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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



9458
Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 7.20


nanVarro in his account of cases of remarkable strength records that one Tritanus, famous in the gladiatorial exercise with the Samnite equipment, was slightly built but of exceptional strength, and that his son, a soldier of Pompey the Great, had a chequered crisscross of sinews all over his body, even in his arms and hands; and moreover that once he challenged one of the enemy to single combat, defeated him without a weapon in his hand, and finally took hold of him with a single finger and carried him off to the camp. Vinnius Valens served as captain in the Imperial Guard of the late lamented Augustus; he was in the habit of holding carts laden with wine-sacks up in the air until they were emptied, and of catching hold of wagons with one hand and stopping them by throwing his weight against the efforts of the teams drawing them, and doing other marvellous exploits which can be seen carved on his monument. Marcus Varro likewise states: 'Rusticelius, who was nicknamed Hercules, used to lift his mule; Fufius Salvius used to walk up a ladder with two hundred pound weights fastened to his feet, the same weights in his hands and two two-hundred-pound weights on his shoulders.' We also saw a man named Athanatus, who was capable of a miraculous display: he walked across the stage wearing a leaden breast-plate weighing 500 pounds and shod in boots of 500 pounds' weight. When the athlete Milo took a firm stand, no one could make him shift his footing, and when he was holding an apple no one could make him straighten out a finger., Phidippides's running the 130 miles from Athens to Sparta in two days was a mighty feat, until the Spartan runner Anystis and Alexander the Great's courier Philonides ran the 148 miles from Sikyon to Elis in a day. At the present day indeed we are aware that some men can last out 128 miles in the circus, and that recently in the consulship of Fonteius and Vipstanus a boy of 8 ran 68 miles between noon and evening. The marvellous nature of this feat will only get across to us in full measure if we reflect that Tiberius Nero completed by carriage the longest twenty-four hours' journey on record when hastening to Germany to his brother Drusus who was ill: this measured 182 miles.


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

17 results
1. Homer, Odyssey, 21.295-21.304 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)

2. Cicero, In Verrem, 2.1.58, 2.4.73, 2.4.135, 2.5.127 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

3. Varro, On The Latin Language, 5.66 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

4. Livy, History, 1.57 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

5. Livy, Per., 51 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

6. Lucretius Carus, On The Nature of Things, 6.1-6.6 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

7. Ovid, Fasti, 6.213-6.218 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

6.213. I asked whether I should assign the Nones to Sancus 6.214. Or Fidius, or you Father Semo: Sancus answered me: 6.215. ‘Whichever you assign it to, the honour’s mine: 6.216. I bear all three names: so Cures willed it.’ 6.217. The Sabines of old granted him a shrine accordingly 6.218. And established it on the Quirinal Hill.
8. Vergil, Georgics, 1.14-1.15, 1.33, 1.229, 2.1-2.3, 2.103-2.108, 2.113, 2.143-2.144, 2.275, 2.278-2.279, 2.370, 2.380-2.396, 2.455, 3.115-3.117, 3.266-3.268, 3.509-3.514, 3.549-3.550 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

1.14. And Dryad-maids together; your gifts I sing. 1.15. And thou, for whose delight the war-horse first 1.33. Whether to watch o'er cities be thy will 1.229. Lest weeds arise, or dust a passage win 2.1. Thus far the tilth of fields and stars of heaven; 2.2. Now will I sing thee, Bacchus, and, with thee 2.3. The forest's young plantations and the fruit 2.103. Wherein from some strange tree a germ they pen 2.104. And to the moist rind bid it cleave and grow. 2.105. Or, otherwise, in knotless trunks is hewn 2.106. A breach, and deep into the solid grain 2.107. A path with wedges cloven; then fruitful slip 2.108. Are set herein, and—no long time—behold! 2.113. of Ida; nor of self-same fashion spring 2.143. Not that all soils can all things bear alike. 2.144. Willows by water-courses have their birth 2.275. So rife with serpent-dainties, or that yield 2.278. Drinks moisture up and casts it forth at will 2.279. Which, ever in its own green grass arrayed 2.370. The tree that props it, aesculus in chief 2.380. Nor midst the vines plant hazel; neither take 2.381. The topmost shoots for cuttings, nor from the top 2.382. of the supporting tree your suckers tear; 2.383. So deep their love of earth; nor wound the plant 2.384. With blunted blade; nor truncheons intersperse 2.385. of the wild olive: for oft from careless swain 2.386. A spark hath fallen, that, 'neath the unctuous rind 2.387. Hid thief-like first, now grips the tough tree-bole 2.388. And mounting to the leaves on high, sends forth 2.389. A roar to heaven, then coursing through the bough 2.390. And airy summits reigns victoriously 2.391. Wraps all the grove in robes of fire, and gro 2.392. With pitch-black vapour heaves the murky reek 2.393. Skyward, but chiefly if a storm has swooped 2.394. Down on the forest, and a driving wind 2.395. Rolls up the conflagration. When 'tis so 2.396. Their root-force fails them, nor, when lopped away 2.455. From story up to story. 3.115. The heights of 3.116. Even him, when sore disease or sluggish eld 3.117. Now saps his strength, pen fast at home, and spare 3.266. With her sweet charms can lovers proud compel 3.267. To battle for the conquest horn to horn. 3.268. In Sila's forest feeds the heifer fair 3.509. His midmost coils and final sweep of tail 3.510. Relaxing, the last fold drags lingering spires. 3.511. Then that vile worm that in Calabrian glade 3.512. Uprears his breast, and wreathes a scaly back 3.513. His length of belly pied with mighty spots— 3.514. While from their founts gush any streams, while yet 3.549. Aye, and when inward to the bleater's bone 3.550. The pain hath sunk and rages, and their limb
9. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 7.6, 7.8-7.11, 7.15-7.19, 7.21-7.24, 8.194, 28.34, 31.12, 31.51, 36.32 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

10. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

11. Plutarch, Pyrrhus, 3.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

12. Suetonius, Augustus, 73 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

13. Gellius, Attic Nights, 9.4.1-9.4.5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

14. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 2.11 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

2.11. To Arrianus. I know you are always delighted when the senate behaves in a way befitting its rank, for though your love of peace and quiet has caused you to withdraw from Rome, your anxiety that public life should be kept at a high level is as strong as it ever was. So let me tell you what has been going on during the last few days. The proceedings are memorable owing to the commanding position of the person most concerned; they will have a healthy influence because of the sharp lesson that has been administered; and the importance of the case will make them famous for all time. Marius Priscus, on being accused by the people of Africa, whom he had governed as proconsul, declined to defend himself before the senate and asked to have judges assigned to hear the case. * Cornelius Tacitus and myself were instructed to appear for the provincials, and we came to the conclusion that we were bound in honesty to our clients to notify the senate that the charges of inhumanity and cruelty brought against Priscus were too serious to be heard by a panel of judges, inasmuch as he was accused of having received bribes to condemn and even put to death innocent persons. Fronto Catius spoke in reply, and urged that the prosecution should be confined within the law dealing with extortion Well, the witnesses who were summoned came to Rome, viz., Vitellius Honoratus and Flavius Martianus. Honoratus was charged with having bribed Priscus to the tune of three hundred thousand sesterces to exile a Roman knight and put seven of his friends to death; Martianus was accused of having given Priscus seven hundred thousand sesterces to sentence a single Roman knight to still more grievous punishment, for he was beaten with rods, condemned to the mines, and then strangled in prison. Honoratus - luckily for him - escaped the investigation of the senate by dying; Martianus was brought before them when Priscus was not present. Consequently Tuccius Cerealis, a man of consular rank, pleaded senatorial privileges and demanded that Priscus should be informed of the attendance of Martianus, either because he thought that Priscus by being present would have a better chance of awakening the compassion of the senate or to increase the feeling against him, or possibly, and I think this was his real motive, because strict justice demanded that both should defend themselves against a charge that affected them both, and that both should be punished if they could not rebut the accusation. The subject was postponed to the next meeting of the senate, and a very august assembly it was. The Emperor presided in his capacity as consul; besides, the month of January brings crowds of people to Rome and especially senators, † and moreover the importance of the case, the great notoriety it had obtained, which had been increased by the delays that had taken place, and the ingrained curiosity of all men to get to know all the details of an unusually important matter, had made everybody flock to Rome from all quarters. You can imagine how nervous and anxious we were in having to speak in such a gathering and in the presence of the Emperor on such an important case. It was not the first time that I had pleaded in the senate, and there is nowhere where I get a more sympathetic hearing, but then the novelty of the whole position seemed to afflict me with a feeling of nervousness I had never felt before. For in addition to all that I have mentioned above I kept thinking of the difficulties of the case and was oppressed by the feeling that Priscus, the defendant, had once held consular rank and been one of the seven regulators of the sacred feasts, and was now deprived of both these dignities. † So I found it a very trying task to accuse a man on whom sentence had already been passed, for though the shocking offences with which he was charged weighed heavily against him, he yet was protected to a certain extent by the commiseration felt for a man already condemned to punishment that one might have thought final. However, as soon as I had pulled myself together and collected my thoughts, I began my address, and though I was nervous I was on the best of terms with my audience. I spoke for nearly five hours, for, in addition to the twelve water-clocks - the largest I could get - which had been assigned to me, I obtained four others. And, as matters turned out, everything that I thought before speaking would have proved an obstacle in the way of a good speech really helped me during my address. As for the Emperor, he showed me such kind attention and consideration - for it would be too much to call it anxiety on my behalf - that he frequently nodded to my freedman, who was standing just behind me, to give me a hint not to overtax my voice and lungs, when he thought that I was throwing myself too ardently into my pleading and imposing too great a burden on my slender frame. Claudius Marcellinus answered me on behalf of Martianus, and then the senate was dismissed and met again on the following day. For there was no time to begin a fresh speech, as it would have had to be broken off by the fall of night. On the following day, Salvius Liberalis, a man of shrewd wit, careful in the arrangement of his speeches, with a pointed style and a fund of learning, spoke for Marius, and in his speech he certainly brought out all he knew. Cornelius Tacitus replied to him in a wonderfully eloquent address, characterised by that lofty dignity which is the chief charm of his oratory. Then Fronto Catius made another excellent speech on Marius's behalf, and he spent more time in appeals for mercy than in rebutting evidence, as befitted the part of the case that he had then to deal with. The fall of night terminated his speech but did not break it off altogether, and so the proceedings lasted over into the third day. This was quite fine and just like it used to be for the senate to be interrupted by nightfall, and for the members to be called and sit for three days running. Cornutus Tertullus, the consul-designate, a man of high character and a devoted champion of justice, gave as his opinion that the seven hundred thousand sesterces which Marius had received should be confiscated to the Treasury, that Marius should be banished from Rome and Italy, and that Martianus should be banished from Rome, Italy, and Africa. Towards the conclusion of his speech he added the remark that the senate considered that, since Tacitus and myself, who had been summoned to plead for the provincials, had fulfilled our duties with diligence and fearlessness, we had acted in a manner worthy of the commission entrusted to us. The consuls-designate agreed, and all the consulars did likewise, until it was Pompeius Collega's turn to speak. He proposed that the seven hundred thousand sesterces received by Marius should be confiscated to the Treasury, that Martianus should be banished ‡ for five years, and that Marius should suffer no further penalty than that for extortion - which had already been passed upon him. Opinion was largely divided, and there was possibly a majority in favour of the latter proposal, which was the more lenient or less severe of the two, for even some of those who appeared to have supported Cornutus changed sides and were ready to vote for Collega, who had spoken after them. But when the House divided, those who stood near the seats of the consuls began to cross over to the side of Cornutus. Then those who were allowing themselves to be counted as supporters of Collega also crossed over, and Collega was left with a mere handful. He complained bitterly afterwards of those who had led him to make the proposal he did, especially of Regulus, who had failed to support him in the proposal that he himself had suggested. But Regulus is a fickle fellow, rash to a degree, yet a great coward as well. Such was the close of this most important investigation; but there is still another bit of public business on hand of some consequence, for Hostilius Firminus, the legate of Marius Priscus, who was implicated in the matter, had received a very rough handling. It was proved by the accounts of Martianus and a speech he made in the Council of the Town of Leptis that he had engaged with Priscus in a very shady transaction, that he had bargained to receive from Martianus 50,000 denarii and had received in addition ten million sesterces under the head of perfume money - a most disgraceful thing for a soldier, but one which was not at all inconsistent with his character as a man with well-trimmed hair and polished skin. It was agreed on the motion of Cornutus that the case should be investigated at the next meeting of the senate, but at that meeting he did not put in an appearance, either from some accidental reason or because he knew he was guilty. Well, I have told you the news of Rome, you must write and tell me the news of the country. How are your shrubs getting on, your vines and your crops, and those dainty sheep of yours? In short, unless you send me as long a letter I am sending you, you mustn't expect anything more than the scrappiest note from me in the future. Farewell.
15. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 2.11 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

2.11. To Arrianus. I know you are always delighted when the senate behaves in a way befitting its rank, for though your love of peace and quiet has caused you to withdraw from Rome, your anxiety that public life should be kept at a high level is as strong as it ever was. So let me tell you what has been going on during the last few days. The proceedings are memorable owing to the commanding position of the person most concerned; they will have a healthy influence because of the sharp lesson that has been administered; and the importance of the case will make them famous for all time. Marius Priscus, on being accused by the people of Africa, whom he had governed as proconsul, declined to defend himself before the senate and asked to have judges assigned to hear the case. * Cornelius Tacitus and myself were instructed to appear for the provincials, and we came to the conclusion that we were bound in honesty to our clients to notify the senate that the charges of inhumanity and cruelty brought against Priscus were too serious to be heard by a panel of judges, inasmuch as he was accused of having received bribes to condemn and even put to death innocent persons. Fronto Catius spoke in reply, and urged that the prosecution should be confined within the law dealing with extortion Well, the witnesses who were summoned came to Rome, viz., Vitellius Honoratus and Flavius Martianus. Honoratus was charged with having bribed Priscus to the tune of three hundred thousand sesterces to exile a Roman knight and put seven of his friends to death; Martianus was accused of having given Priscus seven hundred thousand sesterces to sentence a single Roman knight to still more grievous punishment, for he was beaten with rods, condemned to the mines, and then strangled in prison. Honoratus - luckily for him - escaped the investigation of the senate by dying; Martianus was brought before them when Priscus was not present. Consequently Tuccius Cerealis, a man of consular rank, pleaded senatorial privileges and demanded that Priscus should be informed of the attendance of Martianus, either because he thought that Priscus by being present would have a better chance of awakening the compassion of the senate or to increase the feeling against him, or possibly, and I think this was his real motive, because strict justice demanded that both should defend themselves against a charge that affected them both, and that both should be punished if they could not rebut the accusation. The subject was postponed to the next meeting of the senate, and a very august assembly it was. The Emperor presided in his capacity as consul; besides, the month of January brings crowds of people to Rome and especially senators, † and moreover the importance of the case, the great notoriety it had obtained, which had been increased by the delays that had taken place, and the ingrained curiosity of all men to get to know all the details of an unusually important matter, had made everybody flock to Rome from all quarters. You can imagine how nervous and anxious we were in having to speak in such a gathering and in the presence of the Emperor on such an important case. It was not the first time that I had pleaded in the senate, and there is nowhere where I get a more sympathetic hearing, but then the novelty of the whole position seemed to afflict me with a feeling of nervousness I had never felt before. For in addition to all that I have mentioned above I kept thinking of the difficulties of the case and was oppressed by the feeling that Priscus, the defendant, had once held consular rank and been one of the seven regulators of the sacred feasts, and was now deprived of both these dignities. † So I found it a very trying task to accuse a man on whom sentence had already been passed, for though the shocking offences with which he was charged weighed heavily against him, he yet was protected to a certain extent by the commiseration felt for a man already condemned to punishment that one might have thought final. However, as soon as I had pulled myself together and collected my thoughts, I began my address, and though I was nervous I was on the best of terms with my audience. I spoke for nearly five hours, for, in addition to the twelve water-clocks - the largest I could get - which had been assigned to me, I obtained four others. And, as matters turned out, everything that I thought before speaking would have proved an obstacle in the way of a good speech really helped me during my address. As for the Emperor, he showed me such kind attention and consideration - for it would be too much to call it anxiety on my behalf - that he frequently nodded to my freedman, who was standing just behind me, to give me a hint not to overtax my voice and lungs, when he thought that I was throwing myself too ardently into my pleading and imposing too great a burden on my slender frame. Claudius Marcellinus answered me on behalf of Martianus, and then the senate was dismissed and met again on the following day. For there was no time to begin a fresh speech, as it would have had to be broken off by the fall of night. On the following day, Salvius Liberalis, a man of shrewd wit, careful in the arrangement of his speeches, with a pointed style and a fund of learning, spoke for Marius, and in his speech he certainly brought out all he knew. Cornelius Tacitus replied to him in a wonderfully eloquent address, characterised by that lofty dignity which is the chief charm of his oratory. Then Fronto Catius made another excellent speech on Marius's behalf, and he spent more time in appeals for mercy than in rebutting evidence, as befitted the part of the case that he had then to deal with. The fall of night terminated his speech but did not break it off altogether, and so the proceedings lasted over into the third day. This was quite fine and just like it used to be for the senate to be interrupted by nightfall, and for the members to be called and sit for three days running. Cornutus Tertullus, the consul-designate, a man of high character and a devoted champion of justice, gave as his opinion that the seven hundred thousand sesterces which Marius had received should be confiscated to the Treasury, that Marius should be banished from Rome and Italy, and that Martianus should be banished from Rome, Italy, and Africa. Towards the conclusion of his speech he added the remark that the senate considered that, since Tacitus and myself, who had been summoned to plead for the provincials, had fulfilled our duties with diligence and fearlessness, we had acted in a manner worthy of the commission entrusted to us. The consuls-designate agreed, and all the consulars did likewise, until it was Pompeius Collega's turn to speak. He proposed that the seven hundred thousand sesterces received by Marius should be confiscated to the Treasury, that Martianus should be banished ‡ for five years, and that Marius should suffer no further penalty than that for extortion - which had already been passed upon him. Opinion was largely divided, and there was possibly a majority in favour of the latter proposal, which was the more lenient or less severe of the two, for even some of those who appeared to have supported Cornutus changed sides and were ready to vote for Collega, who had spoken after them. But when the House divided, those who stood near the seats of the consuls began to cross over to the side of Cornutus. Then those who were allowing themselves to be counted as supporters of Collega also crossed over, and Collega was left with a mere handful. He complained bitterly afterwards of those who had led him to make the proposal he did, especially of Regulus, who had failed to support him in the proposal that he himself had suggested. But Regulus is a fickle fellow, rash to a degree, yet a great coward as well. Such was the close of this most important investigation; but there is still another bit of public business on hand of some consequence, for Hostilius Firminus, the legate of Marius Priscus, who was implicated in the matter, had received a very rough handling. It was proved by the accounts of Martianus and a speech he made in the Council of the Town of Leptis that he had engaged with Priscus in a very shady transaction, that he had bargained to receive from Martianus 50,000 denarii and had received in addition ten million sesterces under the head of perfume money - a most disgraceful thing for a soldier, but one which was not at all inconsistent with his character as a man with well-trimmed hair and polished skin. It was agreed on the motion of Cornutus that the case should be investigated at the next meeting of the senate, but at that meeting he did not put in an appearance, either from some accidental reason or because he knew he was guilty. Well, I have told you the news of Rome, you must write and tell me the news of the country. How are your shrubs getting on, your vines and your crops, and those dainty sheep of yours? In short, unless you send me as long a letter I am sending you, you mustn't expect anything more than the scrappiest note from me in the future. Farewell.
16. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 3.15.8 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)

17. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 3.15.8 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)



Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
accident Laes Goodey and Rose, Disabilities in Roman Antiquity: Disparate Bodies (2013) 218
africa Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 53
alexander the great, and the alexander mosaic Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 53
amazons Laes Goodey and Rose, Disabilities in Roman Antiquity: Disparate Bodies (2013) 218
androgynous Laes Goodey and Rose, Disabilities in Roman Antiquity: Disparate Bodies (2013) 218
antipodes Laes Goodey and Rose, Disabilities in Roman Antiquity: Disparate Bodies (2013) 218
aristaeus Gale, Virgil on the Nature of Things: The Georgics, Lucretius and the Didactic Tradition (2000) 73
astomi Laes Goodey and Rose, Disabilities in Roman Antiquity: Disparate Bodies (2013) 218
athens Gale, Virgil on the Nature of Things: The Georgics, Lucretius and the Didactic Tradition (2000) 73
augustus, wears home spun garments Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 174
bacchus Gale, Virgil on the Nature of Things: The Georgics, Lucretius and the Didactic Tradition (2000) 73
birth Laes Goodey and Rose, Disabilities in Roman Antiquity: Disparate Bodies (2013) 218
blemmyae Laes Goodey and Rose, Disabilities in Roman Antiquity: Disparate Bodies (2013) 218
caecilia, gaia Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 174
carthage, and restoration of cultural property Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 53
centaurs Gale, Virgil on the Nature of Things: The Georgics, Lucretius and the Didactic Tradition (2000) 73; Laes Goodey and Rose, Disabilities in Roman Antiquity: Disparate Bodies (2013) 218
chiron Gale, Virgil on the Nature of Things: The Georgics, Lucretius and the Didactic Tradition (2000) 73
cornelius scipio aemilianus, p., repatriates art works to sicily Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 53
cynocephali Laes Goodey and Rose, Disabilities in Roman Antiquity: Disparate Bodies (2013) 218
dominus et deus, and the forum transitorium Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 174
domitian Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 174
eratosthenes Gale, Virgil on the Nature of Things: The Georgics, Lucretius and the Didactic Tradition (2000) 73
gellius Lightfoot, Wonder and the Marvellous from Homer to the Hellenistic World (2021) 221
giants, glaucus, mares of Gale, Virgil on the Nature of Things: The Georgics, Lucretius and the Didactic Tradition (2000) 73
gods, in the georgics Gale, Virgil on the Nature of Things: The Georgics, Lucretius and the Didactic Tradition (2000) 73
head Laes Goodey and Rose, Disabilities in Roman Antiquity: Disparate Bodies (2013) 218
horses Gale, Virgil on the Nature of Things: The Georgics, Lucretius and the Didactic Tradition (2000) 73
human Laes Goodey and Rose, Disabilities in Roman Antiquity: Disparate Bodies (2013) 218
lapiths Gale, Virgil on the Nature of Things: The Georgics, Lucretius and the Didactic Tradition (2000) 73
laudes italiae Gale, Virgil on the Nature of Things: The Georgics, Lucretius and the Didactic Tradition (2000) 73
lucretia Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 174
marius priscus Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 53
melampus Gale, Virgil on the Nature of Things: The Georgics, Lucretius and the Didactic Tradition (2000) 73
minerva, and arachne Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 174
mirabilia Lightfoot, Wonder and the Marvellous from Homer to the Hellenistic World (2021) 221
monophthalmi/monophthalmia Laes Goodey and Rose, Disabilities in Roman Antiquity: Disparate Bodies (2013) 218
monster Laes Goodey and Rose, Disabilities in Roman Antiquity: Disparate Bodies (2013) 218
nerva Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 174
objects, repatriation of Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 53
old age Laes Goodey and Rose, Disabilities in Roman Antiquity: Disparate Bodies (2013) 218
pliny the elder Lightfoot, Wonder and the Marvellous from Homer to the Hellenistic World (2021) 221
preference for realism, on scipios restoration of property Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 53
prosecutes marius priscus Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 53
pygmies Laes Goodey and Rose, Disabilities in Roman Antiquity: Disparate Bodies (2013) 218
pyrrhus, healing powers of Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 53, 174
rome, forum of nerva Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 174
rome, temple of divus augustus, victoria in Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 53
rome, temple of fortuna seiani Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 174
rome, temple of semo sancus Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 174
rome Lightfoot, Wonder and the Marvellous from Homer to the Hellenistic World (2021) 221
rüpke, j., sabines Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 174
sciapodes Laes Goodey and Rose, Disabilities in Roman Antiquity: Disparate Bodies (2013) 218
servius tullius, robe of Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 174
sicily, cultural property restored to Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 53
simulacrum versus signum, of women Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 174
sirens Laes Goodey and Rose, Disabilities in Roman Antiquity: Disparate Bodies (2013) 218
statuary, miraculous properties of Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 174
tacitus Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 53
tarquin the proud Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 174
tarquinius priscus Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 174
tullius cicero, m., on scipio aemilianus Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 53
verres, c., looting of sicily Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 53
vines Gale, Virgil on the Nature of Things: The Georgics, Lucretius and the Didactic Tradition (2000) 73
vision' Laes Goodey and Rose, Disabilities in Roman Antiquity: Disparate Bodies (2013) 218
vituperatio vitis Gale, Virgil on the Nature of Things: The Georgics, Lucretius and the Didactic Tradition (2000) 73
wine Gale, Virgil on the Nature of Things: The Georgics, Lucretius and the Didactic Tradition (2000) 73
women, idealized values and Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 174
women Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 174