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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



9458
Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 7.75
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Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

21 results
1. Lucretius Carus, On The Nature of Things, 2.700-2.709, 4.732-4.743 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

2. Ovid, Fasti, 1.261-1.262 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

1.261. And how the treacherous keeper, Tarpeia, bribed with bracelets 1.262. Led the silent Sabines to the heights of the citadel.
3. Strabo, Geography, 13.1.54 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

13.1.54. From Scepsis came the Socratic philosophers Erastus and Coriscus and Neleus the son of Coriscus, this last a man who not only was a pupil of Aristotle and Theophrastus, but also inherited the library of Theophrastus, which included that of Aristotle. At any rate, Aristotle bequeathed his own library to Theophrastus, to whom he also left his school; and he is the first man, so far as I know, to have collected books and to have taught the kings in Egypt how to arrange a library. Theophrastus bequeathed it to Neleus; and Neleus took it to Scepsis and bequeathed it to his heirs, ordinary people, who kept the books locked up and not even carefully stored. But when they heard bow zealously the Attalic kings to whom the city was subject were searching for books to build up the library in Pergamum, they hid their books underground in a kind of trench. But much later, when the books had been damaged by moisture and moths, their descendants sold them to Apellicon of Teos for a large sum of money, both the books of Aristotle and those of Theophrastus. But Apellicon was a bibliophile rather than a philosopher; and therefore, seeking a restoration of the parts that had been eaten through, he made new copies of the text, filling up the gaps incorrectly, and published the books full of errors. The result was that the earlier school of Peripatetics who came after Theophrastus had no books at all, with the exception of only a few, mostly exoteric works, and were therefore able to philosophize about nothing in a practical way, but only to talk bombast about commonplace propositions, whereas the later school, from the time the books in question appeared, though better able to philosophise and Aristotelise, were forced to call most of their statements probabilities, because of the large number of errors. Rome also contributed much to this; for, immediately after the death of Apellicon, Sulla, who had captured Athens, carried off Apellicon's library to Rome, where Tyrannion the grammarian, who was fond of Aristotle, got it in his hands by paying court to the librarian, as did also certain booksellers who used bad copyists and would not collate the texts — a thing that also takes place in the case of the other books that are copied for selling, both here and at Alexandria. However, this is enough about these men.
4. Juvenal, Satires, 4.15, 4.20, 5.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

5. Martial, Epigrams, 10.96 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

6. Martial, Epigrams, 10.96 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

7. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 7.34-7.35, 7.74, 13.83, 13.92, 33.147, 34.11-34.12, 34.59, 35.26, 36.13 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

8. Plutarch, Lucullus, 42.1-42.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

9. Plutarch, Sulla, 26.1-26.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

10. Suetonius, Augustus, 72, 43 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

11. Suetonius, Domitianus, 4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

12. Suetonius, Tiberius, 61 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

13. Tacitus, Annals, 2.37, 12.49, 15.34, 15.34.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

2.37.  In addition, he gave monetary help to several senators; so that it was the more surprising when he treated the application of the young noble, Marcus Hortalus, with a superciliousness uncalled for in view of his clearly straitened circumstances. He was a grandson of the orator Hortensius; and the late Augustus, by the grant of a million sesterces, had induced him to marry and raise a family, in order to save his famous house from extinction. With his four sons, then, standing before the threshold of the Curia, he awaited his turn to speak; then, directing his gaze now to the portrait of Hortensius among the orators (the senate was meeting in the Palace), now to that of Augustus, he opened in the following manner:— "Conscript Fathers, these children whose number and tender age you see for yourselves, became mine not from any wish of my own, but because the emperor so advised, and because, at the same time, my ancestors had earned the right to a posterity. For to me, who in this changed world had been able to inherit nothing and acquire nothing, — not money, nor popularity, nor eloquence, that general birthright of our house, — to me it seemed enough if my slender means were neither a disgrace to myself nor a burden to my neighbour. At the command of the sovereign, I took a wife; and here you behold the stock of so many consuls, the offspring of so many dictators! I say it, not to awaken odium, but to woo compassion. Some day, Caesar, under your happy sway, they will wear whatever honours you have chosen to bestow: in the meantime, rescue from beggary the great-grandsons of Quintus Hortensius, the fosterlings of the deified Augustus! 12.49.  The procurator of Cappadocia was Julius Paelignus, a person made doubly contemptible by hebetude of mind and grotesqueness of body, yet on terms of the greatest intimacy with Claudius during the years of retirement when he amused his sluggish leisure with the society of buffoons. The Paelignus had mustered the provincial militia, with the avowed intention of recovering Armenia; but, while he was plundering our subjects in preference to the enemy, the secession of his troops left him defenceless against the barbarian incursions, and he made his way to Radamistus, by whose liberality he was so overpowered that he voluntarily advised him to assume the kingly emblem, and assisted at its assumption in the quality of sponsor and satellite. Ugly reports of the incident spread; and, to make it clear that not all Romans were to be judged by the standard of Paelignus, the legate Helvidius Priscus was sent with a legion to deal with the disturbed situation as the circumstances might require. Accordingly, after crossing Mount Taurus in haste, he had settled more points by moderation than by force, when he was ordered back to Syria, lest he should give occasion for a Parthian war. 15.34.  There an incident took place, sinister in the eyes of many, providential and a mark of divine favour in those of the sovereign; for, after the audience had left, the theatre, now empty, collapsed without injury to anyone. Therefore, celebrating in a set of verses his gratitude to Heaven, Nero — now bent on crossing the Adriatic — came to rest for the moment at Beneventum; where a largely attended gladiatorial spectacle was being exhibited by Vatinius. Vatinius ranked among the foulest prodigies of that court; the product of a shoemaker's shop, endowed with a misshapen body and a scurrile wit, he had been adopted at the outset as a target for buffoonery; then, by calumniating every man of decency, he acquired a power which made him in influence, in wealth, and in capacity for harm, pre-eminent even among villains.
14. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 2.10.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

15. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 58.7.2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

58.7.2.  (for he was wont to include himself in such sacrifices), a rope was discovered coiled about the neck of the statue. Again, there was the behaviour of a statue of Fortune, which had belonged, they say, to Tullius, one of the former kings of Rome, but was at this time kept by Sejanus at his house and was a source of great pride to him:
16. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 2.3.8 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

17. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 2.3.8 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

18. Augustine, The City of God, 15.23 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)

15.23. In the third book of this work (c. 5) we made a passing reference to this question, but did not decide whether angels, inasmuch as they are spirits, could have bodily intercourse with women. For it is written, Who makes His angels spirits, that is, He makes those who are by nature spirits His angels by appointing them to the duty of bearing His messages. For the Greek word ἄγγελος, which in Latin appears as angelus, means a messenger. But whether the Psalmist speaks of their bodies when he adds, and His ministers a flaming fire, or means that God's ministers ought to blaze with love as with a spiritual fire, is doubtful. However, the same trustworthy Scripture testifies that angels have appeared to men in such bodies as could not only be seen, but also touched. There is, too, a very general rumor, which many have verified by their own experience, or which trustworthy persons who have heard the experience of others corroborate, that sylvans and fauns, who are commonly called incubi, had often made wicked assaults upon women, and satisfied their lust upon them; and that certain devils, called Duses by the Gauls, are constantly attempting and effecting this impurity is so generally affirmed, that it were impudent to deny it. From these assertions, indeed, I dare not determine whether there be some spirits embodied in an aerial substance (for this element, even when agitated by a fan, is sensibly felt by the body), and who are capable of lust and of mingling sensibly with women; but certainly I could by no means believe that God's holy angels could at that time have so fallen, nor can I think that it is of them the Apostle Peter said, For if God spared not the angels that sinned, but cast them down to hell, and delivered them into chains of darkness, to be reserved unto judgment. 2 Peter 2:4 I think he rather speaks of these who first apostatized from God, along with their chief the devil, who enviously deceived the first man under the form of a serpent. But the same holy Scripture affords the most ample testimony that even godly men have been called angels; for of John it is written: Behold, I send my messenger (angel) before Your face, who shall prepare Your way. Mark 1:2 And the prophet Malachi, by a peculiar grace specially communicated to him, was called an angel. Malachi 2:7 But some are moved by the fact that we have read that the fruit of the connection between those who are called angels of God and the women they loved were not men like our own breed, but giants; just as if there were not born even in our own time (as I have mentioned above) men of much greater size than the ordinary stature. Was there not at Rome a few years ago, when the destruction of the city now accomplished by the Goths was drawing near, a woman, with her father and mother, who by her gigantic size over-topped all others? Surprising crowds from all quarters came to see her, and that which struck them most was the circumstance that neither of her parents were quite up to the tallest ordinary stature. Giants therefore might well be born, even before the sons of God, who are also called angels of God, formed a connection with the daughters of men, or of those living according to men, that is to say, before the sons of Seth formed a connection with the daughters of Cain. For thus speaks even the canonical Scripture itself in the book in which we read of this; its words are: And it came to pass, when men began to multiply on the face of the earth, and daughters were born unto them, that the sons of God saw the daughters of men that they were fair [good]; and they took them wives of all which they chose. And the Lord God said, My Spirit shall not always strive with man, for that he also is flesh: yet his days shall be an hundred and twenty years. There were giants in the earth in those days; and also after that, when the sons of God came in unto the daughters of men, and they bare children to them, the same became the giants, men of renown. These words of the divine book sufficiently indicate that already there were giants in the earth in those days, in which the sons of God took wives of the children of men, when they loved them because they were good, that is, fair. For it is the custom of this Scripture to call those who are beautiful in appearance good. But after this connection had been formed, then too were giants born. For the words are: There were giants in the earth in those days, and also after that, when the sons of God came in unto the daughters of men. Therefore there were giants both before, in those days, and also after that. And the words, they bare children to them, show plainly enough that before the sons of God fell in this fashion they begot children to God, not to themselves - that is to say, not moved by the lust of sexual intercourse, but discharging the duty of propagation, intending to produce not a family to gratify their own pride, but citizens to people the city of God; and to these they as God's angels would bear the message, that they should place their hope in God, like him who was born of Seth, the son of resurrection, and who hoped to call on the name of the Lord God, in which hope they and their offspring would be co-heirs of eternal blessings, and brethren in the family of which God is the Father. But that those angels were not angels in the sense of not being men, as some suppose, Scripture itself decides, which unambiguously declares that they were men. For when it had first been stated that the angels of God saw the daughters of men that they were fair, and they took them wives of all which they chose, it was immediately added, And the Lord God said, My Spirit shall not always strive with these men, for that they also are flesh. For by the Spirit of God they had been made angels of God, and sons of God; but declining towards lower things, they are called men, a name of nature, not of grace; and they are called flesh, as deserters of the Spirit, and by their desertion deserted [by Him]. The Septuagint indeed calls them both angels of God and sons of God, though all the copies do not show this, some having only the name sons of God. And Aquila, whom the Jews prefer to the other interpreters, has translated neither angels of God nor sons of God, but sons of gods. But both are correct. For they were both sons of God, and thus brothers of their own fathers, who were children of the same God; and they were sons of gods, because begotten by gods, together with whom they themselves also were gods, according to that expression of the psalm: I have said, You are gods, and all of you are children of the Most High. For the Septuagint translators are justly believed to have received the Spirit of prophecy; so that, if they made any alterations under His authority, and did not adhere to a strict translation, we could not doubt that this was divinely dictated. However, the Hebrew word may be said to be ambiguous, and to be susceptible of either translation, sons of God, or sons of gods. Let us omit, then, the fables of those scriptures which are called apocryphal, because their obscure origin was unknown to the fathers from whom the authority of the true Scriptures has been transmitted to us by a most certain and well-ascertained succession. For though there is some truth in these apocryphal writings, yet they contain so many false statements, that they have no canonical authority. We cannot deny that Enoch, the seventh from Adam, left some divine writings, for this is asserted by the Apostle Jude in his canonical epistle. But it is not without reason that these writings have no place in that canon of Scripture which was preserved in the temple of the Hebrew people by the diligence of successive priests; for their antiquity brought them under suspicion, and it was impossible to ascertain whether these were his genuine writings, and they were not brought forward as genuine by the persons who were found to have carefully preserved the canonical books by a successive transmission. So that the writings which are produced under his name, and which contain these fables about the giants, saying that their fathers were not men, are properly judged by prudent men to be not genuine; just as many writings are produced by heretics under the names both of other prophets, and more recently, under the names of the apostles, all of which, after careful examination, have been set apart from canonical authority under the title of Apocrypha. There is therefore no doubt that, according to the Hebrew and Christian canonical Scriptures, there were many giants before the deluge, and that these were citizens of the earthly society of men, and that the sons of God, who were according to the flesh the sons of Seth, sunk into this community when they forsook righteousness. Nor need we wonder that giants should be born even from these. For all of their children were not giants; but there were more then than in the remaining periods since the deluge. And it pleased the Creator to produce them, that it might thus be demonstrated that neither beauty, nor yet size and strength, are of much moment to the wise man, whose blessedness lies in spiritual and immortal blessings, in far better and more enduring gifts, in the good things that are the peculiar property of the good, and are not shared by good and bad alike. It is this which another prophet confirms when he says, These were the giants, famous from the beginning, that were of so great stature, and so expert in war. Those did not the Lord choose, neither gave He the way of knowledge unto them; but they were destroyed because they had no wisdom, and perished through their own foolishness.
19. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Commodus, 10.8-10.9 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)

20. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Commodus, 10.8-10.9 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)

21. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Hadrian, 10 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)



Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
aelius sejanus, l. Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 67
aemilius paullus, m. Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 67
ajax Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 67
alexander the great Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 66
amazons Laes Goodey and Rose, Disabilities in Roman Antiquity: Disparate Bodies (2013) 219
anachronism Laes Goodey and Rose, Disabilities in Roman Antiquity: Disparate Bodies (2013) 219
andronicus of rhodes Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 67
antony, marc Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 67
aphrodite Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 67
arabia Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 213
arcesilaus Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 68
arion Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 66
aristotle Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 67
artemis Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 66
auctoritas Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 68
augustus, his letters collected Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 67
augustus Laes Goodey and Rose, Disabilities in Roman Antiquity: Disparate Bodies (2013) 219, 222; Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 67, 213
birth Laes Goodey and Rose, Disabilities in Roman Antiquity: Disparate Bodies (2013) 219, 222
centaurs Laes Goodey and Rose, Disabilities in Roman Antiquity: Disparate Bodies (2013) 219
child Laes Goodey and Rose, Disabilities in Roman Antiquity: Disparate Bodies (2013) 219
claudius Laes Goodey and Rose, Disabilities in Roman Antiquity: Disparate Bodies (2013) 219; Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 213
commodus Laes Goodey and Rose, Disabilities in Roman Antiquity: Disparate Bodies (2013) 222
conopas Laes Goodey and Rose, Disabilities in Roman Antiquity: Disparate Bodies (2013) 219
conquers britain, his infirmities Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 213
corinthian bronze Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 66, 67
cornelius sulla, l. Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 67
deformity Laes Goodey and Rose, Disabilities in Roman Antiquity: Disparate Bodies (2013) 222
dwarf Laes Goodey and Rose, Disabilities in Roman Antiquity: Disparate Bodies (2013) 219, 222
favorinus of arles Laes Goodey and Rose, Disabilities in Roman Antiquity: Disparate Bodies (2013) 222
felicitas Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 68
fool Laes Goodey and Rose, Disabilities in Roman Antiquity: Disparate Bodies (2013) 222
fortuna Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 67
gabbara Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 213
gegania Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 67
goths, sack rome Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 213
hadrian Laes Goodey and Rose, Disabilities in Roman Antiquity: Disparate Bodies (2013) 222
head Laes Goodey and Rose, Disabilities in Roman Antiquity: Disparate Bodies (2013) 219
hermaphrodite Laes Goodey and Rose, Disabilities in Roman Antiquity: Disparate Bodies (2013) 222
hortensius hortalus, q. Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 213
house, access to Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 67
human Laes Goodey and Rose, Disabilities in Roman Antiquity: Disparate Bodies (2013) 219
humour Laes Goodey and Rose, Disabilities in Roman Antiquity: Disparate Bodies (2013) 222
identity, construction of Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 68
julia Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 66, 213
julius caesar, c., and the civil war Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 67
julius caesar, c., and the gallic war Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 67
julius caesar, c. Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 67
liberalitas Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 66
libraries, of apellicon the teian Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 67
libraries Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 67
licinius lucullus, l. Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 67
liternum Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 213
livy, as tourist attraction Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 213
luxury, attitudes towards Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 68
luxury Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 68
lysippus, his hercules epitrapezios Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 66
mamurra Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 68
manius maximus Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 213
martial, on snobbery Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 68
martial Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 66
mentor Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 67
monster, human monstrosities Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 213
monster Laes Goodey and Rose, Disabilities in Roman Antiquity: Disparate Bodies (2013) 219, 222
nero Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 213
objects, and power Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 68
objects, their public versus private context Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 68
periander of corinth Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 66
petronius, and trimalchio as collector Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 68
pietas Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 66
pliny the elder, on connoisseurship Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 68
polyclitus Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 68
pomponius secundus, p. Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 67
proplasmata Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 68
rome, horti sallustiani Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 213
rome, pusio and secundilla displayed in Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 213
sallust, on luxury Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 68
sempronius gracchus, ti. Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 67
semproniusgracchus, c. Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 67
slave Laes Goodey and Rose, Disabilities in Roman Antiquity: Disparate Bodies (2013) 222
speech impairment' Laes Goodey and Rose, Disabilities in Roman Antiquity: Disparate Bodies (2013) 222
tacitus, on luxury Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 68
tarpeia Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 67
theophrastus Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 67
trees, citrus wood Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 67
trimalchio, on corinthian bronze Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 68
tullius, m. Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 213
tullius cicero, m., his letters collected Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 67
tyrannion the grammarian Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 67
vatinius Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 213
vergil, his letters collected Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 67
vipsanius agrippa, m., purchases paintings from the cyzicans Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 67