure of the Cadmea in Thebes; now, at any rate, the cities which you were eager to make independent have all, in consequence of the wrong done to the Thebans, fallen again under their power. Hence I hope that now, when we have been 371 B.C. taught that to seek selfish advantage is unprofitable, we shall again be reasonable in our friendship with each other. 6.3.12. Now touching the slanderous allegations of certain people who wish to defeat the peace, to the effect that we have come here, not because we desire friendship, but rather because we fear that Antalcidas may arrive with money from the King, consider how foolishly they are talking. For the King directed, as you know, that all the cities in Greece were to be independent; why then should we, who agree with the King in both word and deed, be afraid of him? Or does anyone imagine that the King prefers to spend money and make others great, rather than, without expense, to have those things accomplished for him which he judged to be best? 6.3.13. So much for that. Why, then, have we come? That it surely is not because we are in straits, you could discover, if you please, by looking at the situation by sea or, if you please, at the situation by land at the present time. What, then, is the reason? Manifestly that some of our allies are doing what is not pleasing to us. And perhaps we also should like to show you the gratitude we rightly conceived toward you because you preserved us. At the close of the Peloponnesian war the Lacedaemonians rejected the proposal urged by many of their allies, that Athens should be destroyed.cp. II. ii. 19, 20. 6.3.14. Furthermore, to mention also the matter of expediency, there are, of course, among all the cities of Greece, some that take your side and others that take ours, and in each single city some people favour the Lacedaemonians and others the Athenians. If, therefore, we should become friends, from what quarter could 371 B.C. we with reason expect any trouble? For who could prove strong enough to vex us by land if you were our friends? And who could do you any harm by sea if we were favourably inclined toward you? 6.3.15. Moreover, we all know that wars are forever breaking out and being concluded, and that we — if not now, still at some future time — shall desire peace again. Why, then, should we wait for the time when we shall have become exhausted by a multitude of ills, and not rather conclude peace as quickly as possible before anything irremediable happens? 6.3.16. Again, I for my part do not commend those men who, when they have become competitors in the games and have already been victorious many times and enjoy fame, are so fond of contest that they do not stop until they are defeated and so end their athletic training; nor on the other hand do I commend those dicers who, if they win one success, throw for double stakes, for I see that the majority of such people become utterly impoverished. 6.3.17. We, then, seeing these things, ought never to engage in a contest of such a sort that we shall either win all or lose all, but ought rather to become friends of one another while we are still strong and successful. For thus we through you, and you through us, could play even a greater part in Greece than in times gone by.
5. Aristotle, Athenian Constitution, 28.2 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

6. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 18.74.2-18.74.3 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

18.74.2.  At first a clamour was raised, some opposing and some supporting his proposal, but when they had considered more carefully what was the expedient course, it was uimously determined to send an embassy to Cassander and to arrange affairs with him as best they could. 18.74.3.  After several conferences peace was made on the following terms: the Athenians were to retain their city and territory, their revenues, their fleet, and everything else, and to be friends and allies of Cassander; Munychia was to remain temporarily under the control of Cassander until the war against the kings should be concluded; the government was to be in the hands of those possessing at least ten minae; and whatever single Athenian citizen Cassander should designate was to be overseer of the city. Demetrius of Phalerum was chosen, who, when he became overseer, ruled the city peacefully and with goodwill toward the citizens.
7. Strabo, Geography, 9.1.20 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

9.1.20. It suffices, then, to add thus much: According to Philochorus, when the country was being devastated, both from the sea by the Carians, and from the land by the Boeotians, who were called Aonians, Cecrops first settled the multitude in twelve cities, the names of which were Cecropia, Tetrapolis, Epacria, Deceleia, Eleusis, Aphidna (also called Aphidnae, in the plural), Thoricus, Brauron, Cytherus, Sphettus, Cephisia. And at a later time Theseus is said to have united the twelve into one city, that of today. Now in earlier times the Athenians were ruled by kings; and then they changed to a democracy; but tyrants assailed them, Peisistratus and his sons; and later an oligarchy arose, not only that of the four hundred, but also that of the thirty tyrants, who were set over them by the Lacedemonians; of these they easily rid themselves, and preserved the democracy until the Roman conquest. For even though they were molested for a short time by the Macedonian kings, and were even forced to obey them, they at least kept the general type of their government the same. And some say that they were actually best governed at that time, during the ten years when Cassander reigned over the Macedonians. For although this man is reputed to have been rather tyrannical in his dealings with all others, yet he was kindly disposed towards the Athenians, once he had reduced the city to subjection; for he placed over the citizens Demetrius of Phalerum, one of the disciples of Theophrastus the philosopher, who not only did not destroy the democracy but even improved it, as is made clear in the Memoirs which Demetrius wrote concerning this government. But the envy and hatred felt for oligarchy was so strong that, after the death of Cassander, Demetrius was forced to flee to Egypt; and the statues of him, more than three hundred, were pulled down by the insurgents and melted, and some writers go on to say that they were made into chamber pots. Be that as it may, the Romans, seeing that the Athenians had a democratic government when they took them over, preserved their autonomy and liberty. But when the Mithridatic War came on, tyrants were placed over them, whomever the king wished. The most powerful of these, Aristion, who violently oppressed the city, was punished by Sulla the Roman commander when he took this city by siege, though he pardoned the city itself; and to this day it is free and held in honor among the Romans.
8. Plutarch, Demetrius, 9.3, 10.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

9. Plutarch, Pericles, 9.1-9.2, 16.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

9.1. Thucydides describes In the encomium on Pericles, Thuc. 2.65.9 . the administration of Pericles as rather aristocratic,— in name a democracy, but in fact a government by the greatest citizen. But many others say that the people was first led on by him into allotments of public lands, festival-grants, and distributions of fees for public services, thereby falling into bad habits, and becoming luxurious and wanton under the influence of his public measures, instead of frugal and self-sufficing. Let us therefore examine in detail the reason for this change in him. The discussion of this change in Pericles from the methods of a demagogue to the leadership described by Thucydides, continues through chapter 15. 9.2. In the beginning, as has been said, pitted as he was against the reputation of Cimon, he tried to ingratiate himself with the people. And since he was the inferior in wealth and property, by means of which Cimon would win over the poor,—furnishing a dinner every day to any Athenian who wanted it, bestowing raiment on the elderly men, and removing the fences from his estates that whosoever wished might pluck the fruit,—Pericles, outdone in popular arts of this sort, had recourse to the distribution of the people’s own wealth. This was on the advice of Damonides, of the deme Oa, as Aristotle has stated. Aristot. Const. Ath. 27.4 . 16.1. of his power there can be no doubt, since Thucydides gives so clear an exposition of it, and the comic poets unwittingly reveal it even in their malicious gibes, calling him and his associates new Peisistratidae, and urging him to take solemn oath not to make himself a tyrant, on the plea, forsooth, that his preeminence was incommensurate with a democracy and too oppressive.
10. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.25.6 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

1.25.6. On the death of Antipater Olympias came over from Epeirus, killed Aridaeus, and for a time occupied the throne; but shortly afterwards she was besieged by Cassander, taken and delivered up to the people. of the acts of Cassander when he came to the throne my narrative will deal only with such as concern the Athenians. He seized the fort of Panactum in Attica and also Salamis, and established as tyrant in Athens Demetrius the son of Phanostratus, a man who had won a reputation for wisdom. This tyrant was put down by Demetrius the son of Antigonus, a young man of strong Greek sympathies.
11. Epigraphy, Agora Xv, 46

12. Epigraphy, Ig I , 1032

13. Epigraphy, Ig I , 1032

14. Epigraphy, Ig Ii, 1201



Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
antipater Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 178
athens, athenians Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 178
cassander Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 178
choregos, dedications Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 1181
citizen Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 178
constitution Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 178
control, political Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 178
control Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 178
cyriacus of ancona Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 1181
daidouchos Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 453
debate Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 178
demetrios of phaleron, research Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 1181
demetrius of phalerum Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 178
demetrius poliorcetes Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 178
democracy Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 178
diodorus siculus Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 178
institution Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 178
kallias family of alopeke Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 1181
kimon, career, and elpinike Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 453
kimon, career Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 1181
law, laws Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 178
legislation Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 178
lykourgos, speeches Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 1181
mantis, political Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 453
munychia Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 178
nomothetes Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 178
oligarchy, the thirty Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 1181
oligarchy Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 178
pericles Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 178
perikles, marriage and divorce Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 453
piraeus Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 178
poets Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 178
polites Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 178
polygnotos Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 453
polyperchon Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 178
proxenos/y, of sparta Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 1181
quietism' Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 1181
sparta, and athens Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 1181
stesimbrotos Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 453
strabo Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 178
thasos Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 453
thoukydides son of melesias Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 453, 1181
thucydides Humphreys, Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis (2018) 453
tyranny Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 178