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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



9580
Plutarch, Lycurgus, 31.2-31.4


ταύτην καὶ Πλάτων ἔλαβε τῆς πολιτείας ὑπόθεσιν καὶ Διογένης καὶ Ζήνων καὶ πάντες ὅσοι τι περὶ τούτων ἐπιχειρήσαντες εἰπεῖν ἐπαινοῦνται, γράμματα καὶ λόγους ἀπολιπόντες μόνον, ὁ δὲ οὐ γράμματα καὶ λόγους, ἀλλʼ ἔργῳ πολιτείαν ἀμίμητον εἰς φῶς προενεγκάμενος, καὶ τοῖς ἀνύπαρκτον εἶναι τὴν λεγομένην περὶ τὸν σοφὸν διάθεσιν ὑπολαμβάνουσιν ἐπιδείξας ὅλην τὴν πόλιν φιλοσοφοῦσαν, εἰκότως ὑπερῆρε τῇ δόξῃ τοὺς πώποτε πολιτευσαμένους ἐν τοῖς Ἕλλησι.His design for a civil polity was adopted by Plato, Diogenes, Zeno, and by all those who have won approval for their treatises on this subject, although they left behind them only writings and words. Lycurgus, on the other hand, produced not writings and words, but an actual polity which was beyond imitation, and because he gave, to those who maintain that the much talked of natural disposition to wisdom exists only in theory, an example of an entire city given to the love of wisdom, his fame rightly transcended that of all who ever founded polities among the Greeks.


διʼ ὅπερ καὶ Ἀριστοτέλης ἐλάττονας σχεῖν φησι τιμὰς ἢ προσῆκον ἦν αὐτὸν ἔχειν ἐν Λακεδαίμονι, καίπερ ἔχοντα τὰς μεγίστας. ἱερόν τε γάρ ἐστιν αὐτοῦ, καὶ θύουσι καθʼ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτὸν ὡς θεῷ. λέγεται δὲ καὶ τῶν λειψάνων αὐτοῦ κομισθέντων οἴκαδε κεραυνὸν εἰς τὸν τάφον κατασκῆψαι· τοῦτο δὲ οὐ ῥᾳδίως ἑτέρῳ τινὶ τῶν ἐπιφανῶν πλὴν Εὐριπίδῃ συμπεσεῖν ὕστερον, τελευτήσαντι καὶ ταφέντι τῆς Μακεδονίας περὶ Ἀρέθουσαν. ὥστε ἀπολόγημα καὶ μαρτύριον μέγα εἶναι τοῖς ἀγαπῶσι τὸν Εὐριπίδην τὸ μόνῳ συμπεσεῖν αὐτῷ μετὰ τελευτὴν The words καὶ γενέσθαι following τελευτὴν are deleted by Bekker and Sintenis 2 (in critical notes). ἃ τῷ θεοφιλεστάτῳ καὶ ὁσιωτάτῳ πρότερον συνέπεσε.Therefore Aristotle says that the honours paid him in Sparta were less than he deserved, although he enjoys the highest honours there. For he has a temple, and sacrifices are offered to him yearly as to a god. It is also said that when his remains were brought home, his tomb was struck by lightning, and that this hardly happened to any other eminent man after him except Euripides, who died and was buried at Arethusa in Macedonia. The lovers of Euripides therefore regard it as a great testimony in his favour that he alone experienced after death what had earlier befallen a man who was most holy and beloved of the gods.


τελευτῆσαι δὲ τὸν Λυκοῦργον οἱ μὲν ἐν Κίρρᾳ λέγουσιν, Ἀπολλόθεμις δὲ εἰς Ἦλιν κομισθέντα, Τίμαιος δὲ καὶ Ἀριστόξενος ἐν Κρήτῃ καταβιώσαντα καὶ τάφον Ἀριστόξενος αὐτοῦ δείκνυσθαὶ φησιν ὑπὸ Κρητῶν τῆς Περγαμίας περὶ τὴν ξενικὴν ὁδόν. υἱὸν δὲ λέγεται μονογενῆ καταλιπεῖν Ἀντίωρον οὗ τελευτήσαντος ἀτέκνου τὸ γένος ἐξέλιπεν.Some say that Lycurgus died in Cirrha; Apollothemis, that he was brought to Elis and died there; Timaeus and Aristoxenus, that he ended his days in Crete; and Aristoxenus adds that his tomb is shown by the Cretans in the district of Pergamus, near the public highway. It is also said that he left an only son, Antiorus, on whose death without issue, the family became extinct.


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

30 results
1. Homer, Iliad, 4.360-4.361, 18.80-18.82 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)

18.80. /but what pleasure have I therein, seeing my dear comrade is dead, even Patroclus, whom I honoured above all my comrades, even as mine own self? Him have I lost, and his armour Hector that slew him hath stripped from him, that fair armour, huge of size, a wonder to behold, that the gods gave as a glorious gift to Peleus 18.81. /but what pleasure have I therein, seeing my dear comrade is dead, even Patroclus, whom I honoured above all my comrades, even as mine own self? Him have I lost, and his armour Hector that slew him hath stripped from him, that fair armour, huge of size, a wonder to behold, that the gods gave as a glorious gift to Peleus 18.82. /but what pleasure have I therein, seeing my dear comrade is dead, even Patroclus, whom I honoured above all my comrades, even as mine own self? Him have I lost, and his armour Hector that slew him hath stripped from him, that fair armour, huge of size, a wonder to behold, that the gods gave as a glorious gift to Peleus
2. Plato, Gorgias, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

510b. Call. Do you note, Socrates, how ready I am to praise, when you say a good thing? This seems to me excellently spoken. Soc. Then see if this next statement of mine strikes you as a good one too. It seems to me that the closest possible friendship between man and man is that mentioned by the sages of old time as like to like. Do you not agree? Call. I do. Soc. So where you have a savage, uneducated ruler as despot, if there were some one in the city far better than he, I suppose the despot would be afraid of him
3. Plato, Laws, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

635b. but in a friendly spirit. Ath. Good! But until I have investigated your laws as carefully as I can I shall not censure them but rather express the doubts I feel. You alone of Greeks and barbarians, so far as I can discover, possess a lawgiver who charged you to abstain from the greatest of pleasures and amusements and taste them not; but concerning pains and fears, as we said before, he held the view that anyone who shuns them continuously from childhood onward, when confronted with
4. Plato, Republic, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

462c. to the city and its inhabitants? of course. And the chief cause of this is when the citizens do not utter in unison such words as mine and not mine, and similarly with regard to the word alien ? Precisely so. That city, then, is best ordered in which the greatest number use the expression mine and not mine of the same things in the same way. Much the best. And the city whose state is most like that of an individual man. For example, if the finger of one of us is wounded, the entire community of bodily connections stretching to the soul for integration
5. Xenophon, Constitution of The Spartans, 14 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

6. Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

7. Polybius, Histories, 6.3.7-6.3.8, 6.10.6-6.10.11, 6.45-6.46, 6.50 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)

6.3.7.  for in either case my opinion is that they are wrong. For it is evident that we must regard as the best constitution a combination of all these three varieties, since we have had proof of this not only theoretically but by actual experience, Lycurgus having been the first to draw up a constitution — that of Sparta — on this principle. 6.10.6.  Lycurgus, then, foreseeing this, did not make his constitution simple and uniform, but united in it all the good and distinctive features of the best governments, so that none of the principles should grow unduly and be perverted into its allied evil, but that, the force of each being neutralized by that of the others, neither of them should prevail and outbalance another, but that the constitution should remain for long in a state of equilibrium like a well-trimmed boat, kingship being guarded from arrogance by the fear of the commons, who were given a sufficient share in the government, and the commons on the other hand not venturing to treat the kings with contempt from fear of the elders, who being selected from the best citizens would be sure all of them to be always on the side of justice; 6.10.10.  so that that part of the state which was weakest owing to its subservience to traditional custom, acquired power and weight by the support and influence of the elders. 6.10.11.  The consequence was that by drawing up his constitution thus he preserved liberty at Sparta for a longer period than is recorded elsewhere. 6.46. 1.  In all these respects the Cretan practice is exactly the opposite.,2.  Their laws go as far as possible in letting them acquire land to the extent of their power, as the saying is, and money is held in such high honour among them that its acquisition is not only regarded as necessary, but as most honourable.,3.  So much in fact do sordid love of gain and lust for wealth prevail among them, that the Cretans are the only people in the world in whose eyes no gain is disgraceful.,4.  Again their magistracies are annual and elected on a democratic system.,5.  So that it often causes surprise how these authors proclaim to us, that two political systems the nature of which is so opposed, are allied and akin to each other.,6.  Besides overlooking such differences, these writers go out of their way to give us their general views, saying that Lycurgus was the only man who ever saw the points of vital importance for good government.,7.  For, there being two things to which a state owes its preservation, bravery against the enemy and concord among the citizens, Lycurgus by doing away with the lust for wealth did away also with all civil discord and broils.,8.  In consequence of which the Lacedaemonians, being free from these evils, excel all the Greeks in the conduct of their internal affairs and in their spirit of union.,9.  After asserting this, although they witness that the Cretans, on the other hand, owing to their ingrained lust of wealth are involved in constant broils both public and private, and in murders and civil wars, they regard this as immaterial, and have the audacity to say that the two political systems are similar.,10.  Ephorus actually, apart from the names, uses the same phrases in explaining the nature of the two states; so that if one did not attend to the proper names it would be impossible to tell of which he is speaking.,11.  Such are the points in which I consider these two political systems to differ, and I will now give my reasons for not regarding that of Crete as worthy of praise or imitation.
8. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 7.12.8 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

7.12.8.  The Lacedaemonians, by observing the laws of Lycurgus, from a lowly people grew to be the most powerful among the Greeks and maintained the leadership among the Greek states for over four hundred years. But after that time, as they little by little began to relax each one of the institutions and to turn to luxury and indifference, and as they grew so corrupted as to use coined money and to amass wealth, they lost the leadership.
9. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 4.42 (1st cent. CE

4.42.  And in the same way he means that friendship also is nothing else than identity of wish and of purpose, that is, a kind of likemindedness. For this, I presume, is the view of the world too: that friends are most truly likeminded and are at variance in nothing.
10. Plutarch, Alexander The Great, 69.4-69.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

11. Plutarch, Cicero, 49.2, 49.5-49.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

12. Plutarch, Cimon, 19.3-19.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

13. Plutarch, Comparison of Numa With Lycurgus, 1.1, 3.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

1.1. Now that we have recounted the lives of Numa and Lycurgus, and both lie clearly before us, we must attempt, even though the task be difficult, to assemble and put together their points of difference. For their points of likeness are obvious from their careers: their wise moderation, their piety, their talent for governing and educating, and their both deriving their laws from a divine source. But each also performed noble deeds peculiar to himself. To begin with, Numa accepted, but Lycurgus resigned, a kingdom.
14. Plutarch, Crassus, 33 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

15. Plutarch, On The Fortune Or Virtue of Alexander The Great, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

16. Plutarch, Demetrius, 31.4-31.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

17. Plutarch, Demosthenes, 31.4-31.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

18. Plutarch, Fabius, 27.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

19. Plutarch, Lycurgus, 1.1, 3.1-3.5, 13.1, 13.3, 25.5, 29.3-29.5, 30.2, 31.1, 31.3-31.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

1.1. Concerning Lycurgus the lawgiver, in general, nothing can be said which is not disputed, since indeed there are different accounts of his birth, his travels, his death, and above all, of his work as lawmaker and statesman; and there is least agreement among historians as to the times in which the man lived. Some say that he flourished at the same time with Iphitus, and in concert with him established the Olympic truce. Among these is Aristotle the philosopher, and he alleges as proof the discus at Olympia on which an inscription preserves the name of Lycurgus. As joining with Iphitus in founding, or reviving, the Olympic games, in 776 B.C., the date assigned to the first recorded victory. Cf. Pausanias, v. 4, 5 f. ; 20, 1. A stay of hostilities was observed all over Greece during the festival. 3.1. Polydectes also died soon afterwards, and then, as was generally thought, the kingdom devolved upon Lycurgus; and until his brother’s wife was known to be with child, he was king. But as soon as he learned of this, he declared that the kingdom belonged to her offspring, if it should be male, and himself administered the government only as guardian. Now the guardians of fatherless kings are called prodikoi by the Lacedaemonians. 3.5. There was a party, however, which envied him and sought to impede the growing power of so young a man, especially the kinsmen and friends of the queen-mother, who thought she had been treated with insolence. Her brother, Leonidas, actually railed at Lycurgus once quite boldly, assuring him that he knew well that Lycurgus would one day be king, thereby promoting suspicion and paving the way for the accusation, in case any thing happened to the king, that he had plotted against his life. Some such talk was set in circulation by the queen-mother also, in consequence of which Lycurgus was sorely troubled and fearful of what might be in store for him. He therefore determined to avoid suspicion by travelling abroad, and to continue his wanderings until his nephew should come of age and beget a son to succeed him on the throne. 13.1. None of his laws were put into writing by Lycurgus, indeed, one of the so-called rhetras forbids it. For he thought that if the most important and binding principles which conduce to the prosperity and virtue of a city were implanted in the habits and training of its citizens, they would remain unchanged and secure, having a stronger bond than compulsion in the fixed purposes imparted to the young by education, which performs the office of a law-giver for every one of them. 13.3. One of his rhetras accordingly, as I have said, prohibited the use of written laws. Another was directed against extravagance, ordaining that every house should have its roof fashioned by the axe, and its doors by the saw only, and by no other tool. For, as in later times Epaminondas is reported to have said at his own table, that such a meal did not comport with treachery, so Lycurgus was the first to see clearly that such a house does not comport with luxury and extravagance. 25.5. Again, Argileonis, the mother of Brasidas, when some Amphipolitans who had come to Sparta paid her a visit, asked them if Brasidas had died nobly and in a manner worthy of Sparta. Then they greatly extolled the man and said that Sparta had not such another, to which she answered: Say not so, Strangers; Brasidas was noble and brave, but Sparta has many better men than he. 29.3. When they all agreed to this and bade him set out on his journey, he exacted an oath from the kings and the senators, and afterwards from the rest of the citizens, that they would abide by the established polity and observe it until Lycurgus should come back; then he set out for Delphi. On reaching the oracle, he sacrificed to the god, and asked if the laws which he had established were good, and sufficient to promote a city’s prosperity and virtue. 29.4. Apollo answered that the laws which he had established were good, and that the city would continue to be held in highest honour while it kept to the polity of Lycurgus. This oracle Lycurgus wrote down, and sent it to Sparta. But for his own part, he sacrificed again to the god, took affectionate leave of his friends and of his son, and resolved never to release his fellow-citizens from their oath, but of his own accord to put an end to his life where he was. He had reached an age in which life was not yet a burden, and death no longer a terror; when he and his friends, moreover, appeared to be sufficiently prosperous and happy. 29.5. He therefore abstained from food till he died, considering that even the death of a statesman should be of service to the state, and the ending of his life not void of effect, but recognized as a virtuous deed. As for himself, since he had wrought out fully the noblest tasks, the end of life would actually be a consummation of his good fortune and happiness; and as for his fellow-citizens, he would make his death the guardian, as it were, of all the blessings he had secured for them during his life, since they had sworn to observe and maintain his polity until he should return. 30.2. While these remained in force, Sparta led the life, not of a city under a constitution, but of an individual man under training and full of wisdom. Nay rather, as the poets weave their tales of Heracles, how with his club and lion’s skin he traversed the world chastising lawless and savage tyrants, so we may say that Sparta, simply with the dispatch-staff and cloak of her envoys, kept Hellas in willing and glad obedience, put down illegal oligarchies and tyrannies in the different states, arbitrated wars, and quelled seditions, often without so much as moving a single shield, but merely sending one ambassador, whose commands all at once obeyed, just as bees, when their leader appears, swarm together and array themselves about him. Such a surplus fund of good government and justice did the city enjoy. 31.1. It was not, however, the chief design of Lycurgus then to leave his city in command over a great many others, but he thought that the happiness of an entire city, like that of a single individual, depended on the prevalence of virtue and concord within its own borders. The aim, therefore, of all his arrangements and adjustments was to make his people free-minded, self-sufficing, and moderate in all their ways, and to keep them so as long as possible. 31.3. Therefore Aristotle says that the honours paid him in Sparta were less than he deserved, although he enjoys the highest honours there. For he has a temple, and sacrifices are offered to him yearly as to a god. It is also said that when his remains were brought home, his tomb was struck by lightning, and that this hardly happened to any other eminent man after him except Euripides, who died and was buried at Arethusa in Macedonia. The lovers of Euripides therefore regard it as a great testimony in his favour that he alone experienced after death what had earlier befallen a man who was most holy and beloved of the gods. 31.4. Some say that Lycurgus died in Cirrha; Apollothemis, that he was brought to Elis and died there; Timaeus and Aristoxenus, that he ended his days in Crete; and Aristoxenus adds that his tomb is shown by the Cretans in the district of Pergamus, near the public highway. It is also said that he left an only son, Antiorus, on whose death without issue, the family became extinct.
20. Plutarch, Lysander, 30.3-30.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

21. Plutarch, Marcellus, 30 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

22. Plutarch, Marius, 46.3-46.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

23. Plutarch, Numa Pompilius, 20.8-20.12, 22.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

20.8. For possibly there is no need of any compulsion or menace in dealing with the multitude, but when they see with their own eyes a conspicuous and shining example of virtue in the life of their ruler, they will of their own accord walk in wisdom’s ways, and unite with him in conforming themselves to a blameless and blessed life of friendship and mutual concord, attended by righteousness and temperance. Such a life is the noblest end of all government, and he is most a king who can inculcate such a life and such a disposition in his subjects. This, then, as it appears, Numa was preeminent in discerning. 22.2. They did not burn his body, because, as it is said, he forbade it; but they made two stone coffins and buried them under the Janiculum. One of these held his body, and the other the sacred books which he had written out with his own hand, as the Greek lawgivers their tablets. But since, while he was still living, he had taught the priests the written contents of the books, and had inculcated in their hearts the scope and meaning of them all, he commanded that they should be buried with his body, convinced that such mysteries ought not to be entrusted to the care of lifeless documents.
24. Plutarch, Pelopidas, 35 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

25. Plutarch, Pericles, 39.3-39.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

39.4. The progress of events wrought in the Athenians a swift appreciation of Pericles and a keen sense of his loss. For those who, while he lived, were oppressed by a sense of his power and felt that it kept them in obscurity, straightway on his removal made trial of other orators and popular leaders, only to be led to the confession that a character more moderate than his in its solemn dignity, and more august in its gentleness, had not been created.
26. Plutarch, Phocion, 38.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

27. Plutarch, Romulus, 29.1-29.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

28. Plutarch, Theseus, 36.1-36.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

29. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 109.16 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

30. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 6.72, 7.23 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

6.72. He maintained that all things are the property of the wise, and employed such arguments as those cited above. All things belong to the gods. The gods are friends to the wise, and friends share all property in common; therefore all things are the property of the wise. Again as to law: that it is impossible for society to exist without law; for without a city no benefit can be derived from that which is civilized. But the city is civilized, and there is no advantage in law without a city; therefore law is something civilized. He would ridicule good birth and fame and all such distinctions, calling them showy ornaments of vice. The only true commonwealth was, he said, that which is as wide as the universe. He advocated community of wives, recognizing no other marriage than a union of the man who persuades with the woman who consents. And for this reason he thought sons too should be held in common. 7.23. Again he would say that if we want to master the sciences there is nothing so fatal as conceit, and again there is nothing we stand so much in need of as time. To the question Who is a friend? his answer was, A second self (alter ego). We are told that he was once chastising a slave for stealing, and when the latter pleaded that it was his fate to steal, Yes, and to be beaten too, said Zeno. Beauty he called the flower of chastity, while according to others it was chastity which he called the flower of beauty. Once when he saw the slave of one of his acquaintance marked with weals, I see, said he, the imprints of your anger. To one who had been drenched with unguent, Who is this, quoth he, who smells of woman? When Dionysius the Renegade asked, Why am I the only pupil you do not correct? the reply was, Because I mistrust you. To a stripling who was talking nonsense his words were, The reason why we have two ears and only one mouth is that we may listen the more and talk the less.


Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
achilles Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 321
aftermath of cities Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 113
agamemnon Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 321
allusions, closural Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 113
allusions, literary Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 113
allusions Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 113
anecdotes Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104
apuleius Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 321
aristocracy, in spartan constitution Wolfsdorf, Early Greek Ethics (2020) 472
aristocrates of sparta Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 273
aristotle, on spartan constitution Wolfsdorf, Early Greek Ethics (2020) 472
aristotle Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 113; Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 267, 273, 321
aristoxenus of tarentum Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 273
athenians Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 273
audience, extra-textual experience of Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104
audience, plutarchs interaction with his Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104
biography Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 267, 273
character (plutarchs and readers concern with) Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104, 113
cicero Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 321
closure (endings of biographies) Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104, 113
community, the subject and his Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 113
community Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 241; Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 113
constitution Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 241
constitutional systems Wolfsdorf, Early Greek Ethics (2020) 472
continuance-motif (i.e. references to plutarchs present) Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104
criticism Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 113
cross-references Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104
cynicism Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 321
death, as closural theme Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104
death Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 267
delphi Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 267
democracy, in spartan constitution Wolfsdorf, Early Greek Ethics (2020) 472
descendants Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104, 113
dio chrysostom (of prusa) Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 321
diogenes of sinope Beneker et al., Plutarch’s Unexpected Silences: Suppression and Selection in the Lives and Moralia (2022) 233
diogenes the cynic Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 273, 321
divine retribution Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104
education Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 241
eratosthenes Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 267
euripides Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 273
friends/friendship Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104
friendship Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 321
future (allusions to/evocation of) Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 113
general statements (moral) Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104
history Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104
homer Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 321
ideal, idealism Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 241
imperial, greek literature Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 241
intertextual, intertextuality Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 241
judgements, concluding Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104
lycurgus, and sparta Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 113
lycurgus Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 241; Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 113; Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 267, 273; Wolfsdorf, Early Greek Ethics (2020) 472
monarchy, in spartan constitution Wolfsdorf, Early Greek Ethics (2020) 472
odysseus Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 321
oligarchy, in spartan constitution Wolfsdorf, Early Greek Ethics (2020) 472
on law and justice (attrib. archytas), on the best constitution Wolfsdorf, Early Greek Ethics (2020) 472
on law and justice (attrib. archytas) Wolfsdorf, Early Greek Ethics (2020) 472
patroclus Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 321
philosophy/philosophers/philosophical, and politics Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 113
philosophy/philosophers/philosophical Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 113
plato, on spartan constitution Wolfsdorf, Early Greek Ethics (2020) 472
plato, platonic Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 113
plato Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 241; Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 273
posthumous, honour or dishonour Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104
posthumous, material Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 113
posthumous Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104, 113
proems Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 267
proverb(ial) Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 321
reflection, the readers Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 113
retribution of opponents Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104
romulus Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 273
sacrifice' Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 273
scepticism Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 267
seneca the younger Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 321
series of lives Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104
simonides Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 267
socrates Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 321
sparta(ns) Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 113
sparta, constitution Wolfsdorf, Early Greek Ethics (2020) 472
sparta Beneker et al., Plutarch’s Unexpected Silences: Suppression and Selection in the Lives and Moralia (2022) 233; Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 267, 273
stoicism Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 321
surprise Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 104
synkrisis, formal Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 113
teachers, sparta as Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 113
teachers, the subjects as Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 113
theseus Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 273
timaeus (historian) Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 267, 273
tyranny/tyrants Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 113
xenophon Beneker et al., Plutarch’s Unexpected Silences: Suppression and Selection in the Lives and Moralia (2022) 233; Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 267
zeno of citium Beneker et al., Plutarch’s Unexpected Silences: Suppression and Selection in the Lives and Moralia (2022) 233; Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 321
zeus Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 273