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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



9313
Philostratus The Athenian, Life Of Apollonius, 1.8


ἡγουμένου δὲ αὐτὸν τοῦ Εὐξένου μεγάλης διανοίας ἅπτεσθαι καὶ ἐρομένου, ὁπόθεν ἄρξοιτο “ὅθεν περ οἱ ἰατροί”, ἔφη “καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖνοι καθαίροντες τὰς γαστέρας τοὺς μὲν οὐδὲ νοσεῖν ἐῶσι, τοὺς δὲ ἰῶνται.” καὶ εἰπὼν τοῦτο τὰς μὲν ἐμψύχους βρώσεις ὡς οὔτε καθαρὰς καὶ τὸν νοῦν παχυνούσας παρῃτήσατο, τραγήματα δὲ καὶ λάχανα ἐσιτεῖτο, καθαρὰ εἶναι φάσκων, ὁπόσα ἡ γῆ αὐτὴ δίδωσι, καὶ τὸν οἶνον καθαρὸν μὲν ἔφασκεν εἶναι πῶμα ἐκ φυτοῦ οὕτως ἡμέρου τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ἥκοντα, ἐναντιοῦσθαι δὲ τῇ τοῦ νοῦ συστάσει διαθολοῦντα τὸν ἐν τῇ ψυχῇ αἰθέρα. μετὰ δὲ τὴν κάθαρσιν τῆς γαστρὸς τοιαύτην γενομένην ἀνυποδησίαν τε ποιεῖται κόσμημα καὶ λίνου ἐσθῆτα ἀμπίσχεται παραιτησάμενος τὴν ἀπὸ τῶν ζῴων, ἀνῆκέ τε τὴν κόμην καὶ ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ ἔζη. ἐκπεπληγμένων δὲ αὐτὸν τῶν περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ τοῦ ̓Ασκληπιοῦ ποτε πρὸς τὸν ἱερέα φήσαντος, ὡς χαίροι θεραπεύων τοὺς νοσοῦντας ὑπὸ ̓Απολλωνίῳ μάρτυρι, ξυνῄεσαν ἐς τὰς Αἰγὰς ἐφ' ἱστορίᾳ Κίλικές τε αὐτοὶ καὶ οἱ πέριξ, ὅ τε Κιλίκιος λόγος ποῖ τρέχεις; ἦ ἐπὶ τὸν ἔφηβον; ἐπ' ἐκείνῳ τε ἐλέγετο καὶ παροιμιώδη τιμὴν ἔσχεν.Now Euxenus realized that he was attached to a lofty ideal, and asked him at what point he would begin it. Apollonius answered: At the point at which physicians begin, for they, by purging the bowels of their patients prevent some from being ill at all, and heal others. And having said this he declined to live upon a flesh diet, on the ground that it was unclean, and also that it made the mind gross; so he partook only of dried fruits and vegetables, for he said that all the fruits of the earth are clean. And of wine he said that it was a clean drink because it is yielded to men by so well-domesticated a plant as the vine; but he declared that it endangered the mental balance and system and darkened, as with mud, the ether which is in the soul. After then having thus purged his interior, he took to walking without shoes by way of adornment and clad himself in linen raiment, declining to wear any animal product; and he let his hair grow long and lived in the Temple. And the people round about the Temple were struck with admiration for him, and the god Asclepius one day said to the priest that he was delighted to have Apollonius as witness of his cures of the sick; and such was his reputation that the Cilicians themselves and the people all around flocked to Aegae to visit him. Hence the Cilician proverb: Whither runnest thou? Is it to see the stripling? Such was the saying that arose about him, and it gained the distinction of becoming a proverb.


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

5 results
1. Martial, Epigrams, 12.23 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

2. Martial, Epigrams, 12.23 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

3. Lucian, The Lover of Lies, 30-31, 29 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

4. Philostratus The Athenian, Life of Apollonius, 1.10-1.11, 1.32, 2.37, 3.41, 8.18-8.19 (2nd cent. CE

1.10. One day he saw a flood of blood upon the altar, and there were victims laid out upon it, Egyptian bulls that had been sacrificed and great hogs, and some of them were being flayed and others were being cut up; and two gold vases had been dedicated set with jewels, the rarest and most beautiful that India can provide. So he went to the priest and said: What is all this; for someone is making a very handsome gift to the god? And the priest replied: You may rather be surprised at a man's offering all this without having first put up a prayer in our fane, and without having stayed with us as long as other people do, and without having gained his health from the god, and without obtaining all the things he came to ask for. For he appears to have come only yesterday, yet he is sacrificing on this lavish scale. And he declares that he will sacrifice more victims, and dedicate more gifts, if Asclepius will hearken to him. And he is one of the richest men in existence; at any rate he owns in Cilicia an estate bigger than all the Cilicians together possess. And he is supplicating the god to restore to him one of his eyes that has fallen out. But Apollonius fixed his eyes upon the ground, as he was accustomed to do in later life, and asked: What is his name? And when he heard it, he said: It seems to me, O Priest, that we ought not to welcome this fellow in the Temple: for he is some ruffian who has come here, and that he is afflicted in this way is due to some sinister reason: nay, his very conduct in sacrificing on such a magnificent scale before he has gained anything from the god is not that of a genuine votary, but rather of a man who is begging himself off for the penalty of some horrible and cruel deed. This was what Apollonius said: and Asclepius appeared to the priest by night, and said: Send away so and so at once with all his possessions, and let him keep them, for he deserves to lose the other eye as well. The priest accordingly made inquiries about the Cilician and learned that his wife by a former marriage borne a daughter, and he had fallen in love with the maiden and had seduced her, and was living with her in open sin. For the mother had surprised the two in bed, and had put out both her eyes and one of his by stabbing them with her brooch-pin. 1.11. AGAIN he inculcated the wise rule that in our sacrifices or dedications we should no go beyond the just mean, in the following way. On one occasion several people had flocked to the Temple, not long after the expulsion of the Cilician, and he took the occasion to ask the priest the following questions: Are then, he said, the gods just? Why, of course, most just, answered the priest. Well, and are they wise? And what, said the other, can be wiser than the godhead? But do they know the affairs of men, or are they without experience of them? Why, said the other, this is just the point in which the gods excel mankind, for the latter, because of their frailty, do not understand their own concerns, whereas the gods have the privilege of understanding the affairs both of men and of themselves. All your answers, said Apollonius, are excellent, O Priest, and very true. Since then, they know everything, it appears to me that a person who comes to the house of God and has a good conscience, should put up the following prayer: “O ye gods, grant unto me that which I deserve.' For, he went on, the holy, O Priest, surely deserve to receive blessings, and the wicked the contrary. Therefore the gods, as they are beneficent, if they find anyone who is healthy and whole and unscarred by vice, will send him on his way, surely, after crowning him, not with golden crowns, but with all sorts of blessings; but if they find a man branded with sin and utterly corrupt, they will hand him over and leave him to justice, after inflicting their wrath upon him all the more, because he dared to invade their Temple without being pure. And at the same moment he looked towards Asclepius, and said: O Asclepius, the philosophy you teach is secret and congenial to yourself, in that you suffer not the wicked to come hither, not even if they pour into your lap all the wealth of India and Sardes. For it is not out of reverence for the divinity that they sacrifice these victims and suspend these offerings, but in order to purchase a verdict, which you will not concede to them in your perfect justice. And much similar wisdom he delivered himself of in this Temple, while he was still a youth. 1.32. And he quitted the scene of sacrifice in order not to be present at the shedding of blood. But after the sacrifice was over he approached and said: O king, do you know the Greek tongue thoroughly, or have you a smattering of it perhaps, in order to be able to express yourself and appear polite in case any Greek arrives? I know it thoroughly, replied the king, as well as I do my native language; so say you what you like, for this I suppose is the reason why you put the question to me. It was my reason, said the other; so listen. The goal of my voyage is India, but I had no intention of passing you by; for I heard that you were such a man as from a slight acquaintance I already perceive you to be, and was desirous also of examining the wisdom which is indigenous among you and is cultivated by the Magi, and of finding out whether they are such wise theologians as they are reported to be. Now my own system of wisdom is that of Pythagoras, a man of Samos, who taught me to worship the gods in the way you see, and to be aware of them whether they are seen or not seen, and to be frequent in my converse with them, and to dress myself in this land-wool; for it was never worn by sheep, but is the spotless product of spotless parents, the gift of water and of earth, namely linen. And the very fashion of letting my hair grow long, I have learnt from Pythagoras as part of his discipline, and also it is a result of his wisdom that I keep myself pure from animal food. I cannot therefore become either for you or for anybody else a companion in drinking or an associate in idleness and luxury; but if you have problems of conduct that are difficult and hard to settle, I will furnish you with solutions, for I not only know matters of practice and duty, but I even know them beforehand. Such was the conversation which Damis declares the sage to have held; and Apollonius himself composed a letter containing them, and has sketched out in his epistles much else of what he said in conversation. 2.37. And more than this, as a faculty of divination by means of dreams, which is the divines and most godlike of human faculties, the soul detects the truth all the more easily when it is not muddied by wine, but accepts the message unstained and scans it carefully. Anyhow, the explains of dreams and visions, those whom the poets call interpreters of dreams, will never undertake to explain any vision to anyone without having first asked the time when it was seen. For if it was at dawn and in the sleep of morning tide, they calculate its meaning on the assumption that the soul is then in a condition to divine soundly and healthily, because by then it has cleansed itself of the stains of wine. But if the vision was seen in the first sleep or at midnight, when the soul is still immersed in the lees of wine and muddied thereby, they decline to make any suggestions, and they are wise. And that the gods also are of this opinion, and that they commit the faculty of oracular response to souls which are sober, I will clearly show. There was, O king, a seer among the Greeks called Amphiaros. I know, said the other; for you allude, I imagine, to the son of Oecles, who was swallowed up alive by the earth on his way back from Thebes. This man, O king, said Apollonius, still divines in Attica, inducing dreams in those who consult him, and the priests take a man who wishes to consult him, and they prevent his eating for one day, and from drinking wine for three, in order that he may imbibe the oracles with his soul in a condition of utter transparency. But if wine were a good drug of sleep, then the wise Amphiaros would have bidden his votaries to adopt the opposite regimen, and would have had them carried into his shrine as full of wine as leather flagons. And I could mention many oracles, held in repute by Greeks and barbarians alike, where the priest utters his responses from the tripod after imbibing water and not wine. So you may consider me also as a fit vehicle of the god, O king, along with all who drink water. For we are rapt by the nymphs and are bacchantic revelers in sobriety. Well, then, said the king, you must make me too, O Apollonius, a member of your religious brotherhood. I would do so, said the other, provided only you will not be esteemed vulgar and held cheap by your subjects. For in the case of a king a philosophy that is at once moderate and indulgent makes a good mixture, as is seen in your own case; but an excess of rigor and severity would seem vulgar, O king, and beneath your august station; and, what is more, it might be construed by the envious as due to pride. 3.41. BOTH Apollonius and Damis then took part in the interviews devoted to abstract discussions; not so with the conversations devoted to occult themes, in which they pondered the nature of astronomy or divination, and considered the problem of foreknowledge, and handled the problems of sacrifice and of the invocations in which the gods take pleasure. In these Damis says that Apollonius alone partook of the philosophic discussion together with Iarchas, and that Apollonius embodied the results in four books concerning the divination by the stars, a work which Moeragenes has mentioned. And Damis says that he composed a work on the way to offer sacrifice to the several gods in a manner pleasing to them. Not only then do I regard the work on the science of the stars and the whole subject of such divination as transcending human nature, but I do not even know if anyone has these gifts; but I found the treatise on sacrifices in several cities, and in the houses of several learned men; moreover, if anyone should translate [ 1] it, he would find it to be a grave and dignified composition, and one that rings of the author's personality. And Damis says thatIarchas gave seven rings to Apollonius named after the seven stars, and that Apollonius wore each of these in turn on the day of the week which bore its name. 8.18. There was a man of Thessaly, named Isagoras, whom he met in Olympia and said: Tell me, Isagoras, is there such a thing as a religious fair (panegyris)? Why yes, he replied, and by heaven there is nothing in the world of men, so agreeable and so dear to the gods. And what is the material of which it is composed? asked Apollonius; It is as if I asked you about the material of which this image is made, and you answered me that it was composed of gold and ivory. But, said the other, what material, Apollonius, can a thing which is incorporeal be composed of? A most important material, replied Apollonius, and most varied in character; for there are sacred precincts in it, and sanctuaries and race-courses and, of course, a scene-building, and tribes of men, some of them from neighboring countries, and others from over the borders, and even from across the sea. Moreover, he added, many arts go to make up such a festival, and many designs, and much true genius, both of poets, and of civil counselors, and of those who deliver harangues on philosophic topics, and contests between naked athletes, and contests of musicians, as is the custom in the Pythian festival. It seems to me, said the other, O Apollonius, that the festival is not only something corporeal, but is made up of more wonderful material than are cities; for there is summoned together into one community on such occasions the best of the best, and the most celebrated of the celebrated.Then, said Apollonius, O Isagoras, are we to consider the people we meet there in the same light as some people regard walls and ships, or do you need some other opinion of the festival? The opinion, answered the other, which we have formulated, is quite adequate and complete, O man of Tyana, and we had better adhere to it. And yet, said the other, it is neither adequate nor complete to one who considers about is as I do; for it appears to me that ships are in need of men and men of ships, and that men would never have thought about the sea at all if they had not had a ship; and men are kept safe by walls and walls by men; and in the same way I consider a festival to be not only the meeting of human beings, but also the place itself in which they have to meet, and the more so, because walls and ships would never have come into being, unless there had been men's hands to build them, while these places, so far forth as they are deprived of their natural and original characteristics, are by the hands of men spoiled; for it was owing to their natural advantages that they were held worthy of being made their meeting-places; for though the gymnasiums and porticoes and fountains and houses have been all created by human art, just like the walls and the ships, yet this river Alpheus with the hippodrome and the stadium and the groves, existed, I suppose, before men came here, the one providing water for drinking and for the bath, and the second a broad plain for the horses to race in, and the third provided just the space required for the athletes to raise the dust in as they run along in their races, namely a valley a stadium in length, and the groves supplied wreaths for the winners and served the athletes who were runners as a place to practice in. For I imagine that Heracles considered these facts, and because he admired the natural advantages of Olympia, he found the place worthy of the festival and games which are still held here. 8.19. After forty days, given up to discussions in Olympia, in which many topics were handled, Apollonius said: I will also, O men of Hellas, discourse to you in your several cities, at your festivals, at your religious processions, at your mysteries, your sacrifices, at your public libations, and they require the services of a clever man; but for the present I must go down to Lebadea, for I have never yet had an interview with Trophonius, although I once visited his shrine. And with these words he at once started for Boeotia attended by every one of his admirers. Now the cavern in Lebadea is dedicated to Trophonius, the son of Apollo, and it can only be entered by those who resort thither in order to get an oracle, and it is not visible in the sanctuary, but lies a little above it on a mound; and it is shut in by iron spits which surround it, and you descend into it as it were sitting down and being drawn down. Those who enter it are clad in white raiment, and are escorted thither with honey-cakes in their hands to appease the reptiles which assail them as they descend. But the earth brings them to the surface again, in some cases close by, but in other cases a long way off; for they are sent up to the surface beyond Locris and beyond Phocis, but most of them about the borders of Boeotia. Accordingly Apollonius entered the shrine and said: I wish to descend into the cave in the interests of philosophy.But the priests opposed him and though they told the multitude that they would never allow a wizard like him to examine and test the shrine, they pretended to the sage himself that there were forbidden days and days unclean for consulting. So on that day he delivered a discourse at the springs of Hercyne, about the origin and conduct of the shrine; for it is the only oracle which gives responses through the person himself who consults it. And when the evening approached, he went to the mouth of the cave with his train of youthful followers, and having pulled up four of the obelisks, which constitute a bar to the passage, he went down below ground wearing his philosopher's mantle, having dressed himself as if he were going to deliver an address upon philosophy — a step which the god Trophonius so thoroughly approved of, that he appeared to the priests and not only rebuked them for the reception they had given Apollonius, but enjoined them all to follow him to Aulis, for he said it was there that he would come to surface in such a marvelous fashion as no man before. And in fact he emerged after seven days, a longer period than it had taken anyone of those who until then had entered the oracle, and he had with him a volume thoroughly in keeping with the questions he had asked: for had gone down saying: What, O Trophonius, do you consider the most complete and purest philosophy? And the volume contained the tenets of Pythagoras, a good proof this, that the oracle was in agreement with this form of wisdom.
5. Porphyry, On Abstinence, 2.19, 4.4 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)

2.19. 19.But those who have written concerning sacred operations and sacrifices, admonish us to be accurate in preserving what pertains to the popana, because these are more acceptable to the Gods than the sacrifice which is performed through the mactation of animals. Sophocles also, in describing a sacrifice which is pleasing to divinity, says in his Polyidus: The skins of sheep in sacrifice were used, Libations too of wine, grapes well preserved, And fruits collected in a heap of every kind; The olive's pinguid juice, and waxen work Most variegated, of the yellow bee. Formerly, also, there were venerable monuments in Delos of those who came from the Hyperboreans, bearing handfuls [of fruits]. It is necessary, therefore, that, being purified in our manners, we should make oblations, offering to the Gods those sacrifices which are pleasing to them, and not such as are attended with great expense. Now, however, if a man's body is not pure and invested with a splendid garment, he does not think it is qualified for the sanctity of sacrifice. But when he has rendered his body splendid, together with his garment, though his soul at the same time is not, purified from vice, yet he betakes himself to sacrifice, and thinks that it is a thing of no consequence; as if divinity did not especially rejoice in that which is most divine in our nature, when it is in a pure condition, as being allied to his essence. In Epidaurus, therefore, there was the following inscription on the doors of the temple: Into an odorous temple, he who goes Should pure and holy be; but to be wise In what to sanctity pertains, is to be pure. SPAN 4.4. 4.That he might also in a still greater degree oppose luxury, and take away the ardent endeavour to obtain wealth, he introduced a third, and most beautiful political institution, viz. that of the citizens eating and drinking together publicly; so that they might partake of the same prescribed food in common, and might not be fed at home, reclining on sumptuous couches, and placed before elegant tables, through the hands of artificers and cooks, being fattened in darkness, like voracious animals, and corrupting their bodies, together with their morals, by falling into every kind of luxury and repletion; as such a mode of living would require much sleep, hot baths, and abundant quiet, and such attentions as are paid to the diseased. This indeed was a great thing; but still greater than this, that, as Theophrastus says, he caused wealth to be neglected, and to be of no value through the citizens eating at common tables, and the frugality of their food. For there was no use, nor enjoyment of riches; nor, in short, was there any thing to gratify the sight, or any ostentatious display in the whole apparatus, because both the poor and the rich sat at the same table. Hence it was universally |114 said, that in Sparta alone, Plutus was seen to be blind, and lying like an iimate and immoveable picture. For it was not possible for the citizens, having previously feasted at home, to go to the common tables with appetites already satiated with food. For the rest carefully observed him who did not eat and drink with them, and reviled him, as an intemperate person, and as one who conducted himself effeminately with respect to the common food. Hence these common tables were called phiditia; either as being the causes of friendship and benevolence, as if they were philitia, assuming δ for λ; or as accustoming men (προς ευτελειαν και φειδω) to frugality and a slender diet. But the number of those that assembled at the common table was fifteen, more or less. And each person brought every month, for the purpose of furnishing the table, a medimnus of flour, eight choas 4 of wine, five pounds of cheese, two and a half pounds of figs, and, besides all these, a very little quantity of money. SPAN


Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
aegae Demoen and Praet, Theios Sophistes: Essays on Flavius Philostratus' Vita Apollonii (2009) 326
age, old Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 201
age, youth Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 201
apollonius of tyana Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 201
artemidorus Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 201
asceticism Demoen and Praet, Theios Sophistes: Essays on Flavius Philostratus' Vita Apollonii (2009) 326
athens Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 201
banquets McGowan, Ascetic Eucharists: Food and Drink in Early Christian Ritual Meals (1999) 77
beauty, attitude towards Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 201
christians, christianity Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 201
cynics McGowan, Ascetic Eucharists: Food and Drink in Early Christian Ritual Meals (1999) 77
daimon Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 201
damis McGowan, Ascetic Eucharists: Food and Drink in Early Christian Ritual Meals (1999) 77
dates, wine McGowan, Ascetic Eucharists: Food and Drink in Early Christian Ritual Meals (1999) 77
deification Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 201
diogenes Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 201
empedocles Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 201
grapes McGowan, Ascetic Eucharists: Food and Drink in Early Christian Ritual Meals (1999) 77
horace Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 201
individual, profession Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 201
libation Demoen and Praet, Theios Sophistes: Essays on Flavius Philostratus' Vita Apollonii (2009) 306
love Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 201
madness Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 201
magic(ian), see also goäs/goäteia Demoen and Praet, Theios Sophistes: Essays on Flavius Philostratus' Vita Apollonii (2009) 326
martial Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 201
meat, avoidance/prohibition McGowan, Ascetic Eucharists: Food and Drink in Early Christian Ritual Meals (1999) 77
philosophy, graeco-roman McGowan, Ascetic Eucharists: Food and Drink in Early Christian Ritual Meals (1999) 77
philostratus McGowan, Ascetic Eucharists: Food and Drink in Early Christian Ritual Meals (1999) 77; Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 201
phraotes Demoen and Praet, Theios Sophistes: Essays on Flavius Philostratus' Vita Apollonii (2009) 306
porphyry McGowan, Ascetic Eucharists: Food and Drink in Early Christian Ritual Meals (1999) 77
pythagoras, pythagorean views Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 201
pythagoras Demoen and Praet, Theios Sophistes: Essays on Flavius Philostratus' Vita Apollonii (2009) 306
pythagoreanism Demoen and Praet, Theios Sophistes: Essays on Flavius Philostratus' Vita Apollonii (2009) 306
pythagoreans McGowan, Ascetic Eucharists: Food and Drink in Early Christian Ritual Meals (1999) 77
sacrifi ce Demoen and Praet, Theios Sophistes: Essays on Flavius Philostratus' Vita Apollonii (2009) 306
sacrifice, criticism/avoidance of McGowan, Ascetic Eucharists: Food and Drink in Early Christian Ritual Meals (1999) 77
sacrifice, cuisine of McGowan, Ascetic Eucharists: Food and Drink in Early Christian Ritual Meals (1999) 77
socrates Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 201
synesius Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 201
temples Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 201
vates Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 201
vice Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 201
wine, and sacrifice McGowan, Ascetic Eucharists: Food and Drink in Early Christian Ritual Meals (1999) 77
wine, avoidance/prohibition' McGowan, Ascetic Eucharists: Food and Drink in Early Christian Ritual Meals (1999) 77
wisdom Rüpke and Woolf, Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE (2013) 201