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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



9314
Philostratus The Athenian, Lives Of The Sophists, 2.9


̓Αριστείδην δὲ τὸν εἴτε Εὐδαίμονος εἴτε Εὐδαίμονα ̓Αδριανοὶ μὲν ἤνεγκαν, οἱ δὲ ̓Αδριανοὶ πόλις οὐ μεγάλη ἐν Μυσοῖς, ̓Αθῆναι δὲ ἤσκησαν κατὰ τὴν ̔Ηρώδου ἀκμὴν καὶ τὸ ἐν τῇ ̓Ασίᾳ Πέργαμον κατὰ τὴν ̓Αριστοκλέους γλῶτταν. νοσώδης δὲ ἐκ μειρακίου γενόμενος οὐκ ἠμέλησε τοῦ πονεῖν. τὴν μὲν οὖν ἰδέαν τῆς νόσου καὶ ὅτι τὰ νεῦρα αὐτῷ ἐπεφρίκει, ἐν ̔Ιεροῖς βιβλίοις αὐτὸς φράζει, τὰ δὲ βιβλία ταῦτα ἐφημερίδων ἐπέχει τινὰ αὐτῷ λόγον, αἱ δὲ ἐφημερίδες ἀγαθαὶ διδάσκαλοι τοῦ περὶ παντὸς εὖ διαλέγεσθαι. ἐπὶ δὲ τὸ σχεδιάζειν μὴ ἑπομένης αὐτῷ τῆς φύσεως ἀκριβείας ἐπεμελήθη καὶ πρὸς τοὺς παλαιοὺς ἐβλεψεν ἱκανῶς τε τῷ γονίμῳ ἴσχυσε κουφολογίαν ἐξελὼν τοῦ λόγου. ἀποδημίαι δὲ ̓Αριστείδου οὐ πολλαί, οὔτε γὰρ ἐς χάριν τῶν πολλῶν διελέγετο οὔτε ἐκράτει χολῆς ἐπὶ τοὺς μὴ ξὺν ἐπαίνῳ ἀκροωμένους, ἃ δέ γε ἐπῆλθεν ἔθνη, ̓Ιταλοί τέ εἰσι καὶ ̔Ελλὰς καὶ ἡ πρὸς τῷ Δέλτα κατῳκημένη Αἴγυπτος, οἳ χαλκοῦν ἔστησαν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τῆς κατὰ τὴν Σμύρναν ἀγορᾶς. οἰκιστὴν δὲ καὶ τὸν ̓Αριστείδην τῆς Σμύρνης εἰπεῖν οὐκ ἀλαζὼν ἔπαινος, ἀλλὰ δικαιότατός τε καὶ ἀληθέστατος: τὴν γὰρ πόλιν ταύτην ἀφανισθεῖσαν ὑπὸ σεισμῶν τε καὶ χασμάτων οὕτω τι ὠλοφύρατο πρὸς τὸν Μάρκον, ὡς τῇ μὲν ἄλλῃ μονῳδίᾳ θαμὰ ἐπιστενάξαι τὸν βασιλέα, ἐπὶ δὲ τῷ “ζέφυροι δὲ ἐρήμην καταπνέουσι” καὶ δάκρυα τῷ βιβλίῳ ἐπιστάξαι τὸν βασιλέα ξυνοικίαν τε τῇ πόλει ἐκ τῶν τοῦ ̓Αριστείδου ἐνδοσίμων νεῦσαι. ἐτύγχανε δὲ καὶ ξυγγεγονὼς ἤδη τῷ Μάρκῳ ὁ ̓Αριστείδης ἐν ̓Ιωνίᾳ, ὡς γὰρ τοῦ ̓Εφεσίου Δαμιανοῦ ἤκουον, ἐπεδήμει μὲν ὁ αὐτοκράτωρ ἤδη τῇ Σμύρνῃ τρίτην ἡμέραν, τὸν δὲ ̓Αριστείδην οὔπω γιγνώσκων ἤρετο τοὺς Κυντιλίους, μὴ ἐν τῷ τῶν ἀσπαζομένων ὁμίλῳ παρεωραμένος αὐτῷ ὁ ἀνὴρ εἴη, οἱ δὲ οὐδὲ αὐτοὶ ἔφασαν ἑωρακέναι αὐτόν, οὐ γὰρ ἂν παρεῖναι τὸ μὴ οὐ ξυστῆσαι, καὶ ἀφίκοντο τῆς ὑστεραίας τὸν ̓Αριστείδην ἄμφω δορυφοροῦντες. προσειπὼν δὲ αὐτὸν ὁ αὐτοκράτωρ “διὰ τί σε” ἔφη “βραδέως εἴδομεν”; καὶ ὁ ̓Αριστείδης “θεώρημα”, ἔφη “ὦ βασιλεῦ, ἠσχόλει, γνώμη δὲ θεωροῦσά τι μὴ ἀποκρεμαννύσθω οὗ ζητεῖ.” ὑπερησθεὶς δὲ ὁ αὐτοκράτωρ τῷ ἤθει τἀνδρὸς ὡς ἁπλοικωτάτῳ τε καὶ σχολικωτάτῳ “πότε” ἔφη “ἀκροάσομαί σου”; καὶ ὁ ̓Αριστείδης “τήμερον” εἶπεν “πρόβαλε καὶ αὔριον ἀκροῶ: οὐ γὰρ ἐσμὲν τῶν ἐμούντων, ἀλλὰ τῶν ἀκριβούντων. ἐξέστω δέ, ὦ βασιλεῦ, καὶ τοὺς γνωρίμους παρεῖναι τῇ ἀκροάσει.” “ἐξέστω” ἦ δ' ὁ Μάρκος, “δημοτικὸν γάρ.” εἰπόντος δὲ τοῦ ̓Αριστείδου “δεδόσθω δὲ αὐτοῖς, ὦ βασιλεῦ, καὶ βοᾶν καὶ κροτεῖν, ὁπόσον δύνανται”, μειδιάσας ὁ αὐτοκράτωρ “τοῦτο” ἔφη “ἐπὶ σοὶ κεῖται.” οὐκ ἔγραψα τὴν μελετηθεῖσαν ὑπόθεσιν, ἐπειδὴ ἄλλοι ἄλλην φασίν, ἐκεῖνό γε μὴν πρὸς πάντων ὁμολογεῖται, τὸν ̓Αριστείδην ἀρίστῃ φορᾷ ἐπὶ τοῦ Μάρκου χρήσασθαι πόρρωθεν τῇ Σμύρνῃ ἑτοιμαζούσης τῆς τύχης τὸ δι' ἀνδρὸς τοιούτου δὴ ἀνοικισθῆναι. καὶ οὐ φημὶ ταῦτα, ὡς οὐχὶ καὶ τοῦ βασιλέως ἀνοικίσαντος ἂν ἀπολωλυῖαν πόλιν, ἣν οὖσαν ἐθαύμασεν, ἀλλ' ὅτι αἱ βασίλειοί τε καὶ θεσπέσιοι φύσεις, ἢν προσεγείρῃ αὐτὰς ξυμβουλία καὶ λόγος, ἀναλάμπουσι μᾶλλον καὶ πρὸς τὸ ποιεῖν εὖ ξὺν ὁρμῇ φέρονται. Δαμιανοῦ κἀκεῖνα ἤκουον, τὸν σοφιστὴν τοῦτον διαβάλλειν μὲν τοὺς αὐτοσχεδίους ἐν ταῖς διαλέξεσι, θαυμάζειν δὲ οὕτω τὸ σχεδιάζειν, ὡς καὶ ἰδίᾳ ἐκπονεῖν αὐτὸ ἐν δωματίῳ ἑαυτόν καθειργνύντα, ἐξεπόνει δὲ κῶλον ἐκ κώλου καὶ νόημα ἐκ νοήματος ἐπανακυκλῶν. τουτὶ δὲ ἡγώμεθα μασωμένου μᾶλλον ἢ ἐσθίοντος, αὐτοσχέδιος γὰρ γλώττης εὐροούσης ἀγώνισμα. κατηγοροῦσι δὲ τοῦ ̓Αριστείδου τινὲς ὡς εὐτελὲς εἰπόντος προοίμιον ἐπὶ τῶν μισθοφόρων τῶν ἀπαιτουμένων τὴν γῆν, ἄρξασθαι γὰρ δὴ αὐτὸν τῆς ὑποθέσεως ταύτης ὧδε: “οὐ παύσονται οὗτοι οἱ ἄνθρωποι παρέχοντες ἡμῖν πράγματα.” λαμβάνονται δέ τινες καὶ ἀκμῆς τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἐπὶ τοῦ παραιτουμένου τὸν τειχισμὸν τῆς Λακεδαίμονος, εἴρηται δὲ ὧδε: “μὴ γὰρ δὴ ἐν τείχει ἐπιπτήξαιμεν ὀρτύγων ἀναψάμενοι φύσιν.” λαμβάνονται καὶ παροιμίας ὡς ταπεινῶς προσερριμμένης, ἐπιδιαβάλλων γὰρ τὸν ̓Αλέξανδρον ὡς πατρῴζοντα τὴν ἐν τοῖς πράγμασι δεινότητα τοῦ πατρὸς ἔφη τὸ παιδίον εἶναι. οἱ αὐτοὶ κατηγοροῦσι καὶ σκώμματος, ἐπειδὴ τοὺς ̓Αριμασποὺς τοὺς μονομμάτους ἔφη ξυγγενεῖς εἶναι τοῦ Φιλίππου, ὥσπερ τοῦ Δημοσθένους ἀπολελογημένου τοῖς ̔́Ελλησιν ὑπὲρ τοῦ τραγικοῦ πιθήκου καὶ τοῦ ἀρουραίου Οἰνομάου. ἀλλὰ μὴ ἐκ τούτων τὸν ̓Αριστείδην, δηλούτω δὲ αὐτὸν ὅ τε ̓Ισοκράτης ὁ τοὺς ̓Αθηναίους ἐξάγων τῆς θαλάττης καὶ ὁ ἐπιτιμῶν τῷ Καλλιξείνῳ ἐπὶ τῷ μὴ θάπτειν τοὺς δέκα καὶ οἱ βουλευόμενοι περὶ τῶν ἐν Σικελίᾳ καὶ ὁ μὴ λαβὼν Αἰσχίνης παρὰ τοῦ Κερσοβλέπτου τὸν σῖτον καὶ οἱ παραιτούμενοι τὰς σπονδὰς μετὰ τὸ κτεῖναι τὰ γένη, ἐν ᾗ μάλιστα ὑποθέσεων ἀναδιδάσκει ἡμᾶς, πῶς ἄν τις ἀσφαλῶς κεκινδυνευμένας τε καὶ τραγικὰς ἐννοίας μεταχειρίσαιτο. καὶ πλείους ἑτέρας ὑποθέσεις οἶδα εὐπαιδευσίαν ἐνδεικνυμένας τοῦ ἀνδρὸς τούτου καὶ ἰσχὺν καὶ ἦθος, ἀφ' ὧν μᾶλλον αὐτὸν θεωρητέον, ἢ εἰ που καὶ παρέπτυσέ τι ἐς φιλοτιμίαν ἐκπεσών. καὶ τεχνικώτατος δὲ σοφιστῶν ὁ ̓Αριστείδης ἐγένετο καὶ πολὺς ἐν θεωρήμασι, ὅθεν καὶ τοῦ σχεδιάζειν ἀπηνέχθη, τὸ γὰρ κατὰ θεωρίαν βούλεσθαι προάγειν πάντα ἀσχολεῖ τὴν γνώμην καὶ ἀπαλλάττει τοῦ ἑτοίμου. ἀποθανεῖν δὲ τὸν ̓Αριστείδην οἱ μὲν οἴκοι γράφουσιν, οἱ δὲ ἐν ̓Ιωνίᾳ ἔτη βιώσαντα οἱ μὲν ἑξήκοντά φασιν, οἱ δὲ ἀγχοῦ τῶν ἑβδομήκοντα.Now the Hellenes disagree with the Indians, and the Indians among themselves, concerning this Dionysus. For we declare that the Theban Dionysus made an expedition to India in the role both of soldier and of reveler, and we base our arguments, among other things, on the offering at Delphi, which is secreted in the treasuries there. And it is a disk of silver bearing the inscription: Dionysus the son of Semele and of Zeus, from the men of India to the Apollo of Delphi. But the Indians who dwell in the Caucasus and along the river Cophen say that he was an Assyrian visitor when he came to them, who knew the religious rites of the Theban. But those who inhabit the district between the Indus and the Hydraotes and the continental region beyond, which ends at the river Ganges, declare that Dionysus was son of the river Indus, and that the Dionysus of Thebes having become his disciple adopted the thyrsus and devoted himself to the orgies; that this Dionysus on saying that he was the son of Zeus and had lived safe inside his father's thigh until he was born, gained from this Dionysus a mountain called Merus or Thigh on which Nysa borders, and planted Nysa in honor ofDionysus with the vine of which he had brought the suckers from Thebes; and that it was there that Alexander held his orgies. But the inhabitants of Nysa deny that Alexander ever went up the mountain, although he was eager to do so, being an ambitious person and fond of old-world things; but he was afraid lest his Macedonians, if they got among vines, which they had not seen for a long time, would fall into a fit of home-sickness or recover their taste for wine, after they had become accustomed to water only. So they say he passed by Nysa, making his vow to Dionysus, and sacrificing at the foot of the mountain. Well I know that some people will take amiss what I write, because the companions of Alexander on his campaigns did not write down the truth in reporting this, but I at any rate insist upon the truth, and hold that, if they had respected it more, they would never have deprived Alexander of the praise due to him in this matter; for, in my opinion, it was a greater thing that he never went up, in order to maintain the sobriety of his army, than that he should have ascended the mountain and have himself held a revel there, which is what they tell you.


̓Αριστείδην δὲ τὸν εἴτε Εὐδαίμονος εἴτε Εὐδαίμονα ̓Αδριανοὶ μὲν ἤνεγκαν, οἱ δὲ ̓Αδριανοὶ πόλις οὐ μεγάλη ἐν Μυσοῖς, ̓Αθῆναι δὲ ἤσκησαν κατὰ τὴν ̔Ηρώδου ἀκμὴν καὶ τὸ ἐν τῇ ̓Ασίᾳ Πέργαμον κατὰ τὴν ̓Αριστοκλέους γλῶτταν. νοσώδης δὲ ἐκ μειρακίου γενόμενος οὐκ ἠμέλησε τοῦ πονεῖν. τὴν μὲν οὖν ἰδέαν τῆς νόσου καὶ ὅτι τὰ νεῦρα αὐτῷ ἐπεφρίκει, ἐν ̔Ιεροῖς βιβλίοις αὐτὸς φράζει, τὰ δὲ βιβλία ταῦτα ἐφημερίδων ἐπέχει τινὰ αὐτῷ λόγον, αἱ δὲ ἐφημερίδες ἀγαθαὶ διδάσκαλοι τοῦ περὶ παντὸς εὖ διαλέγεσθαι. ἐπὶ δὲ τὸ σχεδιάζειν μὴ ἑπομένης αὐτῷ τῆς φύσεως ἀκριβείας ἐπεμελήθη καὶ πρὸς τοὺς παλαιοὺς ἐβλεψεν ἱκανῶς τε τῷ γονίμῳ ἴσχυσε κουφολογίαν ἐξελὼν τοῦ λόγου. ἀποδημίαι δὲ ̓Αριστείδου οὐ πολλαί, οὔτε γὰρ ἐς χάριν τῶν πολλῶν διελέγετο οὔτε ἐκράτει χολῆς ἐπὶ τοὺς μὴ ξὺν ἐπαίνῳ ἀκροωμένους, ἃ δέ γε ἐπῆλθεν ἔθνη, ̓Ιταλοί τέ εἰσι καὶ ̔Ελλὰς καὶ ἡ πρὸς τῷ Δέλτα κατῳκημένη Αἴγυπτος, οἳ χαλκοῦν ἔστησαν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τῆς κατὰ τὴν Σμύρναν ἀγορᾶς. οἰκιστὴν δὲ καὶ τὸν ̓Αριστείδην τῆς Σμύρνης εἰπεῖν οὐκ ἀλαζὼν ἔπαινος, ἀλλὰ δικαιότατός τε καὶ ἀληθέστατος: τὴν γὰρ πόλιν ταύτην ἀφανισθεῖσαν ὑπὸ σεισμῶν τε καὶ χασμάτων οὕτω τι ὠλοφύρατο πρὸς τὸν Μάρκον, ὡς τῇ μὲν ἄλλῃ μονῳδίᾳ θαμὰ ἐπιστενάξαι τὸν βασιλέα, ἐπὶ δὲ τῷ “ζέφυροι δὲ ἐρήμην καταπνέουσι” καὶ δάκρυα τῷ βιβλίῳ ἐπιστάξαι τὸν βασιλέα ξυνοικίαν τε τῇ πόλει ἐκ τῶν τοῦ ̓Αριστείδου ἐνδοσίμων νεῦσαι. ἐτύγχανε δὲ καὶ ξυγγεγονὼς ἤδη τῷ Μάρκῳ ὁ ̓Αριστείδης ἐν ̓Ιωνίᾳ, ὡς γὰρ τοῦ ̓Εφεσίου Δαμιανοῦ ἤκουον, ἐπεδήμει μὲν ὁ αὐτοκράτωρ ἤδη τῇ Σμύρνῃ τρίτην ἡμέραν, τὸν δὲ ̓Αριστείδην οὔπω γιγνώσκων ἤρετο τοὺς Κυντιλίους, μὴ ἐν τῷ τῶν ἀσπαζομένων ὁμίλῳ παρεωραμένος αὐτῷ ὁ ἀνὴρ εἴη, οἱ δὲ οὐδὲ αὐτοὶ ἔφασαν ἑωρακέναι αὐτόν, οὐ γὰρ ἂν παρεῖναι τὸ μὴ οὐ ξυστῆσαι, καὶ ἀφίκοντο τῆς ὑστεραίας τὸν ̓Αριστείδην ἄμφω δορυφοροῦντες. προσειπὼν δὲ αὐτὸν ὁ αὐτοκράτωρ “διὰ τί σε” ἔφη “βραδέως εἴδομεν”; καὶ ὁ ̓Αριστείδης “θεώρημα”, ἔφη “ὦ βασιλεῦ, ἠσχόλει, γνώμη δὲ θεωροῦσά τι μὴ ἀποκρεμαννύσθω οὗ ζητεῖ.” ὑπερησθεὶς δὲ ὁ αὐτοκράτωρ τῷ ἤθει τἀνδρὸς ὡς ἁπλοικωτάτῳ τε καὶ σχολικωτάτῳ “πότε” ἔφη “ἀκροάσομαί σου”; καὶ ὁ ̓Αριστείδης “τήμερον” εἶπεν “πρόβαλε καὶ αὔριον ἀκροῶ: οὐ γὰρ ἐσμὲν τῶν ἐμούντων, ἀλλὰ τῶν ἀκριβούντων. ἐξέστω δέ, ὦ βασιλεῦ, καὶ τοὺς γνωρίμους παρεῖναι τῇ ἀκροάσει.” “ἐξέστω” ἦ δ' ὁ Μάρκος, “δημοτικὸν γάρ.” εἰπόντος δὲ τοῦ ̓Αριστείδου “δεδόσθω δὲ αὐτοῖς, ὦ βασιλεῦ, καὶ βοᾶν καὶ κροτεῖν, ὁπόσον δύνανται”, μειδιάσας ὁ αὐτοκράτωρ “τοῦτο” ἔφη “ἐπὶ σοὶ κεῖται.” οὐκ ἔγραψα τὴν μελετηθεῖσαν ὑπόθεσιν, ἐπειδὴ ἄλλοι ἄλλην φασίν, ἐκεῖνό γε μὴν πρὸς πάντων ὁμολογεῖται, τὸν ̓Αριστείδην ἀρίστῃ φορᾷ ἐπὶ τοῦ Μάρκου χρήσασθαι πόρρωθεν τῇ Σμύρνῃ ἑτοιμαζούσης τῆς τύχης τὸ δι' ἀνδρὸς τοιούτου δὴ ἀνοικισθῆναι. καὶ οὐ φημὶ ταῦτα, ὡς οὐχὶ καὶ τοῦ βασιλέως ἀνοικίσαντος ἂν ἀπολωλυῖαν πόλιν, ἣν οὖσαν ἐθαύμασεν, ἀλλ' ὅτι αἱ βασίλειοί τε καὶ θεσπέσιοι φύσεις, ἢν προσεγείρῃ αὐτὰς ξυμβουλία καὶ λόγος, ἀναλάμπουσι μᾶλλον καὶ πρὸς τὸ ποιεῖν εὖ ξὺν ὁρμῇ φέρονται. Δαμιανοῦ κἀκεῖνα ἤκουον, τὸν σοφιστὴν τοῦτον διαβάλλειν μὲν τοὺς αὐτοσχεδίους ἐν ταῖς διαλέξεσι, θαυμάζειν δὲ οὕτω τὸ σχεδιάζειν, ὡς καὶ ἰδίᾳ ἐκπονεῖν αὐτὸ ἐν δωματίῳ ἑαυτόν καθειργνύντα, ἐξεπόνει δὲ κῶλον ἐκ κώλου καὶ νόημα ἐκ νοήματος ἐπανακυκλῶν. τουτὶ δὲ ἡγώμεθα μασωμένου μᾶλλον ἢ ἐσθίοντος, αὐτοσχέδιος γὰρ γλώττης εὐροούσης ἀγώνισμα. κατηγοροῦσι δὲ τοῦ ̓Αριστείδου τινὲς ὡς εὐτελὲς εἰπόντος προοίμιον ἐπὶ τῶν μισθοφόρων τῶν ἀπαιτουμένων τὴν γῆν, ἄρξασθαι γὰρ δὴ αὐτὸν τῆς ὑποθέσεως ταύτης ὧδε: “οὐ παύσονται οὗτοι οἱ ἄνθρωποι παρέχοντες ἡμῖν πράγματα.” λαμβάνονται δέ τινες καὶ ἀκμῆς τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἐπὶ τοῦ παραιτουμένου τὸν τειχισμὸν τῆς Λακεδαίμονος, εἴρηται δὲ ὧδε: “μὴ γὰρ δὴ ἐν τείχει ἐπιπτήξαιμεν ὀρτύγων ἀναψάμενοι φύσιν.” λαμβάνονται καὶ παροιμίας ὡς ταπεινῶς προσερριμμένης, ἐπιδιαβάλλων γὰρ τὸν ̓Αλέξανδρον ὡς πατρῴζοντα τὴν ἐν τοῖς πράγμασι δεινότητα τοῦ πατρὸς ἔφη τὸ παιδίον εἶναι. οἱ αὐτοὶ κατηγοροῦσι καὶ σκώμματος, ἐπειδὴ τοὺς ̓Αριμασποὺς τοὺς μονομμάτους ἔφη ξυγγενεῖς εἶναι τοῦ Φιλίππου, ὥσπερ τοῦ Δημοσθένους ἀπολελογημένου τοῖς ̔́Ελλησιν ὑπὲρ τοῦ τραγικοῦ πιθήκου καὶ τοῦ ἀρουραίου Οἰνομάου. ἀλλὰ μὴ ἐκ τούτων τὸν ̓Αριστείδην, δηλούτω δὲ αὐτὸν ὅ τε ̓Ισοκράτης ὁ τοὺς ̓Αθηναίους ἐξάγων τῆς θαλάττης καὶ ὁ ἐπιτιμῶν τῷ Καλλιξείνῳ ἐπὶ τῷ μὴ θάπτειν τοὺς δέκα καὶ οἱ βουλευόμενοι περὶ τῶν ἐν Σικελίᾳ καὶ ὁ μὴ λαβὼν Αἰσχίνης παρὰ τοῦ Κερσοβλέπτου τὸν σῖτον καὶ οἱ παραιτούμενοι τὰς σπονδὰς μετὰ τὸ κτεῖναι τὰ γένη, ἐν ᾗ μάλιστα ὑποθέσεων ἀναδιδάσκει ἡμᾶς, πῶς ἄν τις ἀσφαλῶς κεκινδυνευμένας τε καὶ τραγικὰς ἐννοίας μεταχειρίσαιτο. καὶ πλείους ἑτέρας ὑποθέσεις οἶδα εὐπαιδευσίαν ἐνδεικνυμένας τοῦ ἀνδρὸς τούτου καὶ ἰσχὺν καὶ ἦθος, ἀφ' ὧν μᾶλλον αὐτὸν θεωρητέον, ἢ εἰ που καὶ παρέπτυσέ τι ἐς φιλοτιμίαν ἐκπεσών. καὶ τεχνικώτατος δὲ σοφιστῶν ὁ ̓Αριστείδης ἐγένετο καὶ πολὺς ἐν θεωρήμασι, ὅθεν καὶ τοῦ σχεδιάζειν ἀπηνέχθη, τὸ γὰρ κατὰ θεωρίαν βούλεσθαι προάγειν πάντα ἀσχολεῖ τὴν γνώμην καὶ ἀπαλλάττει τοῦ ἑτοίμου. ἀποθανεῖν δὲ τὸν ̓Αριστείδην οἱ μὲν οἴκοι γράφουσιν, οἱ δὲ ἐν ̓Ιωνίᾳ ἔτη βιώσαντα οἱ μὲν ἑξήκοντά φασιν, οἱ δὲ ἀγχοῦ τῶν ἑβδομήκοντα.9. [Aelius] Aristeides, either the son of Eudaemon, or else with the epithet Eudaemon, was born at Hadriani, a town of no great size in Mysia. But he was educated at Athens when Herodes was at the height of his fame, and at Pergamon in Asia when Aristocles was teaching oratory there. Though he had poor health from his boyhood, he did not fail to work hard. The nature of his disease and the fact that he suffered from a palsy of the muscles he tells us himself in his Sacred Discourses. These discourses served him in some sort as a diary, and such diaries are excellent teachers of the art of speaking well on any subject. And since his natural talent was not in the line of extempore eloquence, he strove after extreme accuracy, and turned his attention to the ancient writers; he was well endowed with native ability and purified his style of any empty verbosity., Aristeides made few journeys, for he did not discourse with the aim of pleasing the crowd, and he could not control his anger against those who did not applaud his lectures. But the countries that he actually visited were Italy, Greece, and that part of Egypt which is situated near the Delta; and the people of this region set up a bronze statue of him in the market-place of Smyrna. To say that Aristeides founded Smyrna is no mere boastful eulogy but most just and true. For when this city had been blotted out by earthquakes and chasms that opened in the ground, he lamented its fate to Marcus in such moving words that the, Emperor frequently groaned at other passages in the monody, but when he came to the words: "She is a desert through which the west winds blow" the Emperor actually shed tears over the pages, and in accordance with the impulse inspired by Aristeides, he consented to rebuild the city. Now Aristeides had, as it happened, met Marcus once at an earlier time in Ionia. For as I was told by Damianus of Ephesus, the Emperor was visiting Smyrna and when three days had gone by without his having as yet made the acquaintance of Aristeides, he asked the brothers Quintilii whether he had by chance overlooked the man in the throng of those who came to welcome him. But they said that they too had not seen him, for otherwise they would not have failed to present him; and next day they both arrived to escort Aristeides in state. The Emperor addressed him, and inquired: "Why did we have to wait so long to see you?" To which Aristeides replied: "A subject on which I was meditating kept me busy, and when the mind is absorbed in meditation it must not be distracted from the object of its search." The Emperor was greatly pleased with the man's personality, so unaffected was it and so devoted to study, and he asked: "When shall I hear you declaim?" " Propose the theme today," he replied, and tomorrow come and hear me, for I am one of those who do not vomit their speeches but try to make them perfect. Permit my students also, O Emperor, to be in the audience." "They have my permission," said Marcus, "for that is democratic." And when Aristeides added: "and give them leave, O Emperor, to shout and applaud as loud as they can" the Emperor smiled and retorted: "That rests with you." I have not given the theme of this declamation, because the accounts of its title vary, but in this at least all agree, that Aristeides in speaking before Marcus employed an admirable impetuosity of speech, and that far ahead fate was preparing for Smyrna to be rebuilt through the efforts of this gifted man. And when I say this I do not imply that the Emperor would not of his own accord have restored the ruined city which he had admired when it was still flourishing, but I say it because even dispositions that are truly royal and above the ordinary, when incited by good advice and by eloquence, shine out more brightly and press on with ardour to noble deeds., This too I have heard from Damianus, that though in his discourses this sophist used to disparage extempore speakers, nevertheless he so greatly admired extempore eloquence that he used to shut himself up in a room and practise it in private. And he used to work it out by evolving it clause by clause and thought by thought. But this process we must regard as chewing rather than eating, for extempore eloquence is the crowning achievement of a fluent and facile tongue. There are some who accuse Aristeides of having made a weak and ineffective prooemium when his theme was: "The mercenaries are ordered to give back their lands." They say that he began the argument with these words: "These persons will never cease to make trouble for us." And some criticize the man's vigorous language when he spoke in the role of the Spartan who deprecated the fortifying of Lacedemon., What he said was this: "May we never take on the nature of quails and cower within walls." They also criticize a proverbial phrase of his, on the ground that he had thrown it in casually with an effect of vulgarity. I mean that, when attacking Alexander for merely imitating his father's energy in affairs, he said: "He is a chip off the old block." These same critics also condemn a jest of his when he said that the one-eyed Arimaspi were Philip's kinsmen. And yet even Demosthenes defended his policy to the Greeks against one whom he called "the tragic ape" and "the rustic Oenomaus." But do not judge of Aristeides from these extracts, but rather estimate his powers in such speeches as "Isocrates tries to wean the Athenians from their empire of the sea"; or "The speaker upbraids Callixenus for not having granted burial to the Ten"; or "The deliberations on the state of affairs in Sicily"; or "Aeschines, when he had not received the corn from Cersobleptes"; or "They reject the treaty of alliance after their children have been murdered." It is in this last argument above all that he teaches us how, without making any slip, one may handle daring and tragic conceptions. And I know several other arguments of his that demonstrate the man's erudition, force and power of characterization, and it is by these that he ought to be estimated rather than by passages in which he has drivelled somewhat and has fallen into affectation. Moreover, Aristeides was of all the sophists most deeply versed in his art, and his strength lay in the elaborate cogitation of a theme; for which reason he refrained from extempore speaking. For the desire not to produce anything except after long cogitation keeps the mind too busy and robs it of alertness. Some writers record that Aristeides died at home, others say that it was in Ionia; again some say that he reached the age of sixty, others that he was nearly seventy.


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

6 results
1. Homer, Iliad, 4.279, 4.455 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)

4.279. /these were arming them for battle, and a cloud of footmen followed with them. Even as when from some place of outlook a goatherd seeth a cloud coming over the face of the deep before the blast of the West Wind, and to him being afar off it seemeth blacker than pitch as it passeth over the face of the deep, and it bringeth a mighty whirlwind; and he shuddereth at sight of it, and driveth his flock beneath a cave; 4.455. /and far off amid the mountains the shepherd heareth the thunder thereof; even so from the joining of these in battle came shouting and toil.Antilochus was first to slay a warrior of the Trojans in full armour, a goodly man amid the foremost fighters, Echepolus, son of Thalysius. Him was he first to smite upon the horn of his helmet with crest of horse-hair
2. Homer, Odyssey, 6.13-6.41, 6.139-6.140, 6.229-6.235, 7.14-7.17, 7.19-7.79, 7.140 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)

3. Aelius Aristides, Orations, 37.1, 41.1, 47.64, 47.73, 48.18, 50.14-50.18, 50.25, 50.30-50.31, 50.38-50.47, 50.53-50.54, 50.58, 50.70 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

4. Philostratus The Athenian, Lives of The Sophists, 2.10, 2.23.605 (2nd cent. CE

5. Eunapius, Lives of The Philosophers, 16.1 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)

6. Libanius, Orations, 1.67 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)



Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
aelius aristides, and libanius Renberg, Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World (2017) 707
antoninus pius Trapp et al., In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns (2016) 3
apollo Trapp et al., In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns (2016) 12, 63
aristides, as orator Trapp et al., In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns (2016) 12
aristides, lost works Trapp et al., In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns (2016) 12
aristides Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 298; Trapp et al., In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns (2016) 3, 7, 12, 63
asclepieum Trapp et al., In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns (2016) 7, 12
asclepius Trapp et al., In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns (2016) 3, 12, 63
asia minor Trapp et al., In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns (2016) 3
athena Trapp et al., In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns (2016) 63
aurelius, marcus Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 298
behr, charles a. Trapp et al., In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns (2016) 7
cabiri Trapp et al., In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns (2016) 63
commodus Trapp et al., In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns (2016) 3
coronis Trapp et al., In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns (2016) 12
corybantes Trapp et al., In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns (2016) 63
cult, mystery cult Trapp et al., In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns (2016) 63
cult Trapp et al., In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns (2016) 63
declamation, historical declamation Trapp et al., In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns (2016) 12
declamation Trapp et al., In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns (2016) 12
dio chrysostom Trapp et al., In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns (2016) 7
divinities (greek and roman), herakles Renberg, Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World (2017) 707
dream Trapp et al., In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns (2016) 63
dreams (in greek and latin literature), libanius, autobiography Renberg, Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World (2017) 707
faustina Trapp et al., In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns (2016) 63
gods Trapp et al., In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns (2016) 63
hadrian Trapp et al., In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns (2016) 3
hadrianus of tyre Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 298
hecate Trapp et al., In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns (2016) 12
keil, bruno Trapp et al., In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns (2016) 7
libanius, and aelius aristides Renberg, Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World (2017) 707
libanius, and asklepios Renberg, Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World (2017) 707
libanius, autobiography, influences Renberg, Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World (2017) 707
libanius, autobiography and asklepios Renberg, Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World (2017) 707
libanius, chronic gout Renberg, Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World (2017) 707
libanius, chronic headaches Renberg, Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World (2017) 707
libanius, omission of medical details Renberg, Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World (2017) 707
libanius, use of allusive language forillness' Renberg, Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World (2017) 707
libanius Trapp et al., In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns (2016) 12
lucius verus Trapp et al., In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns (2016) 3
marcus aurelius Trapp et al., In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns (2016) 3, 63
maximus of tyre Trapp et al., In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns (2016) 7
mysteries Trapp et al., In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns (2016) 63
nausicaa Trapp et al., In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns (2016) 63
odysseus Trapp et al., In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns (2016) 63
oida Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 298
oracle Trapp et al., In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns (2016) 63
oratory Trapp et al., In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns (2016) 12
pan Trapp et al., In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns (2016) 12
pausanias Trapp et al., In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns (2016) 63
pergamum Trapp et al., In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns (2016) 3, 7, 63
phaeacian Trapp et al., In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns (2016) 63
philostratus Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 298; Trapp et al., In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns (2016) 7, 12, 63
rome Trapp et al., In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns (2016) 7, 12
samothrace Trapp et al., In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns (2016) 63
smyrna Trapp et al., In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns (2016) 3, 63
trajan Trapp et al., In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns (2016) 63
vedius damianus Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 298
vision, dream vision Trapp et al., In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns (2016) 63
water Trapp et al., In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns (2016) 63
zeus, zeus philios Trapp et al., In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns (2016) 63
zeus Trapp et al., In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns (2016) 63
ēkoun Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 298