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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



9590
Plutarch, Numa Pompilius, 22.2


πυρὶ μὲν οὖν οὐκ ἔδοσαν τὸν νεκρὸν αὐτοῦ κωλύσαντος, ὡς λέγεται, δύο δὲ ποιησάμενοι λιθίνας σοροὺς ὑπὸ τὸ Ἰάνοκλον ἔθηκαν, τὴν μὲν ἑτέραν ἔχουσαν τὸ σῶμα, τὴν δὲ ἑτέραν τὰς ἱερὰς βίβλους ἃς ἐγράψατο μὲν αὐτός, ὥσπερ οἱ τῶν Ἑλλήνων νομοθέται τοὺς κύρβεις, ἐκδιδάξας δὲ τοὺς ἱερεῖς ἔτι ζῶν τὰ γεγραμμένα καὶ πάντων ἕξιν τε καὶ γνώμην ἐνεργασάμενος αὐτοῖς, ἐκέλευσε συνταφῆναι μετὰ τοῦ σώματος, ὡς οὐ καλῶς ἐν ἀψύχοις γράμμασι φρουρουμένων τῶν ἀπορρήτων.They did not burn his body, because, as it is said, he forbade it; but they made two stone coffins and buried them under the Janiculum. One of these held his body, and the other the sacred books which he had written out with his own hand, as the Greek lawgivers their tablets. But since, while he was still living, he had taught the priests the written contents of the books, and had inculcated in their hearts the scope and meaning of them all, he commanded that they should be buried with his body, convinced that such mysteries ought not to be entrusted to the care of lifeless documents.


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

38 results
1. Cicero, On Duties, 2.76 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

2.76. Laudat Africanum Panaetius, quod fuerit abstinens. Quidni laudet? Sed in illo alia maiora; laus abstinentiae non hominis est solum, sed etiam temporum illorum. Omni Macedonum gaza, quae fuit maxima, potitus est Paulus tantum in aerarium pecuniae invexit, ut unius imperatoris praeda finem attulerit tributorum. At hic nihil domum suam intulit praeter memoriam nominis sempiternam. Imitatus patrem Africanus nihilo locupletior Carthagine eversa. Quid? qui eius collega fuit in censura. L. Mummius, numquid copiosior, cum copiosissimam urbem funditus sustulisset? Italiam ornare quam domum suam maluit; quamquam Italia ornata domus ipsa mihi videtur ornatior. 2.76.  Panaetius praises Africanus for his integrity in public life. Why should he not? But Africanus had other and greater virtues. The boast of official integrity belongs not to that man alone but also to his times. When Paulus got possession of all the wealth of Macedon — and it was enormous — he brought into our treasury so much money that the spoils of a single general did away with the need for a tax on property in Rome for all time to come. But to his own house he brought nothing save the glory of an immortal name. Africanus emulated his father's example and was none the richer for his overthrow of Carthage. And what shall we say of Lucius Mummius, his colleague in the censorship? Was he one penny the richer when he had destroyed to its foundations the richest of cities? He preferred to adorn Italy rather than his own house. And yet by the adornment of Italy his own house was, as it seems to me, still more splendidly adorned.
2. Polybius, Histories, 39.6 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)

39.6. 1.  The Roman general, after the general assembly had left Achaea, repaired the Isthmian course and adorned the temples at Delphi and Olympia, and on the following days visited the different cities, honoured in each of them and receiving testimonies of the gratitude due to him.,2.  It was only natural indeed that he should be treated with honour both in public and in private.,3.  For his conduct had been unexacting and unsullied and he had dealt leniently with the whole situation, though he had such great opportunities and such absolute power in Greece.,4.  If, indeed, he was thought to be guilty of any deflection from his duty I at least put it down not to his own initiative, but to the friends who lived with him.,5.  The most notable instance was that of the cavalrymen of Chalcis whom he slew. II. Affairs of Egypt
3. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 4.40.7, 4.62.5 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

4.40.7.  And it was made clear by another prodigy that this man was dear to the gods; in consequence of which that fabulous and incredible opinion I have already mentioned concerning his birth also came to be regarded by many as true. For in the temple of Fortune which he himself had built there stood a gilded wooden statue of Tullius, and when a conflagration occurred and everything else was destroyed, this statue alone remained uninjured by the flames. And even to this day, although the temple itself and all the objects in it, which were restored to their formed condition after the fire, are obviously the products of modern art, the statue, as aforetime, is of ancient workmanship; for it still remains an object of veneration by the Romans. Concerning Tullius these are all the facts that have been handed down to us. 4.62.5.  Since the expulsion of the kings, the commonwealth, taking upon itself the guarding of these oracles, entrusts the care of them to persons of the greatest distinction, who hold this office for life, being exempt from military service and from all civil employments, and it assigns public slaves to assist them, in whose absence the others are not permitted to inspect the oracles. In short, there is no possession of the Romans, sacred or profane, which they guard so carefully as they do the Sibylline oracles. They consult them, by order of the senate, when the state is in the grip of party strife or some great misfortune has happened to them in war, or some important prodigies and apparitions have been seen which are difficult of interpretation, as has often happened. These oracles till the time of the Marsian War, as it was called, were kept underground in the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus in a stone chest under the guard of ten men.
4. Horace, Letters, 2.1.192-2.1.193 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

5. Livy, History, 24.47.15, 27.25.7, 40.29.2-40.29.14 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

6. Livy, Per., 52 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

7. Ovid, Fasti, 6.569-6.572, 6.613-6.626 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

6.569. Day, doubled the enemy’s strength. 6.570. Fortuna, the same day is yours, your temple 6.571. Founded by the same king, in the same place. 6.572. And whose is that statue hidden under draped robes? 6.613. Yet she still dared to visit her father’s temple 6.614. His monument: what I tell is strange but true. 6.615. There was a statue enthroned, an image of Servius: 6.616. They say it put a hand to its eyes 6.617. And a voice was heard: ‘Hide my face 6.618. Lest it view my own wicked daughter.’ 6.619. It was veiled by cloth, Fortune refused to let the robe 6.620. Be removed, and she herself spoke from her temple: 6.621. ‘The day when Servius’ face is next revealed 6.622. Will be a day when shame is cast aside.’ 6.623. Women, beware of touching the forbidden cloth 6.624. (It’s sufficient to utter prayers in solemn tones) 6.625. And let him who was the City’s seventh king 6.626. Keep his head covered, forever, by this veil.
8. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 15.843-15.846 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

9. Strabo, Geography, 6.3.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

6.3.1. Iapygia Now that I have traversed the regions of Old Italy as far as Metapontium, I must speak of those that border on them. And Iapygia borders on them. The Greeks call it Messapia, also, but the natives, dividing it into two parts, call one part (that about the Iapygian Cape) the country of the Salentini, and the other the country of the Calabri. Above these latter, on the north, are the Peucetii and also those people who in the Greek language are called Daunii, but the natives give the name Apulia to the whole country that comes after that of the Calabri, though some of them, particularly the Peucetii, are called Poedicli also. Messapia forms a sort of peninsula, since it is enclosed by the isthmus that extends from Brentesium as far as Taras, three hundred and ten stadia. And the voyage thither around the Iapygian Cape is, all told, about four hundred stadia. The distance from Metapontium is about two hundred and twenty stadia, and the voyage to it is towards the rising sun. But though the whole Tarantine Gulf, generally speaking, is harborless, yet at the city there is a very large and beautiful harbor, which is enclosed by a large bridge and is one hundred stadia in circumference. In that part of the harbor which lies towards the innermost recess, the harbor, with the outer sea, forms an isthmus, and therefore the city is situated on a peninsula; and since the neck of land is low-lying, the ships are easily hauled overland from either side. The ground of the city, too, is low-lying, but still it is slightly elevated where the acropolis is. The old wall has a large circuit, but at the present time the greater part of the city — the part that is near the isthmus — has been forsaken, but the part that is near the mouth of the harbor, where the acropolis is, still endures and makes up a city of noteworthy size. And it has a very beautiful gymnasium, and also a spacious market-place, in which is situated the bronze colossus of Zeus, the largest in the world except the one that belongs to the Rhodians. Between the marketplace and the mouth of the harbor is the acropolis, which has but few remts of the dedicated objects that in early times adorned it, for most of them were either destroyed by the Carthaginians when they took the city or carried off as booty by the Romans when they took the place by storm. Among this booty is the Heracles in the Capitol, a colossal bronze statue, the work of Lysippus, dedicated by Maximus Fabius, who captured the city.
10. Vergil, Aeneis, 6.836-6.837 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

6.836. Or smites with ivory point his golden lyre. 6.837. Here Trojans be of eldest, noblest race
11. Vitruvius Pollio, On Architecture, 8.2.6 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

12. New Testament, Acts, 2.24-2.31, 13.34-13.37 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

2.24. whom God raised up, having freed him from the agony of death, because it was not possible that he should be held by it. 2.25. For David says concerning him, 'I saw the Lord always before my face, For he is on my right hand, that I should not be moved. 2.26. Therefore my heart was glad, and my tongue rejoiced. Moreover my flesh also will dwell in hope; 2.27. Because you will not leave my soul in Hades, Neither will you allow your Holy One to see decay. 2.28. You made known to me the ways of life. You will make me full of gladness with your presence.' 2.29. Brothers, I may tell you freely of the patriarch David, that he both died and was buried, and his tomb is with us to this day. 2.30. Therefore, being a prophet, and knowing that God had sworn with an oath to him that of the fruit of his body, according to the flesh, he would raise up the Christ to sit on his throne 2.31. he foreseeing this spoke about the resurrection of the Christ, that neither was his soul left in Hades, nor did his flesh see decay. 13.34. Concerning that he raised him up from the dead, now no more to return to corruption, he has spoken thus: 'I will give you the holy and sure blessings of David.' 13.35. Therefore he says also in another psalm, 'You will not allow your Holy One to see decay.' 13.36. For David, after he had in his own generation served the counsel of God, fell asleep, and was laid with his fathers, and saw decay. 13.37. But he whom God raised up saw no decay.
13. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 50 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

14. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 50 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

15. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 13.84-13.88, 34.36, 35.6, 35.157, 36.163 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

16. Plutarch, Alexander The Great, 69.4-69.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

17. Plutarch, Cicero, 49.2, 49.5-49.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

18. Plutarch, Cimon, 19.3-19.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

19. Plutarch, Crassus, 33 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

20. Plutarch, Demetrius, 31.4-31.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

21. Plutarch, Demosthenes, 31.4-31.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

22. Plutarch, Fabius, 22.6, 27.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

22.6. However, he removed the colossal statue of Heracles from Tarentum, and set it up on the Capitol, and near it an equestrian statue of himself, in bronze. He thus appeared far more eccentric in these matters than Marcellus, nay rather, the mild and humane conduct of Marcellus was thus made to seem altogether admirable by contrast, as has been written in his Life. Chapter xxi. Marcellus had enriched Rome with works of Greek art taken from Syracuse in 212 B.C. Livy’s opinion is rather different from Plutarch’s: sed maiore animo generis eius praeda abstinuit Fabius quam Marcellus, xxvii. 16. Fabius killed the people but spared their gods; Marcellus spared the people but took their gods.
23. Plutarch, Lycurgus, 31.2, 31.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

31.2. His design for a civil polity was adopted by Plato, Diogenes, Zeno, and by all those who have won approval for their treatises on this subject, although they left behind them only writings and words. Lycurgus, on the other hand, produced not writings and words, but an actual polity which was beyond imitation, and because he gave, to those who maintain that the much talked of natural disposition to wisdom exists only in theory, an example of an entire city given to the love of wisdom, his fame rightly transcended that of all who ever founded polities among the Greeks. 31.4. Some say that Lycurgus died in Cirrha; Apollothemis, that he was brought to Elis and died there; Timaeus and Aristoxenus, that he ended his days in Crete; and Aristoxenus adds that his tomb is shown by the Cretans in the district of Pergamus, near the public highway. It is also said that he left an only son, Antiorus, on whose death without issue, the family became extinct.
24. Plutarch, Lysander, 30.3-30.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

25. Plutarch, Marcellus, 21.2-21.3, 21.5, 28.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

21.2. but filled full of barbaric arms and bloody spoils, and crowned round about with memorials and trophies of triumphs, she was not a gladdening or a reassuring sight, nor one for unwarlike and luxurious spectators. Indeed, as Epaminondas called the Boeotian plain a dancing floor of Ares, and as Xenophon Hell. iii. 4,17. speaks of Ephesus as a work-shop of war, so, it seems to me, one might at that time have called Rome, in the language of Pindar, a precinct of much-warring Ares. Pyth. ii. 1 f. 21.3. Therefore with the common people Marcellus won more favour because he adorned the city with objects that had Hellenic grace and charm and fidelity; but with the elder citizens Fabius Maximus was more popular. For he neither disturbed nor brought away anything of this sort from Tarentum, when that city was taken, but while he carried off the money and the other valuables, he suffered the statues to remain in their places, adding the well-known saying: 21.5. and was inexperienced in luxury and ease, but, like the Heracles of Euripides, was Plain, unadorned, in a great crisis brave and true, A fragment of the lost Licymnius of Euripides (Nauck, Trag. Graec. Frag. 2 p. 507). he made them idle and full of glib talk about arts and artists, so that they spent a great part of the day in such clever disputation. Notwithstanding such censure, Marcellus spoke of this with pride even to the Greeks, declaring that he had taught the ignorant Romans to admire and honour the wonderful and beautiful productions of Greece. 28.1. After assuming his office, he first quelled a great agitation for revolt in Etruria, and visited and pacified the cities there; next, he desired to dedicate to Honour and Virtue a temple that he had built out of his Sicilian spoils, hut was prevented by the priests, who would not consent that two deities should occupy one temple; he therefore began to build another temple adjoining the first, although he resented the priests’ opposition and regarded it as ominous.
26. Plutarch, Marius, 46.3-46.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

27. Plutarch, Numa Pompilius, 20.8-20.12, 22.3-22.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

20.8. For possibly there is no need of any compulsion or menace in dealing with the multitude, but when they see with their own eyes a conspicuous and shining example of virtue in the life of their ruler, they will of their own accord walk in wisdom’s ways, and unite with him in conforming themselves to a blameless and blessed life of friendship and mutual concord, attended by righteousness and temperance. Such a life is the noblest end of all government, and he is most a king who can inculcate such a life and such a disposition in his subjects. This, then, as it appears, Numa was preeminent in discerning. 22.3. This is the reason, we are told, why the Pythagoreans also do not entrust their precepts to writing, but implant the memory and practice of them in living disciples worthy to receive them. And when their treatment of the abstruse and mysterious processes of geometry had been divulged to a certain unworthy person, they said the gods threatened to punish such lawlessness and impiety with some signal and wide-spread calamity. 22.4. Therefore we may well be indulgent with those who are eager to prove, on the basis of so many resemblances between them, that Numa was acquainted with Pythagoras. Antias, however, writes that it was twelve pontifical books, and twelve others of Greek philosophy, which were placed in the coffin. And about four hundred years afterwards, when Publius Cornelius and Marcus Baebius were consuls, heavy rains fell, and the torrent of water tore away the earth and dislodged the coffins. 22.4. Therefore we may well be indulgent with those who are eager to prove, on the basis of so many resemblances between them, that Numa was acquainted with Pythagoras. Antias, however, writes that it was twelve pontifical books, and twelve others of Greek philosophy, which were placed in the coffin. And about four hundred years afterwards, when Publius Cornelius and Marcus Baebius were consuls, heavy rains fell, and the torrent of water tore away the earth and dislodged the coffins. 22.5. When their lids had fallen off, one coffin was seen to be entirely empty, without any trace whatever of the body, but in the other the writings were found. These Petilius, who was then praetor, is said to have read, and then brought to the senate, declaring that, in his opinion, it was not lawful or proper that the writings should be published abroad. The books were therefore carried to the comitium and burned.
28. Plutarch, Pelopidas, 35 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

29. Plutarch, Pericles, 39.3-39.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

39.4. The progress of events wrought in the Athenians a swift appreciation of Pericles and a keen sense of his loss. For those who, while he lived, were oppressed by a sense of his power and felt that it kept them in obscurity, straightway on his removal made trial of other orators and popular leaders, only to be led to the confession that a character more moderate than his in its solemn dignity, and more august in its gentleness, had not been created.
30. Plutarch, Phocion, 38.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

31. Plutarch, Romulus, 29.1-29.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

32. Plutarch, Theseus, 36.2-36.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

33. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 1.1.8, 1.1.12, 1.3.3, 1.8.11 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

34. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 58.7.2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

58.7.2.  (for he was wont to include himself in such sacrifices), a rope was discovered coiled about the neck of the statue. Again, there was the behaviour of a statue of Fortune, which had belonged, they say, to Tullius, one of the former kings of Rome, but was at this time kept by Sejanus at his house and was a source of great pride to him:
35. Lactantius, Divine Institutes, 1.22.1, 1.22.3, 1.22.5-1.22.8 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)

36. Augustine, The City of God, 7.34-7.35 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)

7.34. But, on the other hand, we find, as the same most learned man has related, that the causes of the sacred rites which were given from the books of Numa Pompilius could by no means be tolerated, and were considered unworthy, not only to become known to the religious by being read, but even to lie written in the darkness in which they had been concealed. For now let me say what I promised in the third book of this work to say in its proper place. For, as we read in the same Varro's book on the worship of the gods, A certain one Terentius had a field at the Janiculum, and once, when his ploughman was passing the plough near to the tomb of Numa Pompilius, he turned up from the ground the books of Numa, in which were written the causes of the sacred institutions; which books he carried to the pr tor, who, having read the beginnings of them, referred to the senate what seemed to be a matter of so much importance. And when the chief senators had read certain of the causes why this or that rite was instituted, the senate assented to the dead Numa, and the conscript fathers, as though concerned for the interests of religion, ordered the pr tor to burn the books. Let each one believe what he thinks; nay, let every champion of such impiety say whatever mad contention may suggest. For my part, let it suffice to suggest that the causes of those sacred things which were written down by King Numa Pompilius, the institutor of the Roman rites, ought never to have become known to people or senate, or even to the priests themselves; and also that Numa him self attained to these secrets of demons by an illicit curiosity, in order that he might write them down, so as to be able, by reading, to be reminded of them. However, though he was king, and had no cause to be afraid of any one, he neither dared to teach them to any one, nor to destroy them by obliteration, or any other form of destruction. Therefore, because he was unwilling that any one should know them, lest men should be taught infamous things, and because he was afraid to violate them, lest he should enrage the demons against himself, he buried them in what he thought a safe place, believing that a plough could not approach his sepulchre. But the senate, fearing to condemn the religious solemnities of their ancestors, and therefore compelled to assent to Numa, were nevertheless so convinced that those books were pernicious, that they did not order them to be buried again, knowing that human curiosity would thereby be excited to seek with far greater eagerness after the matter already divulged, but ordered the scandalous relics to be destroyed with fire; because, as they thought it was now a necessity to perform those sacred rites, they judged that the error arising from ignorance of their causes was more tolerable than the disturbance which the knowledge of them would occasion the state. 7.35. For Numa himself also, to whom no prophet of God, no holy angel was sent, was driven to have recourse to hydromancy, that he might see the images of the gods in the water (or, rather, appearances whereby the demons made sport of him), and might learn from them what he ought to ordain and observe in the sacred rites. This kind of divination, says Varro, was introduced from the Persians, and was used by Numa himself, and at an after time by the philosopher Pythagoras. In this divination, he says, they also inquire at the inhabitants of the nether world, and make use of blood; and this the Greeks call νεκρομαντείαν . But whether it be called necromancy or hydromancy it is the same thing, for in either case the dead are supposed to foretell future things. But by what artifices these things are done, let themselves consider; for I am unwilling to say that these artifices were wont to be prohibited by the laws, and to be very severely punished even in the Gentile states, before the advent of our Saviour. I am unwilling, I say, to affirm this, for perhaps even such things were then allowed. However, it was by these arts that Pompilius learned those sacred rites which he gave forth as facts, while he concealed their causes; for even he himself was afraid of that which he had learned. The senate also caused the books in which those causes were recorded to be burned. What is it, then, to me, that Varro attempts to adduce all sorts of fanciful physical interpretations, which if these books had contained, they would certainly not have been burned? For otherwise the conscript fathers would also have burned those books which Varro published and dedicated to the high priest C sar. Now Numa is said to have married the nymph Egeria, because (as Varro explains it in the forementioned book) he carried forth water wherewith to perform his hydromancy. Thus facts are wont to be converted into fables through false colorings. It was by that hydromancy, then, that that over-curious Roman king learned both the sacred rites which were to be written in the books of the priests, and also the causes of those rites - which latter, however, he was unwilling that any one besides himself should know. Wherefore he made these causes, as it were, to die along with himself, taking care to have them written by themselves, and removed from the knowledge of men by being buried in the earth. Wherefore the things which are written in those books were either abominations of demons, so foul and noxious as to render that whole civil theology execrable even in the eyes of such men as those senators, who had accepted so many shameful things in the sacred rites themselves, or they were nothing else than the accounts of dead men, whom, through the lapse of ages, almost all the Gentile nations had come to believe to be immortal gods; while those same demons were delighted even with such rites, having presented themselves to receive worship under pretence of being those very dead men whom they had caused to be thought immortal gods by certain fallacious miracles, performed in order to establish that belief. But, by the hidden providence of the true God, these demons were permitted to confess these things to their friend Numa, having been gained by those arts through which necromancy could be performed, and yet were not constrained to admonish him rather at his death to burn than to bury the books in which they were written. But, in order that these books might be unknown, the demons could not resist the plough by which they were thrown up, or the pen of Varro, through which the things which were done in reference to this matter have come down even to our knowledge. For they are not able to effect anything which they are not allowed; but they are permitted to influence those whom God, in His deep and just judgment, according to their deserts, gives over either to be simply afflicted by them, or to be also subdued and deceived. But how pernicious these writings were judged to be, or how alien from the worship of the true Divinity, may be understood from the fact that the senate preferred to burn what Pompilius had hid, rather than to fear what he feared, so that he could not dare to do that. Wherefore let him who does not desire to live a pious life even now, seek eternal life by means of such rites. But let him who does not wish to have fellowship with malign demons have no fear for the noxious superstition wherewith they are worshipped, but let him recognize the true religion by which they are unmasked and vanquished.
37. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 1.8.5 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)

38. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 1.8.5 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)



Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
(mithraic) Alvar Ezquerra, Romanising Oriental Gods: Myth, Salvation, and Ethics in the Cults of Cybele, Isis, and Mithras (2008) 208
access Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 38
achilles Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 38
ages, etruscan Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 129
alexander the great Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 38
anecdotes Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104
astrology Bricault and Bonnet, Panthée: Religious Transformations in the Graeco-Roman Empire (2013) 51
audience, extra-textual experience of Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104
audience, plutarchs interaction with his Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104
augustalia Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 38
augustus Seim and Okland, Metamorphoses: Resurrection, Body and Transformative Practices in Early Christianity (2009) 54
caecilia, gaia Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 171
chaldea Bricault and Bonnet, Panthée: Religious Transformations in the Graeco-Roman Empire (2013) 51
character (plutarchs and readers concern with) Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104
clastidium Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 38
claudius marcellus, m. Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 38
closure (endings of biographies) Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104
conquers sicily, loots syracuse Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 38
constantinople Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 38
continuance-motif (i.e. references to plutarchs present) Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104
cornelius scipio africanus, p., rivalry with q. fabius maximus Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 38
cross-references Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104
death, as closural theme Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104
descendants Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104
divinatory jurisprudence Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 129
divine retribution Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104
ennius Ker and Wessels, The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn (2020) 124
fabius maximus, q., captures tarentum Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 38
fabius maximus, q., dedicates colossal hercules on capitoline Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 38
fabius maximus, q. Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 38
friends/friendship Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104
general statements (moral) Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104
greece, culture appropriated by romans Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 38
greek, art Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 38
hannibal Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 38
hercules Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 38
historiography Ker and Wessels, The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn (2020) 124
history Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104
homer, the iliad Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 38
impietas against, and memory Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 38
institution Bricault and Bonnet, Panthée: Religious Transformations in the Graeco-Roman Empire (2013) 51
interpretatio Bricault and Bonnet, Panthée: Religious Transformations in the Graeco-Roman Empire (2013) 51
janiculum Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 129
judgements, concluding Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104
jupiter, capitoline cult statue of Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 171
jupiter, capitolinus Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 129
koine Bricault and Bonnet, Panthée: Religious Transformations in the Graeco-Roman Empire (2013) 51
lucilius Ker and Wessels, The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn (2020) 124
luxury, attitudes towards Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 38
lysippus, and alexander the great Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 38
lysippus, his colossal hercules Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 38
lysippus Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 38
marriage Alvar Ezquerra, Romanising Oriental Gods: Myth, Salvation, and Ethics in the Cults of Cybele, Isis, and Mithras (2008) 208
mithridates vi eupator Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 129
museum, the capitoline museum Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 38
mysteries Bricault and Bonnet, Panthée: Religious Transformations in the Graeco-Roman Empire (2013) 51
myth Alvar Ezquerra, Romanising Oriental Gods: Myth, Salvation, and Ethics in the Cults of Cybele, Isis, and Mithras (2008) 208
north, j. Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 129
numa Ker and Wessels, The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn (2020) 124; Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 129; Seim and Okland, Metamorphoses: Resurrection, Body and Transformative Practices in Early Christianity (2009) 54
numa popilius Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 171
objects, access to Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 38
ornamenta, östenberg, i. Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 38
pasiteles Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 171
performance, ; ritual Alvar Ezquerra, Romanising Oriental Gods: Myth, Salvation, and Ethics in the Cults of Cybele, Isis, and Mithras (2008) 208
performatives Alvar Ezquerra, Romanising Oriental Gods: Myth, Salvation, and Ethics in the Cults of Cybele, Isis, and Mithras (2008) 208
petilius, q. Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 129
philosophy Bricault and Bonnet, Panthée: Religious Transformations in the Graeco-Roman Empire (2013) 51; Ker and Wessels, The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn (2020) 124
pietas Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 171
plutarch, on marcellus plundering of sicily Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 38
plutarch Seim and Okland, Metamorphoses: Resurrection, Body and Transformative Practices in Early Christianity (2009) 54
polybius, on marcellus plundering of sicily Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 38
posthumous, honour or dishonour Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104
posthumous Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104
pythagoras Ker and Wessels, The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn (2020) 124
pythagorism Bricault and Bonnet, Panthée: Religious Transformations in the Graeco-Roman Empire (2013) 51
quinctius cincinnatus, l., (quin)decemuiri s.f. Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 129
religion Ker and Wessels, The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn (2020) 124
retribution of opponents Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104
rome, access to Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 38
rome, capitoline hill Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 38
rome, forum boarium Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 171
rome, temple of divus augustus, victoria in Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 38
rome, temple of fortuna Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 171
rome, temple of honos et virtus Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 38
rome, temple of jupiter capitolinus, cult statue of Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 171
rome, temple of mater matuta Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 171
rome, temple of saturn, cult statue of Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 171
rome Bricault and Bonnet, Panthée: Religious Transformations in the Graeco-Roman Empire (2013) 51
romulus, his lituus Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 171
romulus Seim and Okland, Metamorphoses: Resurrection, Body and Transformative Practices in Early Christianity (2009) 54
satire Ker and Wessels, The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn (2020) 124
saturnalia Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 171
scheid, j. Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 129
secret, religious Alvar Ezquerra, Romanising Oriental Gods: Myth, Salvation, and Ethics in the Cults of Cybele, Isis, and Mithras (2008) 208
senate Ker and Wessels, The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn (2020) 124; Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 129
series of lives Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104
servius tullius, and fortuna Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 171
servius tullius, robe of Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 171
servius tullius, wooden image of Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 171
sibylline books Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 129
sicily Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 38
soul Seim and Okland, Metamorphoses: Resurrection, Body and Transformative Practices in Early Christianity (2009) 54
stars Seim and Okland, Metamorphoses: Resurrection, Body and Transformative Practices in Early Christianity (2009) 54
statuary, colossal Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 38
statuary, equestrian Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 38
statuary, miraculous properties of Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 171
storchi marino, alfredina Ker and Wessels, The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn (2020) 124
suetonius Seim and Okland, Metamorphoses: Resurrection, Body and Transformative Practices in Early Christianity (2009) 54
surprise Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104
tanaquil Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 171
tarentum Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 38
tarquin the proud, commissions jupiters statue Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 171
tiberius Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 171
toga, praetexta Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 171
turcan, r. Alvar Ezquerra, Romanising Oriental Gods: Myth, Salvation, and Ethics in the Cults of Cybele, Isis, and Mithras (2008) 208
varro' Bricault and Bonnet, Panthée: Religious Transformations in the Graeco-Roman Empire (2013) 51
vulca, and jupiter capitolinus cult statue Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 171