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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database

Philo Of Alexandria, On The Embassy To Gaius, 156

nanTherefore, he knew that they had synagogues, and that they were in the habit of visiting them, and most especially on the sacred sabbath days, when they publicly cultivate their national philosophy. He knew also that they were in the habit of contributing sacred sums of money from their first fruits and sending them to Jerusalem by the hands of those who were to conduct the sacrifices.

Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

31 results
1. Hebrew Bible, Exodus, 30.14 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)

30.14. כֹּל הָעֹבֵר עַל־הַפְּקֻדִים מִבֶּן עֶשְׂרִים שָׁנָה וָמָעְלָה יִתֵּן תְּרוּמַת יְהוָה׃ 30.14. Every one that passeth among them that are numbered, from twenty years old and upward, shall give the offering of the LORD."
2. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 2-3, 1 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)

3. Aristotle, Politics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

4. Cicero, Pro Flacco, 67, 28 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

28. maioribus nostris fuit ut, cum in privatis rebus suisque sumptibus minimo contenti tenuissimo cultu viverent, in imperio atque in publica dignitate omnia ad gloriam splendoremque revocarent. quaeritur enim in re domestica continentiae laus, in publica dignitatis. quod si etiam praesidi causa classem habuit, quis erit tam iniquus qui reprehendat? ' nulli erant praedones.' quid ? nullos fore quis praestare poterat? ' minuis,' inquit, 'gloriam Pompei.' immo tu auges molestiam.
5. Dead Sea Scrolls, Damascus Covenant, 1.6-1.7 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

6. Dead Sea Scrolls, (Cairo Damascus Covenant) Cd-A, 1.6-1.7 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

7. Philo of Alexandria, On The Change of Names, 78, 77 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)

77. We will now speak of his wife, Sarah, for she too had her name changed to Sarrah by the addition of the one element, the letter rho. These, then, are the names, and we must now explain what they mean. Sarah, being interpreted, signifies "my authority," but Sarrah signifies "princess;" the former name
8. Philo of Alexandria, On The Creation of The World, 10, 100-109, 11, 110-119, 12, 120-128, 13, 134, 14-19, 2, 20-29, 3, 30-38, 4, 40-49, 5, 50-59, 6, 60-69, 7, 70-79, 8, 80-89, 9, 90-99, 1 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)

1. of other lawgivers, some have set forth what they considered to be just and reasonable, in a naked and unadorned manner, while others, investing their ideas with an abundance of amplification, have sought to bewilder the people, by burying the truth under a heap of fabulous inventions.
9. Philo of Alexandria, On Dreams, 2.127 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)

2.127. And would you still sit down in your synagogues, collecting your ordinary assemblies, and reading your sacred volumes in security, and explaining whatever is not quite clear, and devoting all your time and leisure with long discussions to the philosophy of your ancestors?
10. Philo of Alexandria, On The Special Laws, 1.69, 1.77-1.78, 1.153-1.155, 2.62-2.63 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)

1.69. And the most evident proof of this may be found in the events which actually took place. For innumerable companies of men from a countless variety of cities, some by land and some by sea, from east and from west, from the north and from the south, came to the temple at every festival, as if to some common refuge and safe asylum from the troubles of this most busy and painful life, seeking to find tranquillity, and to procure a remission of and respite from those cares by which from their earliest infancy they had been hampered and weighed down 1.77. For it is commanded that all men shall every year bring their first fruits to the temple, from twenty years old and upwards; and this contribution is called their ransom. On which account they bring in the first fruits with exceeding cheerfulness, being joyful and delighted, inasmuch as simultaneously with their making the offering they are sure to find either a relaxation from slavery, or a relief from disease, and to receive in all respects a most sure freedom and safety for the future. 1.78. And since the nation is the most numerous of all peoples, it follows naturally that the first fruits contributed by them must also be most abundant. Accordingly there is in almost every city a storehouse for the sacred things to which it is customary for the people to come and there to deposit their first fruits, and at certain seasons there are sacred ambassadors selected on account of their virtue, who convey the offerings to the temple. And the most eminent men of each tribe are elected to this office, that they may conduct the hopes of each individual safe to their destination; for in the lawful offering of the first fruits are the hopes of the pious.XV. 1.153. Since, then, these honours are put forth for them, if any of the priests are in any difficulty while living virtuously and irreproachably, they are at once accusers of us as disregarding the law, even though they may not utter a word. For if we were to obey the commands which we have received, and if we were to take care to give the first fruits as we are commanded, they would not only have abundance of all necessary things, but would also be filled with all kinds of supplies calculated for enabling them to live in refinement and luxury. 1.154. And if ever at any subsequent time the tribe of the priests is found to be blessed with a great abundance of all the necessaries and luxuries of life, this will be a great proof of their common holiness, and of their accurate observance of the laws and ordices in every particular. But the neglect of some persons (for it is not safe to blame every one 1.155. For to violate the law is injurious to those who offend, even though it may be an attractive course for a short time; but to obey the ordices of nature is most beneficial, even if at the time it may wear a painful appearance and may show no pleasant character.XXXII. 2.62. Accordingly, on the seventh day there are spread before the people in every city innumerable lessons of prudence, and temperance, and courage, and justice, and all other virtues; during the giving of which the common people sit down, keeping silence and pricking up their ears, with all possible attention, from their thirst for wholesome instruction; but some of those who are very learned explain to them what is of great importance and use, lessons by which the whole of their lives may be improved. 2.63. And there are, as we may say, two most especially important heads of all the innumerable particular lessons and doctrines; the regulating of one's conduct towards God by the rules of piety and holiness, and of one's conduct towards men by the rules of humanity and justice; each of which is subdivided into a great number of subordinate ideas, all praiseworthy.
11. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Moses, 1.254, 2.215-2.216 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)

1.254. for, as every pious man offers unto God the first fruits of the fruits of the year, which he collects from his own possessions, so in the same manner did the Hebrews dedicate the whole nation of this mighty country into which they had come as settlers, and that great spoil, the kingdom which they had so speedily subdued, as a sort of first-fruit of their colony; for they did not think it consistent with piety to distribute the land among themselves, or to inherit the cities, before they had offered up to God the first fruits of that country and of those cities. 2.215. for it was invariably the custom, as it was desirable on other days also, but especially on the seventh day, as I have already explained, to discuss matters of philosophy; the ruler of the people beginning the explanation, and teaching the multitude what they ought to do and to say, and the populace listening so as to improve in virtue, and being made better both in their moral character and in their conduct through life; 2.216. in accordance with which custom, even to this day, the Jews hold philosophical discussions on the seventh day, disputing about their national philosophy, and devoting that day to the knowledge and consideration of the subjects of natural philosophy; for as for their houses of prayer in the different cities, what are they, but schools of wisdom, and courage, and temperance, and justice, and piety, and holiness, and every virtue, by which human and divine things are appreciated, and placed upon a proper footing?
12. Philo of Alexandria, Hypothetica, 7.13 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)

7.13. and, in fact, they do constantly assemble together, and they do sit down one with another, the multitude in general in silence, except when it is customary to say any words of good omen, by way of assent to what is being read. And then some priest who is present, or some one of the elders, reads the sacred laws to them, and interprets each of them separately till eventide; and then when separate they depart, having gained some skill in the sacred laws, and having made great advancers towards piety.
13. Philo of Alexandria, Against Flaccus, 74, 78-80, 50 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)

50. For if we were to neglect the opportunity of adhering to our national customs when it is afforded to us, we should deserve to meet with the severest punishment, as not giving any proper or adequate return for the benefits which we have received; but if, while it is in our power to do so, we, in conformity with our own laws which Augustus himself is in the habit of confirming, obey in everything, then I do not see what great, or even what small offence can be laid to our charge; unless any one were to impute to us that we do not transgress the laws of deliberate purpose, and that we do not intentionally take care to depart from our national customs, which practices, even if they at first attack others, do often in the end visit those who are guilty of them.
14. Philo of Alexandria, On The Embassy To Gaius, 134, 138-139, 143-155, 157-158, 216, 250, 291, 311-316, 356, 133 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)

133. I omit to mention the ornaments in honour of the emperor, which were destroyed and burnt with these synagogues, such as gilded shields, and gilded crowns, and pillars, and inscriptions, for the sake of which they ought even to have abstained from and spared the other things; but they were full of confidence, inasmuch as they did not fear any chastisement at the hand of Gaius, as they well knew that he cherished an indescribable hatred against the Jews, so that their opinion was that no one could do him a more acceptable service than by inflicting every description of injury on the nation which he hated;
15. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 12.8, 12.50, 12.125-12.127, 13.62-13.72, 14.98-14.99, 14.110-14.113, 14.127-14.132, 14.185-14.280, 14.283-14.300, 14.302-14.316, 16.27-16.28, 16.31-16.62, 16.160-16.178, 17.26, 18.312-18.313 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

12.8. And as he knew that the people of Jerusalem were most faithful in the observation of oaths and covets; and this from the answer they made to Alexander, when he sent an embassage to them, after he had beaten Darius in battle; so he distributed many of them into garrisons, and at Alexandria gave them equal privileges of citizens with the Macedonians themselves; and required of them to take their oaths, that they would keep their fidelity to the posterity of those who committed these places to their care. 12.8. while small shields, made of stones, beautiful in their kind, and of four fingers’ depth, filled up the middle parts. About the top of the basin were wreathed the leaves of lilies, and of the convolvulus, and the tendrils of vines in a circular manner. 12.125. 2. We also know that Marcus Agrippa was of the like disposition towards the Jews: for when the people of Ionia were very angry at them, and besought Agrippa that they, and they only, might have those privileges of citizens which Antiochus, the grandson of Seleucus, (who by the Greeks was called The God,) had bestowed on them, and desired that, if the Jews were to be joint-partakers with them 12.126. they might be obliged to worship the gods they themselves worshipped: but when these matters were brought to the trial, the Jews prevailed, and obtained leave to make use of their own customs, and this under the patronage of Nicolaus of Damascus; for Agrippa gave sentence that he could not innovate. 12.127. And if any one hath a mind to know this matter accurately, let him peruse the hundred and twenty-third and hundred and twenty-fourth books of the history of this Nicolaus. Now as to this determination of Agrippa, it is not so much to be admired, for at that time our nation had not made war against the Romans. 13.62. 1. But then the son of Onias the high priest, who was of the same name with his father, and who fled to king Ptolemy, who was called Philometor, lived now at Alexandria, as we have said already. When this Onias saw that Judea was oppressed by the Macedonians and their kings 13.63. out of a desire to purchase to himself a memorial and eternal fame he resolved to send to king Ptolemy and queen Cleopatra, to ask leave of them that he might build a temple in Egypt like to that at Jerusalem, and might ordain Levites and priests out of their own stock. 13.64. The chief reason why he was desirous so to do, was, that he relied upon the prophet Isaiah, who lived above six hundred years before, and foretold that there certainly was to be a temple built to Almighty God in Egypt by a man that was a Jew. Onias was elevated with this prediction, and wrote the following epistle to Ptolemy and Cleopatra: 13.65. “Having done many and great things for you in the affairs of the war, by the assistance of God, and that in Celesyria and Phoenicia, I came at length with the Jews to Leontopolis, and to other places of your nation 13.66. where I found that the greatest part of your people had temples in an improper manner, and that on this account they bare ill-will one against another, which happens to the Egyptians by reason of the multitude of their temples, and the difference of opinions about divine worship. Now I found a very fit place in a castle that hath its name from the country Diana; this place is full of materials of several sorts, and replenished with sacred animals; 13.67. I desire therefore that you will grant me leave to purge this holy place, which belongs to no master, and is fallen down, and to build there a temple to Almighty God, after the pattern of that in Jerusalem, and of the same dimensions, that may be for the benefit of thyself, and thy wife and children, that those Jews which dwell in Egypt may have a place whither they may come and meet together in mutual harmony one with another, and he subservient to thy advantages; 13.68. for the prophet Isaiah foretold that, ‘there should be an altar in Egypt to the Lord God;’” and many other such things did he prophesy relating to that place. 13.69. 2. And this was what Onias wrote to king Ptolemy. Now any one may observe his piety, and that of his sister and wife Cleopatra, by that epistle which they wrote in answer to it; for they laid the blame and the transgression of the law upon the head of Onias. And this was their reply: 13.71. But since thou sayest that Isaiah the prophet foretold this long ago, we give thee leave to do it, if it may be done according to your law, and so that we may not appear to have at all offended God herein.” 13.72. 3. So Onias took the place, and built a temple, and an altar to God, like indeed to that in Jerusalem, but smaller and poorer. I do not think it proper for me now to describe its dimensions or its vessels, which have been already described in my seventh book of the Wars of the Jews. 14.98. 2. Now when Gabinius was making an expedition against the Parthians, and had already passed over Euphrates, he changed his mind, and resolved to return into Egypt, in order to restore Ptolemy to his kingdom. This hath also been related elsewhere. 14.99. However, Antipater supplied his army, which he sent against Archelaus, with corn, and weapons, and money. He also made those Jews who were above Pelusium his friends and confederates, and had been the guardians of the passes that led into Egypt. 14.111. Nor is the largeness of these sums without its attestation; nor is that greatness owing to our vanity, as raising it without ground to so great a height; but there are many witnesses to it, and particularly Strabo of Cappadocia, who says thus: 14.112. “Mithridates sent to Cos, and took the money which queen Cleopatra had deposited there, as also eight hundred talents belonging to the Jews.” 14.113. Now we have no public money but only what appertains to God; and it is evident that the Asian Jews removed this money out of fear of Mithridates; for it is not probable that those of Judea, who had a strong city and temple, should send their money to Cos; nor is it likely that the Jews who are inhabitants of Alexandria should do so neither, since they were in no fear of Mithridates. 14.127. 1. Now after Pompey was dead, and after that victory Caesar had gained over him, Antipater, who managed the Jewish affairs, became very useful to Caesar when he made war against Egypt, and that by the order of Hyrcanus; 14.128. for when Mithridates of Pergamus was bringing his auxiliaries, and was not able to continue his march through Pelusium, but obliged to stay at Askelon, Antipater came to him, conducting three thousand of the Jews, armed men. He had also taken care the principal men of the Arabians should come to his assistance; 14.129. and on his account it was that all the Syrians assisted him also, as not willing to appear behindhand in their alacrity for Caesar, viz. Jamblicus the ruler, and Ptolemy his son, and Tholomy the son of Sohemus, who dwelt at Mount Libanus, and almost all the cities. 14.131. But it happened that the Egyptian Jews, who dwelt in the country called Onion, would not let Antipater and Mithridates, with their soldiers, pass to Caesar; but Antipater persuaded them to come over with their party, because he was of the same people with them, and that chiefly by showing them the epistles of Hyrcanus the high priest, wherein he exhorted them to cultivate friendship with Caesar, and to supply his army with money, and all sorts of provisions which they wanted; 14.132. and accordingly, when they saw Antipater and the high priest of the same sentiments, they did as they were desired. And when the Jews about Memphis heard that these Jews were come over to Caesar, they also invited Mithridates to come to them; so he came and received them also into his army. 14.185. 1. Now when Caesar was come to Rome, he was ready to sail into Africa to fight against Scipio and Cato, when Hyrcanus sent ambassadors to him, and by them desired that he would ratify that league of friendship and mutual alliance which was between them 14.186. And it seems to me to be necessary here to give an account of all the honors that the Romans and their emperor paid to our nation, and of the leagues of mutual assistance they have made with it, that all the rest of mankind may know what regard the kings of Asia and Europe have had to us, and that they have been abundantly satisfied of our courage and fidelity; 14.187. for whereas many will not believe what hath been written about us by the Persians and Macedonians, because those writings are not every where to be met with, nor do lie in public places, but among us ourselves, and certain other barbarous nations 14.188. while there is no contradiction to be made against the decrees of the Romans, for they are laid up in the public places of the cities, and are extant still in the capitol, and engraven upon pillars of brass; nay, besides this, Julius Caesar made a pillar of brass for the Jews at Alexandria, and declared publicly that they were citizens of Alexandria. 14.189. Out of these evidences will I demonstrate what I say; and will now set down the decrees made both by the senate and by Julius Caesar, which relate to Hyrcanus and to our nation. 14.191. I have sent you a copy of that decree, registered on the tables, which concerns Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, that it may be laid up among the public records; and I will that it be openly proposed in a table of brass, both in Greek and in Latin. 14.192. It is as follows: I Julius Caesar, imperator the second time, and high priest, have made this decree, with the approbation of the senate. Whereas Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander the Jew, hath demonstrated his fidelity and diligence about our affairs, and this both now and in former times, both in peace and in war, as many of our generals have borne witness 14.193. and came to our assistance in the last Alexandrian war, with fifteen hundred soldiers; and when he was sent by me to Mithridates, showed himself superior in valor to all the rest of that army;— 14.194. for these reasons I will that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his children, be ethnarchs of the Jews, and have the high priesthood of the Jews for ever, according to the customs of their forefathers, and that he and his sons be our confederates; and that besides this, everyone of them be reckoned among our particular friends. 14.195. I also ordain that he and his children retain whatsoever privileges belong to the office of high priest, or whatsoever favors have been hitherto granted them; and if at any time hereafter there arise any questions about the Jewish customs, I will that he determine the same. And I think it not proper that they should be obliged to find us winter quarters, or that any money should be required of them.” 14.196. 3. “The decrees of Caius Caesar, consul, containing what hath been granted and determined, are as follows: That Hyrcanus and his children bear rule over the nation of the Jews, and have the profits of the places to them bequeathed; and that he, as himself the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, defend those that are injured; 14.197. and that ambassadors be sent to Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest of the Jews, that may discourse with him about a league of friendship and mutual assistance; and that a table of brass, containing the premises, be openly proposed in the capitol, and at Sidon, and Tyre, and Askelon, and in the temple, engraven in Roman and Greek letters: 14.198. that this decree may also be communicated to the quaestors and praetors of the several cities, and to the friends of the Jews; and that the ambassadors may have presents made them; and that these decrees be sent every where.” 14.199. 4. “Caius Caesar, imperator, dictator, consul, hath granted, That out of regard to the honor, and virtue, and kindness of the man, and for the advantage of the senate, and of the people of Rome, Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, both he and his children, be high priests and priests of Jerusalem, and of the Jewish nation, by the same right, and according to the same laws, by which their progenitors have held the priesthood.” 14.201. and that the Jews be allowed to deduct out of their tribute, every second year the land is let [in the Sabbatic period], a corus of that tribute; and that the tribute they pay be not let to farm, nor that they pay always the same tribute.” 14.202. 6. “Caius Caesar, imperator the second time, hath ordained, That all the country of the Jews, excepting Joppa, do pay a tribute yearly for the city Jerusalem, excepting the seventh, which they call the sabbatical year, because thereon they neither receive the fruits of their trees, nor do they sow their land; 14.203. and that they pay their tribute in Sidon on the second year [of that sabbatical period], the fourth part of what was sown: and besides this, they are to pay the same tithes to Hyrcanus and his sons which they paid to their forefathers. 14.204. And that no one, neither president, nor lieutet, nor ambassador, raise auxiliaries within the bounds of Judea; nor may soldiers exact money of them for winter quarters, or under any other pretense; but that they be free from all sorts of injuries; 14.205. and that whatsoever they shall hereafter have, and are in possession of, or have bought, they shall retain them all. It is also our pleasure that the city Joppa, which the Jews had originally, when they made a league of friendship with the Romans, shall belong to them, as it formerly did; 14.206. and that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his sons, have as tribute of that city from those that occupy the land for the country, and for what they export every year to Sidon, twenty thousand six hundred and seventy-five modii every year, the seventh year, which they call the Sabbatic year, excepted, whereon they neither plough, nor receive the product of their trees. 14.207. It is also the pleasure of the senate, that as to the villages which are in the great plain, which Hyrcanus and his forefathers formerly possessed, Hyrcanus and the Jews have them with the same privileges with which they formerly had them also; 14.208. and that the same original ordices remain still in force which concern the Jews with regard to their high priests; and that they enjoy the same benefits which they have had formerly by the concession of the people, and of the senate; and let them enjoy the like privileges in Lydda. 14.209. It is the pleasure also of the senate that Hyrcanus the ethnarch, and the Jews, retain those places, countries, and villages which belonged to the kings of Syria and Phoenicia, the confederates of the Romans, and which they had bestowed on them as their free gifts. 14.211. 7. “Caius Caesar, imperator, dictator the fourth time, and consul the fifth time, declared to be perpetual dictator, made this speech concerning the rights and privileges of Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews. 14.212. Since those imperators that have been in the provinces before me have borne witness to Hyrcanus, the high priest of the Jews, and to the Jews themselves, and this before the senate and people of Rome, when the people and senate returned their thanks to them, it is good that we now also remember the same, and provide that a requital be made to Hyrcanus, to the nation of the Jews, and to the sons of Hyrcanus, by the senate and people of Rome, and that suitably to what good-will they have shown us, and to the benefits they have bestowed upon us.” 14.213. 8. “Julius Caius, praetor [consul] of Rome, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Parians, sendeth greeting. The Jews of Delos, and some other Jews that sojourn there, in the presence of your ambassadors, signified to us, that, by a decree of yours, you forbid them to make use of the customs of their forefathers, and their way of sacred worship. 14.214. Now it does not please me that such decrees should be made against our friends and confederates, whereby they are forbidden to live according to their own customs, or to bring in contributions for common suppers and holy festivals, while they are not forbidden so to do even at Rome itself; 14.215. for even Caius Caesar, our imperator and consul, in that decree wherein he forbade the Bacchanal rioters to meet in the city, did yet permit these Jews, and these only, both to bring in their contributions, and to make their common suppers. 14.216. Accordingly, when I forbid other Bacchanal rioters, I permit these Jews to gather themselves together, according to the customs and laws of their forefathers, and to persist therein. It will be therefore good for you, that if you have made any decree against these our friends and confederates, to abrogate the same, by reason of their virtue and kind disposition towards us.” 14.217. 9. Now after Caius was slain, when Marcus Antonius and Publius Dolabella were consuls, they both assembled the senate, and introduced Hyrcanus’s ambassadors into it, and discoursed of what they desired, and made a league of friendship with them. The senate also decreed to grant them all they desired. 14.218. I add the decree itself, that those who read the present work may have ready by them a demonstration of the truth of what we say. The decree was this: 14.219. 10. “The decree of the senate, copied out of the treasury, from the public tables belonging to the quaestors, when Quintus Rutilius and Caius Cornelius were quaestors, and taken out of the second table of the first class, on the third day before the Ides of April, in the temple of Concord. 14.221. Publius Dolabella and Marcus Antonius, the consuls, made this reference to the senate, that as to those things which, by the decree of the senate, Caius Caesar had adjudged about the Jews, and yet had not hitherto that decree been brought into the treasury, it is our will, as it is also the desire of Publius Dolabella and Marcus Antonius, our consuls, to have these decrees put into the public tables, and brought to the city quaestors, that they may take care to have them put upon the double tables. 14.222. This was done before the fifth of the Ides of February, in the temple of Concord. Now the ambassadors from Hyrcanus the high priest were these: Lysimachus, the son of Pausanias, Alexander, the son of Theodorus, Patroclus, the son of Chereas, and Jonathan the son of Onias.” 14.223. 11. Hyrcanus sent also one of these ambassadors to Dolabella, who was then the prefect of Asia, and desired him to dismiss the Jews from military services, and to preserve to them the customs of their forefathers, and to permit them to live according to them. 14.224. And when Dolabella had received Hyrcanus’s letter, without any further deliberation, he sent an epistle to all the Asiatics, and particularly to the city of the Ephesians, the metropolis of Asia, about the Jews; a copy of which epistle here follows: 14.225. 12. “When Artermon was prytanis, on the first day of the month Leneon, Dolabella, imperator, to the senate, and magistrates, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. 14.226. Alexander, the son of Theodorus, the ambassador of Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, appeared before me, to show that his countrymen could not go into their armies, because they are not allowed to bear arms or to travel on the Sabbath days, nor there to procure themselves those sorts of food which they have been used to eat from the times of their forefathers;— 14.227. I do therefore grant them a freedom from going into the army, as the former prefects have done, and permit them to use the customs of their forefathers, in assembling together for sacred and religious purposes, as their law requires, and for collecting oblations necessary for sacrifices; and my will is, that you write this to the several cities under your jurisdiction.” 14.228. 13. And these were the concessions that Dolabella made to our nation when Hyrcanus sent an embassage to him. But Lucius the consul’s decree ran thus: “I have at my tribunal set these Jews, who are citizens of Rome, and follow the Jewish religious rites, and yet live at Ephesus, free from going into the army, on account of the superstition they are under. This was done before the twelfth of the calends of October, when Lucius Lentulus and Caius Marcellus were consuls 14.229. in the presence of Titus Appius Balgus, the son of Titus, and lieutet of the Horatian tribe; of Titus Tongins, the son of Titus, of the Crustumine tribe; of Quintus Resius, the son of Quintus; of Titus Pompeius Longinus, the son of Titus; of Catus Servilius, the son of Caius, of the Terentine tribe; of Bracchus the military tribune; of Publius Lucius Gallus, the son of Publius, of the Veturian tribe; of Caius Sentius, the son of Caius, of the Sabbatine tribe; 14.231. 14. The decree of the Delians. “The answer of the praetors, when Beotus was archon, on the twentieth day of the month Thargeleon. While Marcus Piso the lieutet lived in our city, who was also appointed over the choice of the soldiers, he called us, and many other of the citizens, and gave order 14.232. that if there be here any Jews who are Roman citizens, no one is to give them any disturbance about going into the army, because Cornelius Lentulus, the consul, freed the Jews from going into the army, on account of the superstition they are under;—you are therefore obliged to submit to the praetor.” And the like decree was made by the Sardians about us also. 14.233. 15. “Caius Phanius, the son of Caius, imperator and consul, to the magistrates of Cos, sendeth greeting. I would have you know that the ambassadors of the Jews have been with me, and desired they might have those decrees which the senate had made about them; which decrees are here subjoined. My will is, that you have a regard to and take care of these men, according to the senate’s decree, that they may be safely conveyed home through your country.” 14.234. 16. The declaration of Lucius Lentulus the consul: “I have dismissed those Jews who are Roman citizens, and who appear to me to have their religious rites, and to observe the laws of the Jews at Ephesus, on account of the superstition they are under. This act was done before the thirteenth of the calends of October.” 14.235. 17. “Lucius Antonius, the son of Marcus, vice-quaestor, and vice-praetor, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Sardians, sendeth greeting. Those Jews that are our fellowcitizens of Rome came to me, and demonstrated that they had an assembly of their own, according to the laws of their forefathers, and this from the beginning, as also a place of their own, wherein they determined their suits and controversies with one another. Upon their petition therefore to me, that these might be lawful for them, I gave order that these their privileges be preserved, and they be permitted to do accordingly.” 14.236. 18. The declaration of Marcus Publius, the son of Spurius, and of Marcus, the son of Marcus, and of Lucius, the son of Publius: “We went to the proconsul, and informed him of what Dositheus, the son of Cleopatrida of Alexandria, desired, that, if he thought good 14.237. he would dismiss those Jews who were Roman citizens, and were wont to observe the rites of the Jewish religion, on account of the superstition they were under. Accordingly, he did dismiss them. This was done before the thirteenth of the calends of October.” /p19. “In the month Quntius, when Lucius Lentulus and Caius Mercellus were consuls; 14.238. and there were present Titus Appius Balbus, the son of Titus, lieutet of the Horatian tribe, Titus Tongius of the Crustumine tribe, Quintus Resius, the son of Quintus, Titus Pompeius, the son of Titus, Cornelius Longinus, Caius Servilius Bracchus, the son of Caius, a military tribune, of the Terentine tribe, Publius Clusius Gallus, the son of Publius, of the Veturian tribe, Caius Teutius, the son of Caius, a milital tribune, of the EmilJan tribe, Sextus Atilius Serranus, the son of Sextus, of the Esquiline tribe 14.239. Caius Pompeius, the son of Caius, of the Sabbatine tribe, Titus Appius Meder, the son of Titus, Publius Servilius Strabo, the son of Publius, Lucius Paccius Capito, the son of Lucius, of the Colline tribe, Aulus Furius Tertius, the son of Aulus, and Appius Menus. 14.241. 20. “The magistrates of the Laodiceans to Caius Rubilius, the son of Caius, the consul, sendeth greeting. Sopater, the ambassador of Hyrcanus the high priest, hath delivered us an epistle from thee, whereby he lets us know that certain ambassadors were come from Hyrcanus, the high priest of the Jews, and brought an epistle written concerning their nation 14.242. wherein they desire that the Jews may be allowed to observe their Sabbaths, and other sacred rites, according to the laws of their forefathers, and that they may be under no command, because they are our friends and confederates, and that nobody may injure them in our provinces. Now although the Trallians there present contradicted them, and were not pleased with these decrees, yet didst thou give order that they should be observed, and informedst us that thou hadst been desired to write this to us about them. 14.243. We therefore, in obedience to the injunctions we have received from thee, have received the epistle which thou sentest us, and have laid it up by itself among our public records. And as to the other things about which thou didst send to us, we will take care that no complaint be made against us.” 14.244. 21. “Publius Servilius, the son of Publius, of the Galban tribe, the proconsul, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Milesians, sendeth greeting. 14.245. Prytanes, the son of Hermes, a citizen of yours, came to me when I was at Tralles, and held a court there, and informed me that you used the Jews in a way different from my opinion, and forbade them to celebrate their Sabbaths, and to perform the sacred rites received from their forefathers, and to manage the fruits of the land, according to their ancient custom; and that he had himself been the promulger of your decree, according as your laws require: 14.246. I would therefore have you know, that upon hearing the pleadings on both sides, I gave sentence that the Jews should not be prohibited to make use of their own customs.” 14.247. 22. The decree of those of Pergamus. “When Cratippus was prytanis, on the first day of the month Desius, the decree of the praetors was this: Since the Romans, following the conduct of their ancestors, undertake dangers for the common safety of all mankind, and are ambitious to settle their confederates and friends in happiness, and in firm peace 14.248. and since the nation of the Jews, and their high priest Hyrcanus, sent as ambassadors to them, Strato, the son of Theodatus, and Apollonius, the son of Alexander, and Eneas, the son of Antipater 14.249. and Aristobulus, the son of Amyntas, and Sosipater, the son of Philip, worthy and good men, who gave a particular account of their affairs, the senate thereupon made a decree about what they had desired of them, that Antiochus the king, the son of Antiochus, should do no injury to the Jews, the confederates of the Romans; and that the fortresses, and the havens, and the country, and whatsoever else he had taken from them, should be restored to them; and that it may be lawful for them to export their goods out of their own havens; 14.251. Now Lucius Pettius, one of our senators, a worthy and good man, gave order that we should take care that these things should be done according to the senate’s decree; and that we should take care also that their ambassadors might return home in safety. 14.252. Accordingly, we admitted Theodorus into our senate and assembly, and took the epistle out of his hands, as well as the decree of the senate. And as he discoursed with great zeal about the Jews, and described Hyrcanus’s virtue and generosity 14.253. and how he was a benefactor to all men in common, and particularly to every body that comes to him, we laid up the epistle in our public records; and made a decree ourselves, that since we also are in confederacy with the Romans, we would do every thing we could for the Jews, according to the senate’s decree. 14.254. Theodorus also, who brought the epistle, desired of our praetors, that they would send Hyrcanus a copy of that decree, as also ambassadors to signify to him the affection of our people to him, and to exhort them to preserve and augment their friendship for us, and be ready to bestow other benefits upon us 14.255. as justly expecting to receive proper requitals from us; and desiring them to remember that our ancestors were friendly to the Jews even in the days of Abraham, who was the father of all the Hebrews, as we have [also] found it set down in our public records.” 14.256. 23. The decree of those of Halicarnassus. “When Memnon, the son of Orestidas by descent, but by adoption of Euonymus, was priest, on the —— day of the month Aristerion, the decree of the people, upon the representation of Marcus Alexander, was this: 14.257. Since we have ever a great regard to piety towards God, and to holiness; and since we aim to follow the people of the Romans, who are the benefactors of all men, and what they have written to us about a league of friendship and mutual assistance between the Jews and our city, and that their sacred offices and accustomed festivals and assemblies may be observed by them; 14.258. we have decreed, that as many men and women of the Jews as are willing so to do, may celebrate their Sabbaths, and perform their holy offices, according to the Jewish laws; and may make their proseuchae at the sea-side, according to the customs of their forefathers; and if any one, whether he be a magistrate or private person, hindereth them from so doing, he shall be liable to a fine, to be applied to the uses of the city.” 14.259. 24. The decree of the Sardians. “This decree was made by the senate and people, upon the representation of the praetors: Whereas those Jews who are fellowcitizens, and live with us in this city, have ever had great benefits heaped upon them by the people, and have come now into the senate 14.261. Now the senate and people have decreed to permit them to assemble together on the days formerly appointed, and to act according to their own laws; and that such a place be set apart for them by the praetors, for the building and inhabiting the same, as they shall esteem fit for that purpose; and that those that take care of the provision for the city, shall take care that such sorts of food as they esteem fit for their eating may be imported into the city.” 14.262. 25. The decree of the Ephesians. “When Menophilus was prytanis, on the first day of the month Artemisius, this decree was made by the people: Nicanor, the son of Euphemus, pronounced it, upon the representation of the praetors. 14.263. Since the Jews that dwell in this city have petitioned Marcus Julius Pompeius, the son of Brutus, the proconsul, that they might be allowed to observe their Sabbaths, and to act in all things according to the customs of their forefathers, without impediment from any body, the praetor hath granted their petition. 14.264. Accordingly, it was decreed by the senate and people, that in this affair that concerned the Romans, no one of them should be hindered from keeping the Sabbath day, nor be fined for so doing, but that they may be allowed to do all things according to their own laws.” 14.265. 26. Now there are many such decrees of the senate and imperators of the Romans and those different from these before us, which have been made in favor of Hyrcanus, and of our nation; as also, there have been more decrees of the cities, and rescripts of the praetors, to such epistles as concerned our rights and privileges; and certainly such as are not ill-disposed to what we write may believe that they are all to this purpose, and that by the specimens which we have inserted; 14.266. for since we have produced evident marks that may still be seen of the friendship we have had with the Romans, and demonstrated that those marks are engraven upon columns and tables of brass in the capitol, that axe still in being, and preserved to this day, we have omitted to set them all down, as needless and disagreeable; 14.267. for I cannot suppose any one so perverse as not to believe the friendship we have had with the Romans, while they have demonstrated the same by such a great number of their decrees relating to us; nor will they doubt of our fidelity as to the rest of those decrees, since we have shown the same in those we have produced, And thus have we sufficiently explained that friendship and confederacy we at those times had with the Romans. 14.268. 1. Now it so fell out, that about this very time the affairs of Syria were in great disorder, and this on the occasion following: Cecilius Bassus, one of Pompey’s party, laid a treacherous design against Sextus Caesar, and slew him, and then took his army, and got the management of public affairs into his own hand; so there arose a great war about Apamia, while Caesar’s generals came against him with an army of horsemen and footmen; 14.269. to these Antipater also sent succors, and his sons with them, as calling to mind the kindnesses they had received from Caesar, and on that account he thought it but just to require punishment for him, and to take vengeance on the man that had murdered him. 14.271. 2. As the war that arose upon the death of Caesar was now begun, and the principal men were all gone, some one way, and some another, to raise armies, Cassius came from Rome into Syria, in order to receive the [army that lay in the] camp at Apamia; 14.272. and having raised the siege, he brought over both Bassus and Marcus to his party. He then went over the cities, and got together weapons and soldiers, and laid great taxes upon those cities; and he chiefly oppressed Judea, and exacted of it seven hundred talents: 14.273. but Antipater, when he saw the state to be in so great consternation and disorder, he divided the collection of that sum, and appointed his two sons to gather it; and so that part of it was to be exacted by Malichus, who was ill-disposed to him, and part by others. 14.274. And because Herod did exact what is required of him from Galilee before others, he was in the greatest favor with Cassius; for he thought it a part of prudence to cultivate a friendship with the Romans, and to gain their goodwill at the expense of others; 14.275. whereas the curators of the other cities, with their citizens, were sold for slaves; and Cassius reduced four cities into a state of slavery, the two most potent of which were Gophna and Emmaus; and, besides these, Lydia and Thamna. 14.276. Nay, Cassius was so very angry at Malichus, that he had killed him, (for he assaulted him,) had not Hyrcanus, by the means of Antipater, sent him a hundred talents of his own, and thereby pacified his anger against him. 14.277. 3. But after Cassius was gone out of Judea, Malichus laid snares for Antipater, as thinking that his death would-be the preservation of Hyrcanus’s government; but his design was not unknown to Antipater, which when he perceived, he retired beyond Jordan, and got together an army, partly of Arabs, and partly of his own countrymen. 14.278. However, Malichus, being one of great cunning, denied that he had laid any snares for him, and made his defense with an oath, both to himself and his sons; and said that while Phasaelus had a garrison in Jerusalem, and Herod had the weapons of war in his custody, he could never have a thought of any such thing. So Antipater, perceiving the distress that Malichus was in, was reconciled to him 14.279. and made an agreement with him: this was when Marcus was president of Syria; who yet perceiving that this Malichus was making a disturbance in Judea, proceeded so far that he had almost killed him; but still, at the intercession of Antipater, he saved him. 14.283. And thus died Antipater, a man that had distinguished himself for piety and justice, and love to his country. And whereas one of his sons, Herod, resolved immediately to revenge their father’s death, and was coming upon Malichus with an army for that purpose, the elder of his sons, Phasaelus, thought it best rather to get this man into their hands by policy, lest they should appear to begin a civil war in the country; 14.284. o he accepted of Malichus’s defense for himself, and pretended to believe him that he had had no hand in the violent death of Antipater his father, but erected a fine monument for him. Herod also went to Samaria; and when he found them in great distress, he revived their spirits, and composed their differences. 14.285. 5. However, a little after this, Herod, upon the approach of a festival, came with his soldiers into the city; whereupon Malichus was affrighted, and persuaded Hyrcanus not to permit him to come into the city. Hyrcanus complied; and, for a pretense of excluding him, alleged, that a rout of strangers ought not to be admitted when the multitude were purifying themselves. 14.286. But Herod had little regard to the messengers that were sent to him, and entered the city in the night time, and affrighted Malichus; yet did he remit nothing of his former dissimulation, but wept for Antipater, and bewailed him as a friend of his with a loud voice; 14.287. but Herod and his friends though, it proper not openly to contradict Malichus’s hypocrisy, but to give him tokens of mutual friendship, in order to prevent his suspicion of them. 14.288. 6. However, Herod sent to Cassius, and informed him of the murder of his father; who knowing what sort of man Malichus was as to his morals, sent him back word that he should revenge his father’s death; and also sent privately to the commanders of his army at Tyre, with orders to assist Herod in the execution of a very just design of his. 14.289. Now when Cassius had taken Laodicea, they all went together to him, and carried him garlands and money; and Herod thought that Malichus might be punished while he was there; 14.291. But Providence opposed his counsels; and Herod being a shrewd man, and perceiving what his intention was, he sent thither beforehand a servant, in appearance indeed to get a supper ready, for he had said before that he would feast them all there, but in reality to the commanders of the army, whom he persuaded to go out against Malichus, with their daggers. 14.292. So they went out and met the man near the city, upon the sea-shore, and there stabbed him. Whereupon Hyrcanus was so astonished at what had happened, that his speech failed him; and when, after some difficulty, he had recovered himself, he asked Herod what the matter could be, and who it was that slew Malichus; 14.293. and when he said that it was done by the command of Cassius, he commended the action; for that Malichus was a very wicked man, and one that conspired against his own country. And this was the punishment that was inflicted on Malichus for what he wickedly did to Antipater. 14.294. 7. But when Cassius was marched out of Syria, disturbances arose in Judea; for Felix, who was left at Jerusalem with an army, made a sudden attempt against Phasaelus, and the people themselves rose in arms; 14.295. but Herod went to Fabius, the prefect of Damascus, and was desirous to run to his brother’s assistance, but was hindered by a distemper that seized upon him, till Phasaelus by himself had been too hard for Felix, and had shut him up in the tower, and there, on certain conditions, dismissed him. Phasaelus also complained of Hyrcanus, that although he had received a great many benefits from them, yet did he support their enemies; 14.296. for Malichus’s brother had made many places to revolt, and kept garrisons in them, and particularly Masada, the strongest fortress of them all. In the mean time, Herod was recovered of his disease, and came and took from Felix all the places he had gotten; and, upon certain conditions, dismissed him also. 14.297. 1. Now Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, brought back into Judea Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, who had already raised an army, and had, by money, made Fabius to be his friend, add this because he was of kin to him. Marion also gave him assistance. He had been left by Cassius to tyrannize over Tyre; for this Cassius was a man that seized on Syria, and then kept it under, in the way of a tyrant. 14.298. Marion also marched into Galilee, which lay in his neighborhood, and took three of his fortresses, and put garrisons into them to keep them. But when Herod came, he took all from him; but the Tyrian garrison he dismissed in a very civil manner; nay, to some of the soldiers he made presents out of the good-will he bare to that city. 14.299. When he had despatched these affairs, and was gone to meet Antigonus, he joined battle with him, and beat him, and drove him out of Judea presently, when he was just come into its borders. But when he was come to Jerusalem, Hyrcanus and the people put garlands about his head; 14.302. The principal men also of the Jews came thither, to accuse Phasaelus and Herod; and they said that Hyrcanus had indeed the appearance of reigning, but that these men had all the power: 14.303. but Antony paid great respect to Herod, who was come to him to make his defense against his accusers, on which account his adversaries could not so much as obtain a hearing; which favor Herod had gained of Antony by money. 14.304. But still, when Antony was come to Ephesus, Hyrcanus the high priest, and our nation, sent an embassage to him, which carried a crown of gold with them, and desired that he would write to the governors of the provinces, to set those Jews free who had been carried captive by Cassius, and this without their having fought against him, and to restore them that country, which, in the days of Cassius, had been taken from them. 14.305. Antony thought the Jews’ desires were just, and wrote immediately to Hyrcanus, and to the Jews. He also sent, at the same time, a decree to the Tyrians; the contents of which were to the same purpose. 14.306. 3. “Marcus Antonius, imperator, to Hyrcanus the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, sendeth greeting. It you be in health, it is well; I am also in health, with the army. 14.307. Lysimachus, the son of Pausanias, and Josephus, the son of Menneus, and Alexander, the son of Theodorus, your ambassadors, met me at Ephesus, and have renewed the embassage which they had formerly been upon at Rome, and have diligently acquitted themselves of the present embassage, which thou and thy nation have intrusted to them, and have fully declared the goodwill thou hast for us. 14.308. I am therefore satisfied, both by your actions and your words, that you are well-disposed to us; and I understand that your conduct of life is constant and religious: so I reckon upon you as our own. 14.309. But when those that were adversaries to you, and to the Roman people, abstained neither from cities nor temples, and did not observe the agreement they had confirmed by oath, it was not only on account of our contest with them, but on account of all mankind in common, that we have taken vengeance on those who have been the authors of great injustice towards men, and of great wickedness towards the gods; for the sake of which we suppose that it was that the sun turned away his light from us, as unwilling to view the horrid crime they were guilty of in the case of Caesar. 14.311. Now Brutus, when he had fled as far as Philippi, was shut up by us, and became a partaker of the same perdition with Cassius; and now these have received their punishment, we suppose that we may enjoy peace for the time to come, and that Asia may be at rest from war. 14.312. We therefore make that peace which God hath given us common to our confederates also, insomuch that the body of Asia is now recovered out of that distemper it was under by the means of our victory. I, therefore, bearing in mind both thee and your nation, shall take care of what may be for your advantage. 14.313. I have also sent epistles in writing to the several cities, that if any persons, whether free-men or bond-men, have been sold under the spear by Caius Cassius, or his subordinate officers, they may be set free. And I will that you kindly make use of the favors which I and Dolabella have granted you. I also forbid the Tyrians to use any violence with you; and for what places of the Jews they now possess, I order them to restore them. I have withal accepted of the crown which thou sentest me.” 14.314. 4. “Marcus Antonius, imperator, to the magistrates, senate, and people of Tyre, sendeth greeting. The ambassadors of Hyrcanus, the high priest and ethnarch [of the Jews], appeared before me at Ephesus, and told me that you are in possession of part of their country, which you entered upon under the government of our adversaries. 14.315. Since, therefore, we have undertaken a war for the obtaining the government, and have taken care to do what was agreeable to piety and justice, and have brought to punishment those that had neither any remembrance of the kindnesses they had received, nor have kept their oaths, I will that you be at peace with those that are our confederates; as also, that what you have taken by the means of our adversaries shall not be reckoned your own, but be returned to those from whom you took them; 14.316. for none of them took their provinces or their armies by the gift of the senate, but they seized them by force, and bestowed them by violence upon such as became useful to them in their unjust proceedings. 16.27. 3. But now, when Agrippa and Herod were in Ionia, a great multitude of Jews, who dwelt in their cities, came to them, and laying hold of the opportunity and the liberty now given them, laid before them the injuries which they suffered, while they were not permitted to use their own laws, but were compelled to prosecute their law-suits, by the ill usage of the judges, upon their holy days 16.27. He also made an agreement with him that he would go to Rome, because he had written to Caesar about these affairs; so they went together as far as Antioch, and there Herod made a reconciliation between Archelaus and Titus, the president of Syria, who had been greatly at variance, and so returned back to Judea. 16.28. and were deprived of the money they used to lay up at Jerusalem, and were forced into the army, and upon such other offices as obliged them to spend their sacred money; from which burdens they always used to be freed by the Romans, who had still permitted them to live according to their own laws. 16.28. but Sylleus, who had laid Obodas aside, and managed all by himself, denied that the robbers were in Arabia, and put off the payment of the money; about which there was a hearing before Saturninus and Volumnius, who were then the presidents of Syria. 16.31. “It is of necessity incumbent on such as are in distress to have recourse to those that have it in their power to free them from those injuries they lie under; and for those that now are complaits, they approach you with great assurance; 16.31. So he got money from him also, and went away, before his pernicious practices were found out; but when Eurycles was returned to Lacedemon, he did not leave off doing mischief; and so, for his many acts of injustice, he was banished from his own country. 16.32. for as they have formerly often obtained your favor, so far as they have even wished to have it, they now only entreat that you, who have been the donors, will take care that those favors you have already granted them may not be taken away from them. We have received these favors from you, who alone have power to grant them, but have them taken from us by such as are no greater than ourselves, and by such as we know are as much subjects as we are; 16.32. 5. So the king produced those that had been tortured before the multitude at Jericho, in order to have them accuse the young men, which accusers many of the people stoned to death; 16.33. and certainly, if we have been vouchsafed great favors, it is to our commendation who have obtained them, as having been found deserving of such great favors; and if those favors be but small ones, it would be barbarous for the donors not to confirm them to us. 16.33. but at length Ptolemy, who was ordered to bring Alexander, bid him say whether his wife was conscious of his actions. He replied, “How is it possible that she, whom I love better than my own soul, and by whom I have had children, should not know what I do?” 16.34. And for those that are the hinderance of the Jews, and use them reproachfully, it is evident that they affront both the receivers, while they will not allow those to be worthy men to whom their excellent rulers themselves have borne their testimony, and the donors, while they desire those favors already granted may be abrogated. 16.34. that he had borrowed money for no good design; and he proved that he had been guilty of adultery, not only with the Arabian, but Rei women also. And he added, that above all the rest he had alienated Caesar from Herod, and that all that he had said about the actions of Herod were falsities. 16.35. Now if any one should ask these Gentiles themselves, which of the two things they would choose to part with, their lives, or the customs of their forefathers, their solemnities, their sacrifices, their festivals, which they celebrated in honor of those they suppose to be gods? I know very well that they would choose to suffer any thing whatsoever rather than a dissolution of any of the customs of their forefathers; 16.35. for I venture to affirm that when the forces of the Arabians came upon us, and one or two of Herod’s party fell, he then only defended himself, and there fell Nacebus their general, and in all about twenty-five others, and no more; whence Sylleus, by multiplying every single soldier to a hundred, he reckons the slain to have been two thousand five hundred.” 16.36. for a great many of them have rather chosen to go to war on that account, as very solicitous not to transgress in those matters. And indeed we take an estimate of that happiness which all mankind do now enjoy by your means from this very thing, that we are allowed every one to worship as our own institutions require, and yet to live [in peace]; 16.36. he therefore sent and called as many as he thought fit to this assembly, excepting Archelaus; for as for him, he either hated him, so that he would not invite him, or he thought he would be an obstacle to his designs. 16.37. and although they would not be thus treated themselves, yet do they endeavor to compel others to comply with them, as if it were not as great an instance of impiety profanely to dissolve the religious solemnities of any others, as to be negligent in the observation of their own towards their gods. 16.37. Immediately after this Herod came away from thence, and took his sons to Tyre, where Nicolaus met him in his voyage from Rome; of whom he inquired, after he had related to him what had passed at Berytus, what his sentiments were about his sons, and what his friends at Rome thought of that matter. 16.38. And let us now consider the one of these practices. Is there any people, or city, or community of men, to whom your government and the Roman power does not appear to be the greatest blessing ‘. Is there any one that can desire to make void the favors they have granted? 16.38. Whither is thy understanding gone, and left thy soul empty? Whither is that extraordinary sagacity of thine gone whereby thou hast performed so many and such glorious-actions? 16.39. No one is certainly so mad; for there are no men but such as have been partakers of their favors, both public and private; and indeed those that take away what you have granted, can have no assurance but every one of their own grants made them by you may be taken from them also; 16.39. And when the king had given his word to do so, he said that there was an agreement made, that Tero should lay violent hands on the king, because it was easy for him to come when he was alone; and that if, when he had done the thing, he should suffer death for it, as was not unlikely, it would be an act of generosity done in favor of Alexander. 16.41. Now the privileges we desire, even when we are in the best circumstances, are not such as deserve to be envied, for we are indeed in a prosperous state by your means, but this is only in common with others; and it is no more than this which we desire, to preserve our religion without any prohibition; which as it appears not in itself a privilege to be envied us, so it is for the advantage of those that grant it to us; 16.42. for if the Divinity delights in being honored, it must delight in those that permit them to be honored. And there are none of our customs which are inhuman, but all tending to piety, and devoted to the preservation of justice; 16.43. nor do we conceal those injunctions of ours by which we govern our lives, they being memorials of piety, and of a friendly conversation among men. And the seventh day we set apart from labor; it is dedicated to the learning of our customs and laws, we thinking it proper to reflect on them, as well as on any [good] thing else, in order to our avoiding of sin. 16.44. If any one therefore examine into our observances, he will find they are good in themselves, and that they are ancient also, though some think otherwise, insomuch that those who have received them cannot easily be brought to depart from them, out of that honor they pay to the length of time they have religiously enjoyed them and observed them. 16.45. Now our adversaries take these our privileges away in the way of injustice; they violently seize upon that money of ours which is owed to God, and called sacred money, and this openly, after a sacrilegious manner; and they impose tributes upon us, and bring us before tribunals on holy days, and then require other like debts of us, not because the contracts require it, and for their own advantage, but because they would put an affront on our religion, of which they are conscious as well as we, and have indulged themselves in an unjust, and to them involuntary, hatred; 16.46. for your government over all is one, tending to the establishing of benevolence, and abolishing of ill-will among such as are disposed to it. 16.47. This is therefore what we implore from thee, most excellent Agrippa, that we may not be ill-treated; that we may not be abused; that we may not be hindered from making use of our own customs, nor be despoiled of our goods, nor be forced by these men to do what we ourselves force nobody to do; for these privileges of ours are not only according to justice, but have formerly been granted us by you. 16.48. And we are able to read to you many decrees of the senate, and the tables that contain them, which are still extant in the capitol, concerning these things, which it is evident were granted after you had experience of our fidelity towards you, which ought to be valued, though no such fidelity had been; 16.49. for you have hitherto preserved what people were in possession of, not to us only, but almost to all men, and have added greater advantages than they could have hoped for, and thereby your government is become a great advantage to them. And if any one were able to enumerate the prosperity you have conferred on every nation, which they possess by your means, he could never put an end to his discourse; 16.51. and indeed in what instance of good-will, as to your house, hath he been deficient? What mark of fidelity to it hath he omitted? What token of honor hath he not devised? What occasion for his assistance of you hath he not regarded at the very first? What hindereth; therefore, but that your kindnesses may be as numerous as his so great benefits to you have been? 16.52. It may also perhaps be fit not here to pass over in silence the valor of his father Antipater, who, when Caesar made an expedition into Egypt, assisted him with two thousand armed men, and proved inferior to none, neither in the battles on land, nor in the management of the navy; 16.53. and what need I say any thing of how great weight those soldiers were at that juncture? or how many and how great presents they were vouchsafed by Caesar? And truly I ought before now to have mentioned the epistles which Caesar wrote to the senate; and how Antipater had honors, and the freedom of the city of Rome, bestowed upon him; 16.54. for these are demonstrations both that we have received these favors by our own deserts, and do on that account petition thee for thy confirmation of them, from whom we had reason to hope for them, though they had not been given us before, both out of regard to our king’s disposition towards you, and your disposition towards him. 16.55. And further, we have been informed by those Jews that were there with what kindness thou camest into our country, and how thou offeredst the most perfect sacrifices to God, and honoredst him with remarkable vows, and how thou gavest the people a feast, and acceptedst of their own hospitable presents to thee. 16.56. We ought to esteem all these kind entertainments made both by our nation and to our city, to a man who is the ruler and manager of so much of the public affairs, as indications of that friendship which thou hast returned to the Jewish nation, and which hath been procured them by the family of Herod. 16.57. So we put thee in mind of these things in the presence of the king, now sitting by thee, and make our request for no more but this, that what you have given us yourselves you will not see taken away by others from us.” 16.58. 4. When Nicolaus had made this speech, there was no opposition made to it by the Greeks, for this was not an inquiry made, as in a court of justice, but an intercession to prevent violence to be offered to the Jews any longer; 16.59. nor did the Greeks make any defense of themselves, or deny what it was supposed they had done. Their pretense was no more than this, that while the Jews inhabited in their country, they were entirely unjust to them [in not joining in their worship] but they demonstrated their generosity in this, that though they worshipped according to their institutions, they did nothing that ought to grieve them. 16.61. upon which Herod stood up and saluted him, and gave him thanks for the kind disposition he showed to them. Agrippa also took this in a very obliging manner, and saluted him again, and embraced him in his arms; 16.62. after which he went away from Lesbos; but the king determined to sail from Samos to his own country; and when he had taken his leave of Agrippa, he pursued his voyage, and landed at Caesarea in a few days’ time, as having favorable winds; from whence he went to Jerusalem, and there gathered all the people together to an assembly, not a few being there out of the country also. 16.161. When therefore they were thus afflicted, and found no end of their barbarous treatment they met with among the Greeks, they sent ambassadors to Caesar on those accounts, who gave them the same privileges as they had before, and sent letters to the same purpose to the governors of the provinces, copies of which I subjoin here, as testimonials of the ancient favorable disposition the Roman emperors had towards us. 16.162. 2. “Caesar Augustus, high priest and tribune of the people, ordains thus: Since the nation of the Jews hath been found grateful to the Roman people, not only at this time, but in time past also, and chiefly Hyrcanus the high priest, under my father Caesar the emperor 16.163. it seemed good to me and my counselors, according to the sentence and oath of the people of Rome, that the Jews have liberty to make use of their own customs, according to the law of their forefathers, as they made use of them under Hyrcanus the high priest of the Almighty God; and that their sacred money be not touched, but be sent to Jerusalem, and that it be committed to the care of the receivers at Jerusalem; and that they be not obliged to go before any judge on the Sabbath day, nor on the day of the preparation to it, after the ninth hour. 16.164. But if any one be caught stealing their holy books, or their sacred money, whether it be out of the synagogue or public school, he shall be deemed a sacrilegious person, and his goods shall be brought into the public treasury of the Romans. 16.165. And I give order that the testimonial which they have given me, on account of my regard to that piety which I exercise toward all mankind, and out of regard to Caius Marcus Censorinus, together with the present decree, be proposed in that most eminent place which hath been consecrated to me by the community of Asia at Ancyra. And if any one transgress any part of what is above decreed, he shall be severely punished.” This was inscribed upon a pillar in the temple of Caesar. 16.166. 3. “Caesar to Norbanus Flaccus, sendeth greeting. Let those Jews, how many soever they be, who have been used, according to their ancient custom, to send their sacred money to Jerusalem, do the same freely.” These were the decrees of Caesar. 16.167. 4. Agrippa also did himself write after the manner following, on behalf of the Jews: “Agrippa, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. I will that the care and custody of the sacred money that is carried to the temple at Jerusalem be left to the Jews of Asia, to do with it according to their ancient custom; 16.168. and that such as steal that sacred money of the Jews, and fly to a sanctuary, shall be taken thence and delivered to the Jews, by the same law that sacrilegious persons are taken thence. I have also written to Sylvanus the praetor, that no one compel the Jews to come before a judge on the Sabbath day.” 16.169. 5. “Marcus Agrippa to the magistrates, senate, and people of Cyrene, sendeth greeting. The Jews of Cyrene have interceded with me for the performance of what Augustus sent orders about to Flavius, the then praetor of Libya, and to the other procurators of that province, that the sacred money may be sent to Jerusalem freely, as hath been their custom from their forefathers 16.171. 6. “Caius Norbanus Flaccus, proconsul, to the magistrates of the Sardians, sendeth greeting. Caesar hath written to me, and commanded me not to forbid the Jews, how many soever they be, from assembling together according to the custom of their forefathers, nor from sending their money to Jerusalem. I have therefore written to you, that you may know that both Caesar and I would have you act accordingly.” 16.172. 7. Nor did Julius Antonius, the proconsul, write otherwise. “To the magistrates, senate, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. As I was dispensing justice at Ephesus, on the Ides of February, the Jews that dwell in Asia demonstrated to me that Augustus and Agrippa had permitted them to use their own laws and customs, and to offer those their first-fruits, which every one of them freely offers to the Deity on account of piety, and to carry them in a company together to Jerusalem without disturbance. 16.173. They also petitioned me that I also would confirm what had been granted by Augustus and Agrippa by my own sanction. I would therefore have you take notice, that according to the will of Augustus and Agrippa, I permit them to use and do according to the customs of their forefathers without disturbance.” 16.174. 8. I have been obliged to set down these decree because the present history of our own acts will go generally among the Greeks; and I have hereby demonstrated to them that we have formerly been in great esteem, and have not been prohibited by those governors we were under from keeping any of the laws of our forefathers; nay, that we have been supported by them, while we followed our own religion, and the worship we paid to God; 16.175. and I frequently make mention of these decrees, in order to reconcile other people to us, and to take away the causes of that hatred which unreasonable men bear to us. 16.176. As for our customs there is no nation which always makes use of the same, and in every city almost we meet with them different from one another; 16.177. but natural justice is most agreeable to the advantage of all men equally, both Greeks and barbarians, to which our laws have the greatest regard, and thereby render us, if we abide in them after a pure manner, benevolent and friendly to all men; 16.178. on which account we have reason to expect the like return from others, and to inform them that they ought not to esteem difference of positive institutions a sufficient cause of alienation, but [join with us in] the pursuit of virtue and probity, for this belongs to all men in common, and of itself alone is sufficient for the preservation of human life. I now return to the thread of my history. 17.26. 2. The Babylonian was reduced by these offers to come hither; so he took possession of the land, and built in it fortresses and a village, and named it Bathyra. Whereby this man became a safeguard to the inhabitants against the Trachonites, and preserved those Jews who came out of Babylon, to offer their sacrifices at Jerusalem, from being hurt by the Trachonite robbers; so that a great number came to him from all those parts where the ancient Jewish laws were observed 17.26. All the archers also in array did the Romans a great deal of mischief, because they used their hands dexterously from a place superior to the others, and because the others were at an utter loss what to do; for when they tried to shoot their arrows against the Jews upwards, these arrows could not reach them, insomuch that the Jews were easily too hard for their enemies. And this sort of fight lasted a great while 18.312. There was also the city Nisibis, situate on the same current of the river. For which reason the Jews, depending on the natural strength of these places, deposited in them that half shekel which every one, by the custom of our country, offers unto God, as well as they did other things devoted to him; for they made use of these cities as a treasury 18.313. whence, at a proper time, they were transmitted to Jerusalem; and many ten thousand men undertook the carriage of those donations, out of fear of the ravages of the Parthians, to whom the Babylonians were then subject.
16. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.33, 1.175, 1.187, 6.335, 6.423-6.425, 7.148-7.152, 7.421-7.436 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

1.33. But Onias, the high priest, fled to Ptolemy, and received a place from him in the Nomus of Heliopolis, where he built a city resembling Jerusalem, and a temple that was like its temple, concerning which we shall speak more in its proper place hereafter. 1.33. He also made an immediate and continual attack upon the fortress. Yet was he forced, by a most terrible storm, to pitch his camp in the neighboring villages before he could take it. But when, after a few days’ time, the second legion, that came from Antony, joined themselves to him, the enemy were affrighted at his power, and left their fortifications in the nighttime. 1.175. 7. But now as Gabinius was marching to the war against the Parthians, he was hindered by Ptolemy, whom, upon his return from Euphrates, he brought back into Egypt, making use of Hyrcanus and Antipater to provide everything that was necessary for this expedition; for Antipater furnished him with money, and weapons, and corn, and auxiliaries; he also prevailed with the Jews that were there, and guarded the avenues at Pelusium, to let them pass. 1.187. 3. Now, after Pompey was dead, Antipater changed sides, and cultivated a friendship with Caesar. And since Mithridates of Pergamus, with the forces he led against Egypt, was excluded from the avenues about Pelusium, and was forced to stay at Ascalon, he persuaded the Arabians, among whom he had lived, to assist him, and came himself to him, at the head of three thousand armed men. 6.335. And what is our chief favor of all we have given you leave to gather up that tribute which is paid to God with such other gifts that are dedicated to him; nor have we called those that carried these donations to account, nor prohibited them; till at length you became richer than we ourselves, even when you were our enemies; and you made preparations for war against us with our own money; 6.423. So these high priests, upon the coming of that feast which is called the Passover, when they slay their sacrifices, from the ninth hour till the eleventh, but so that a company not less than ten belong to every sacrifice (for it is not lawful for them to feast singly by themselves), and many of us are twenty in a company 6.424. found the number of sacrifices was two hundred and fifty-six thousand five hundred; 6.425. which, upon the allowance of no more than ten that feast together, amounts to two million seven hundred thousand and two hundred persons that were pure and holy; 7.148. and for the other spoils, they were carried in great plenty. But for those that were taken in the temple of Jerusalem, they made the greatest figure of them all; that is, the golden table, of the weight of many talents; the candlestick also, that was made of gold, though its construction were now changed from that which we made use of; 7.149. for its middle shaft was fixed upon a basis, and the small branches were produced out of it to a great length, having the likeness of a trident in their position, and had every one a socket made of brass for a lamp at the tops of them. These lamps were in number seven, and represented the dignity of the number seven among the Jews; 7.151. After these spoils passed by a great many men, carrying the images of Victory, whose structure was entirely either of ivory or of gold. 7.152. After which Vespasian marched in the first place, and Titus followed him; Domitian also rode along with them, and made a glorious appearance, and rode on a horse that was worthy of admiration. 7.421. who having in suspicion the restless temper of the Jews for innovation, and being afraid lest they should get together again, and persuade some others to join with them, gave orders to Lupus to demolish that Jewish temple which was in the region called Onion 7.422. and was in Egypt, which was built and had its denomination from the occasion following: 7.423. Onias, the son of Simon, one of the Jewish high priests, fled from Antiochus the king of Syria, when he made war with the Jews, and came to Alexandria; and as Ptolemy received him very kindly, on account of his hatred to Antiochus, he assured him, that if he would comply with his proposal, he would bring all the Jews to his assistance; 7.424. and when the king agreed to do it so far as he was able, he desired him to give him leave to build a temple somewhere in Egypt, and to worship God according to the customs of his own country; 7.425. for that the Jews would then be so much readier to fight against Antiochus who had laid waste the temple at Jerusalem, and that they would then come to him with greater goodwill; and that, by granting them liberty of conscience, very many of them would come over to him. 7.426. 3. So Ptolemy complied with his proposals, and gave him a place one hundred and eighty furlongs distant from Memphis. That Nomos was called the Nomos of Heliopoli 7.427. where Onias built a fortress and a temple, not like to that at Jerusalem, but such as resembled a tower. He built it of large stones to the height of sixty cubits; 7.428. he made the structure of the altar in imitation of that in our own country, and in like manner adorned with gifts, excepting the make of the candlestick 7.429. for he did not make a candlestick, but had a [single] lamp hammered out of a piece of gold, which illuminated the place with its rays, and which he hung by a chain of gold; 7.431. Yet did not Onias do this out of a sober disposition, but he had a mind to contend with the Jews at Jerusalem, and could not forget the indignation he had for being banished thence. Accordingly, he thought that by building this temple he should draw away a great number from them to himself. 7.432. There had been also a certain ancient prediction made by [a prophet] whose name was Isaiah, about six hundred years before, that this temple should be built by a man that was a Jew in Egypt. And this is the history of the building of that temple. 7.433. 4. And now Lupus, the governor of Alexandria, upon the receipt of Caesar’s letter, came to the temple, and carried out of it some of the donations dedicated thereto, and shut up the temple itself. 7.434. And as Lupus died a little afterward, Paulinus succeeded him. This man left none of those donations there, and threatened the priests severely if they did not bring them all out; nor did he permit any who were desirous of worshipping God there so much as to come near the whole sacred place; 7.435. but when he had shut up the gates, he made it entirely inaccessible, insomuch that there remained no longer the least footsteps of any Divine worship that had been in that place. 7.436. Now the duration of the time from the building of this temple till it was shut up again was three hundred and forty-three years.
17. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 1.31-1.36, 1.186-1.189, 2.6, 2.14, 2.37, 2.49-2.56, 2.60, 2.175 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

1.31. for he who is partaker of the priesthood must propagate of a wife of the same nation, without having any regard to money, or any other dignities; but he is to make a scrutiny, and take his wife’s genealogy from the ancient tables, and procure many witnesses to it; 1.31. that the rest commended what he had said with one consent, and did what they had resolved on, and so travelled over the desert. But that the difficulties of the journey being over, they came to a country inhabited, and that there they abused the men, and plundered and burnt their temples, and then came into that land which is called Judea, and there they built a city, and dwelt therein 1.32. and this is our practice not only in Judea, but wheresoever any body of men of our nation do live; and even there, an exact catalogue of our priests’ marriages is kept; 1.32. But why should a man say any more to a person who tells such impudent lies! However, since this book is arisen to a competent length, I will make another beginning, and endeavor to add what still remains to perfect my design in the following book. 1.33. I mean at Egypt and at Babylon, or in any other place of the rest of the habitable earth, whithersoever our priests are scattered; for they send to Jerusalem the ancient names of their parents in writing, as well as those of their remoter ancestors, and signify who are the witnesses also; 1.34. but if any war falls out, such as have fallen out, a great many of them already, when Antiochus Epiphanes made an invasion upon our country, as also when Pompey the Great and Quintilius Varus did so also, and principally in the wars that have happened in our own times 1.35. those priests that survive them compose new tables of genealogy out of the old records, and examine the circumstances of the women that remain; for still they do not admit of those that have been captives, as suspecting that they had conversation with some foreigners; 1.36. but what is the strongest argument of our exact management in this matter is what I am now going to say, that we have the names of our high priests, from father to son, set down in our records, for the interval of two thousand years; and if any one of these have been transgressors of these rules, they are prohibited to present themselves at the altar, or to be partakers of any other of our purifications; 1.186. Again, Hecateus says to the same purpose, as follows:—“Ptolemy got possession of the places in Syria after the battle at Gaza; and many, when they heard of Ptolemy’s moderation and humanity, went along with him to Egypt, and were willing to assist him in his affairs; 1.187. one of whom (Hecateus says) was Hezekiah, the high priest of the Jews; a man of about sixty-six years of age, and in great dignity among his own people. He was a very sensible man, and could speak very movingly, and was very skilful in the management of affairs, if any other man ever were so; 1.188. although, as he says, all the priests of the Jews took tithes of the products of the earth, and managed public affairs, and were in number not above fifteen hundred at the most.” 1.189. Hecateus mentions this Hezekiah a second time, and says, that “as he was possessed of so great a dignity, and was become familiar with us, so did he take certain of those that were with him, and explained to them all the circumstances of their people: for he had all their habitations and polity down in writing.” 2.6. However, it is not a very easy thing to go over this man’s discourse, nor to know plainly what he means; yet does he seem, amidst a great confusion and disorder in his falsehoods, to produce, in the first place, such things as resemble what we have examined already, and relate to the departure of our forefathers out of Egypt; 2.6. nay, when last of all Caesar had taken Alexandria, she came to that pitch of cruelty, that she declared she had some hope of preserving her affairs still, in case she could kill the Jews, though it were with her own hand; to such a degree of barbarity and perfidiousness had she arrived; and doth any one think that we cannot boast ourselves of any thing, if, as Apion says, this queen did not at a time of famine distribute wheat among us? 2.14. Now, this [man], grammarian as he was, could not certainly tell which was the poet Homer’s country, no more than he could which was the country of Pythagoras, who lived comparatively but a little while ago; yet does he thus easily determine the age of Moses, who preceded them such a vast number of years, as depending on his ancient men’s relation, which shows how notorious a liar he was. 2.14. However, if any one should ask Apion which of the Egyptians he thinks to be the most wise, and most pious of them all, he would certainly acknowledge the priests to be so; 2.37. Had this man now read the epistles of king Alexander, or those of Ptolemy the son of Lagus, or met with the writings of the succeeding kings, or that pillar which is still standing at Alexandria, and contains the privileges which the great [Julius] Caesar bestowed upon the Jews; had this man, I say, known these records, and yet hath the impudence to write in contradiction to them, he hath shown himself to be a wicked man: but if he knew nothing of these records, he hath shown himself to be a man very ignorant; 2.49. and as for Ptolemy Philometor and his wife Cleopatra, they committed their whole kingdom to Jews, when Onias and Dositheus, both Jews, whose names are laughed at by Apion, were the generals of their whole army; but certainly instead of reproaching them, he ought to admire their actions, and return them thanks for saving Alexandria, whose citizen he pretends to be; 2.51. Yes, do I venture to say, and that he did rightly and very justly in so doing; for that Ptolemy who was called Physco, upon the death of his brother Philometor, came from Cyrene, and would have ejected Cleopatra as well as her sons out of their kingdom 2.52. that he might obtain it for himself unjustly. For this cause then it was that Onias undertook a war against him on Cleopatra’s account; nor would he desert that trust the royal family had reposed in him in their distress. 2.53. Accordingly, God gave a remarkable attestation to his righteous procedure; for when Ptolemy Physco had the presumption to fight against Onias’s army, and had caught all the Jews that were in the city [Alexandria], with their children and wives, and exposed them naked and in bonds to his elephants, that they might be trodden upon and destroyed, and when he had made those elephants drunk for that purpose, the event proved contrary to his preparations; 2.54. for these elephants left the Jews who were exposed to them, and fell violently upon Physco’s friends, and slew a great number of them; nay, after this, Ptolemy saw a terrible ghost, which prohibited his hurting those men; 2.55. his very concubine, whom he loved so well (some call her Ithaca, and others Irene), making supplication to him, that he would not perpetrate so great a wickedness. So he complied with her request, and repented of what he either had already done, or was about to do; whence it is well known that the Alexandrian Jews do with good reason celebrate this day, on the account that they had thereon been vouchsafed such an evident deliverance from God. 2.56. However, Apion, the common calumniator of men, hath the presumption to accuse the Jews for making this war against Physco, when he ought to have commended them for the same. This man also makes mention of Cleopatra, the last queen of Alexandria, and abuses us, because she was ungrateful to us; whereas he ought to have reproved her 2.175. for he did not suffer the guilt of ignorance to go on without punishment, but demonstrated the law to be the best and the most necessary instruction of all others, permitting the people to leave off their other employments, and to assemble together for the hearing of the law, and learning it exactly, and this not once or twice, or oftener, but every week; which thing all the other legislators seem to have neglected. /p
18. Josephus Flavius, Life, 6, 134 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

19. Juvenal, Satires, 3.296 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

20. New Testament, Mark, 1.21, 6.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

1.21. They went into Capernaum, and immediately on the Sabbath day he entered into the synagogue and taught. 6.2. When the Sabbath had come, he began to teach in the synagogue, and many hearing him were astonished, saying, "Where did this man get these things?" and, "What is the wisdom that is given to this man, that such mighty works come about by his hands?
21. Suetonius, Claudius, 25.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

22. Tacitus, Histories, 5.5.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

23. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 60.6.6 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

60.6.6.  As for the Jews, who had again increased so greatly that by reason of their multitude it would have been hard without raising a tumult to bar them from the city, he did not drive them out, but ordered them, while continuing their traditional mode of life, not to hold meetings. He also disbanded the clubs, which had been reintroduced by Gaius.
24. Tertullian, Apology, 21 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

21. But having asserted that our religion is supported by the writings of the Jews, the oldest which exist, though it is generally known, and we fully admit that it dates from a comparatively recent period - no further back indeed than the reign of Tiberius- a question may perhaps be raised on this ground about its standing, as if it were hiding something of its presumption under shadow of an illustrious religion, one which has at any rate undoubted allowance of the law, or because, apart from the question of age, we neither accord with the Jews in their peculiarities in regard to food, nor in their sacred days, nor even in their well-known bodily sign, nor in the possession of a common name, which surely behooved to be the case if we did homage to the same God as they. Then, too, the common people have now some knowledge of Christ, and think of Him as but a man, one indeed such as the Jews condemned, so that some may naturally enough have taken up the idea that we are worshippers of a mere human being. But we are neither ashamed of Christ - for we rejoice to be counted His disciples, and in His name to suffer - nor do we differ from the Jews concerning God. We must make, therefore, a remark or two as to Christ's divinity. In former times the Jews enjoyed much of God's favour, when the fathers of their race were noted for their righteousness and faith. So it was that as a people they flourished greatly, and their kingdom attained to a lofty eminence; and so highly blessed were they, that for their instruction God spoke to them in special revelations, pointing out to them beforehand how they should merit His favor and avoid His displeasure. But how deeply they have sinned, puffed up to their fall with a false trust in their noble ancestors, turning from God's way into a way of sheer impiety, though they themselves should refuse to admit it, their present national ruin would afford sufficient proof. Scattered abroad, a race of wanderers, exiles from their own land and clime, they roam over the whole world without either a human or a heavenly king, not possessing even the stranger's right to set so much as a simple footstep in their native country. The sacred writers withal, in giving previous warning of these things, all with equal clearness ever declared that, in the last days of the world, God would, out of every nation, and people, and country, choose for Himself more faithful worshippers, upon whom He would bestow His grace, and that indeed in ampler measure, in keeping with the enlarged capacities of a nobler dispensation. Accordingly, He appeared among us, whose coming to renovate and illuminate man's nature was pre-announced by God- I mean Christ, that Son of God. And so the supreme Head and Master of this grace and discipline, the Enlightener and Trainer of the human race, God's own Son, was announced among us, born - but not so born as to make Him ashamed of the name of Son or of His paternal origin. It was not His lot to have as His father, by incest with a sister, or by violation of a daughter or another's wife, a god in the shape of serpent, or ox, or bird, or lover, for his vile ends transmuting himself into the gold of Danaus. They are your divinities upon whom these base deeds of Jupiter were done. But the Son of God has no mother in any sense which involves impurity; she, whom men suppose to be His mother in the ordinary way, had never entered into the marriage bond. But, first, I shall discuss His essential nature, and so the nature of His birth will be understood. We have already asserted that God made the world, and all which it contains, by His Word, and Reason, and Power. It is abundantly plain that your philosophers, too, regard the Logos- that is, the Word and Reason - as the Creator of the universe. For Zeno lays it down that he is the creator, having made all things according to a determinate plan; that his name is Fate, and God, and the soul of Jupiter, and the necessity of all things. Cleanthes ascribes all this to spirit, which he maintains pervades the universe. And we, in like manner, hold that the Word, and Reason, and Power, by which we have said God made all, have spirit as their proper and essential substratum, in which the Word has in being to give forth utterances, and reason abides to dispose and arrange, and power is over all to execute. We have been taught that He proceeds forth from God, and in that procession He is generated; so that He is the Son of God, and is called God from unity of substance with God. For God, too, is a Spirit. Even when the ray is shot from the sun, it is still part of the parent mass; the sun will still be in the ray, because it is a ray of the sun - there is no division of substance, but merely an extension. Thus Christ is Spirit of Spirit, and God of God, as light of light is kindled. The material matrix remains entire and unimpaired, though you derive from it any number of shoots possessed of its qualities; so, too, that which has come forth out of God is at once God and the Son of God, and the two are one. In this way also, as He is Spirit of Spirit and God of God, He is made a second in manner of existence- in position, not in nature; and He did not withdraw from the original source, but went forth. This ray of God, then, as it was always foretold in ancient times, descending into a certain virgin, and made flesh in her womb, is in His birth God and man united. The flesh formed by the Spirit is nourished, grows up to manhood, speaks, teaches, works, and is the Christ. Receive meanwhile this fable, if you choose to call it so - it is like some of your own - while we go on to show how Christ's claims are proved, and who the parties are with you by whom such fables have been set a going to overthrow the truth, which they resemble. The Jews, too, were well aware that Christ was coming, as those to whom the prophets spoke. Nay, even now His advent is expected by them; nor is there any other contention between them and us, than that they believe the advent has not yet occurred. For two comings of Christ having been revealed to us: a first, which has been fulfilled in the lowliness of a human lot; a second, which impends over the world, now near its close, in all the majesty of Deity unveiled; and, by misunderstanding the first, they have concluded that the second - which, as matter of more manifest prediction, they set their hopes on - is the only one. It was the merited punishment of their sin not to understand the Lord's first advent: for if they had, they would have believed; and if they had believed, they would have obtained salvation. They themselves read how it is written of them that they are deprived of wisdom and understanding - of the use of eyes and ears. Isaiah 6:10 As, then, under the force of their pre-judgment, they had convinced themselves from His lowly guise that Christ was no more than man, it followed from that, as a necessary consequence, that they should hold Him a magician from the powers which He displayed - expelling devils from men by a word, restoring vision to the blind, cleansing the leprous, reinvigorating the paralytic, summoning the dead to life again, making the very elements of nature obey Him, stilling the storms and walking on the sea; proving that He was the Logos of God, that primordial first-begotten Word, accompanied by power and reason, and based on Spirit, - that He who was now doing all things by His word, and He who had done that of old, were one and the same. But the Jews were so exasperated by His teaching, by which their rulers and chiefs were convicted of the truth, chiefly because so many turned aside to Him, that at last they brought Him before Pontius Pilate, at that time Roman governor of Syria; and, by the violence of their outcries against Him, extorted a sentence giving Him up to them to be crucified. He Himself had predicted this; which, however, would have signified little had not the prophets of old done it as well. And yet, nailed upon the cross, He exhibited many notable signs, by which His death was distinguished from all others. At His own free-will, He with a word dismissed from Him His spirit, anticipating the executioner's work. In the same hour, too, the light of day was withdrawn, when the sun at the very time was in his meridian blaze. Those who were not aware that this had been predicted about Christ, no doubt thought it an eclipse. You yourselves have the account of the world-portent still in your archives. Then, when His body was taken down from the cross and placed in a sepulchre, the Jews in their eager watchfulness surrounded it with a large military guard, lest, as He had predicted His resurrection from the dead on the third day, His disciples might remove by stealth His body, and deceive even the incredulous. But, lo, on the third day there a was a sudden shock of earthquake, and the stone which sealed the sepulchre was rolled away, and the guard fled off in terror: without a single disciple near, the grave was found empty of all but the clothes of the buried One. But nevertheless, the leaders of the Jews, whom it nearly concerned both to spread abroad a lie, and keep back a people tributary and submissive to them from the faith, gave it out that the body of Christ had been stolen by His followers. For the Lord, you see, did not go forth into the public gaze, lest the wicked should be delivered from their error; that faith also, destined to a great reward, might hold its ground in difficulty. But He spent forty days with some of His disciples down in Galilee, a region of Judea, instructing them in the doctrines they were to teach to others. Thereafter, having given them commission to preach the gospel through the world, He was encompassed with a cloud and taken up to heaven, - a fact more certain far than the assertions of your Proculi concerning Romulus. All these things Pilate did to Christ; and now in fact a Christian in his own convictions, he sent word of Him to the reigning C sar, who was at the time Tiberius. Yes, and the C sars too would have believed on Christ, if either the C sars had not been necessary for the world, or if Christians could have been C sars. His disciples also, spreading over the world, did as their Divine Master bade them; and after suffering greatly themselves from the persecutions of the Jews, and with no unwilling heart, as having faith undoubting in the truth, at last by Nero's cruel sword sowed the seed of Christian blood at Rome. Yes, and we shall prove that even your own gods are effective witnesses for Christ. It is a great matter if, to give you faith in Christians, I can bring forward the authority of the very beings on account of whom you refuse them credit. Thus far we have carried out the plan we laid down. We have set forth this origin of our sect and name, with this account of the Founder of Christianity. Let no one henceforth charge us with infamous wickedness; let no one think that it is otherwise than we have represented, for none may give a false account of his religion. For in the very fact that he says he worships another god than he really does, he is guilty of denying the object of his worship, and transferring his worship and homage to another; and, in the transference, he ceases to worship the god he has repudiated. We say, and before all men we say, and torn and bleeding under your tortures, we cry out, We worship God through Christ. Count Christ a man, if you please; by Him and in Him God would be known and be adored. If the Jews object, we answer that Moses, who was but a man, taught them their religion; against the Greeks we urge that Orpheus at Pieria, Mus us at Athens, Melampus at Argos, Trophonius in Bœotia, imposed religious rites; turning to yourselves, who exercise sway over the nations, it was the man Numa Pompilius who laid on the Romans a heavy load of costly superstitions. Surely Christ, then, had a right to reveal Deity, which was in fact His own essential possession, not with the object of bringing boors and savages by the dread of multitudinous gods, whose favour must be won into some civilization, as was the case with Numa; but as one who aimed to enlighten men already civilized, and under illusions from their very culture, that they might come to the knowledge of the truth. Search, then, and see if that divinity of Christ be true. If it be of such a nature that the acceptance of it transforms a man, and makes him truly good, there is implied in that the duty of renouncing what is opposed to it as false; especially and on every ground that which, hiding itself under the names and images of dead, the labours to convince men of its divinity by certain signs, and miracles, and oracles.
25. Babylonian Talmud, Betzah, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

15b. מתני׳ big strongיום /strong /big טוב שחל להיות ערב שבת לא יבשל בתחלה מיום טוב לשבת אבל מבשל הוא ליום טוב ואם הותיר הותיר לשבת ועושה תבשיל מערב יום טוב וסומך עליו לשבת,בית שמאי אומרים שני תבשילין ובית הלל אומרים תבשיל אחד ושוין בדג וביצה שעליו שהן שני תבשילין,אכלו או שאבד לא יבשל עליו בתחלה ואם שייר ממנו כל שהוא סומך עליו לשבת:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big מנא הני מילי אמר שמואל דאמר קרא (שמות כ, ז) זכור את יום השבת לקדשו זכרהו מאחר שבא להשכיחו,מאי טעמא אמר רבא כדי שיברור מנה יפה לשבת ומנה יפה ליום טוב,רב אשי אמר כדי שיאמרו אין אופין מיום טוב לשבת קל וחומר מיום טוב לחול,תנן עושה תבשיל מערב יום טוב וסומך עליו לשבת בשלמא לרב אשי דאמר כדי שיאמרו אין אופין מיום טוב לשבת היינו דמערב יום טוב אין ביום טוב לא אלא לרבא מאי איריא מערב יום טוב אפילו ביום טוב נמי,אין הכי נמי אלא גזרה שמא יפשע,ותנא מייתי לה מהכא (שמות טז, כג) את אשר תאפו אפו ואת אשר תבשלו בשלו מכאן אמר רבי אלעזר אין אופין אלא על האפוי ואין מבשלין אלא על המבושל מכאן סמכו חכמים לערובי תבשילין מן התורה,תנו רבנן מעשה ברבי אליעזר שהיה יושב ודורש כל היום כולו בהלכות יום טוב יצתה כת ראשונה אמר הללו בעלי פטסין כת שניה אמר הללו בעלי חביות כת שלישית אמר הללו בעלי כדין,כת רביעית אמר הללו בעלי לגינין כת חמישית אמר הללו בעלי כוסות התחילו כת ששית לצאת אמר הללו בעלי מארה,נתן עיניו בתלמידים התחילו פניהם משתנין אמר להם בני לא לכם אני אומר אלא להללו שיצאו שמניחים חיי עולם ועוסקים בחיי שעה,בשעת פטירתן אמר להם (נחמיה ח, י) לכו אכלו משמנים ושתו ממתקים ושלחו מנות לאין נכון לו כי קדוש היום לאדונינו ואל תעצבו כי חדות ה' היא מעוזכם,אמר מר שמניחין חיי עולם ועוסקין בחיי שעה והא שמחת יום טוב מצוה היא רבי אליעזר לטעמיה דאמר שמחת יום טוב רשות,דתניא רבי אליעזר אומר אין לו לאדם ביום טוב אלא או אוכל ושותה או יושב ושונה רבי יהושע אומר חלקהו חציו לה' וחציו לכם,אמר רבי יוחנן ושניהם מקרא אחד דרשו כתוב אחד אומר (דברים טז, ח) עצרת לה' אלהיך וכתוב אחד אומר (במדבר כט, לה) עצרת תהיה לכם הא כיצד רבי אליעזר סבר או כולו לה' או כולו לכם ורבי יהושע סבר חלקהו חציו לה' וחציו לכם,מאי לאין נכון לו אמר רב חסדא למי שלא הניח עירובי תבשילין איכא דאמרי מי שלא היה לו להניח עירובי תבשילין אבל מי שהיה לו להניח עירובי תבשילין ולא הניח פושע הוא,מאי כי חדות ה' היא מעוזכם אמר רבי יוחנן משום רבי אליעזר בר' שמעון אמר להם הקדוש ברוך הוא לישראל בני לוו עלי וקדשו קדושת היום והאמינו בי ואני פורע,ואמר רבי יוחנן משום רבי אליעזר בר' שמעון הרוצה שיתקיימו נכסיו יטע בהן אדר שנאמר (תהלים צג, ד) אדיר במרום ה',אי נמי אדרא כשמיה כדאמרי אינשי מאי אדרא דקיימא לדרי דרי תניא נמי הכי שדה שיש בה אדר אינה נגזלת ואינה נחמסת ופירותיה משתמרין,תני רב תחליפא אחוה דרבנאי חוזאה 15b. strongMISHNA: /strong With regard to ba Festival that occurson bShabbat eve, one may not cook on the Festival with the initialintent to cook bfor Shabbat. However, he may cookon that day bfor the Festivalitself, band if he left overany food, bhe leftit bover for Shabbat.The early Sages also instituted an ordice: The joining of cooked foods [ ieiruv tavshilin /i], which the mishna explains. bOne may prepare a cooked dishdesignated for Shabbat bon a Festival eve and rely on itto cook on the Festival bfor Shabbat. /b,The itanna’imdisagreed with regard to the details of this ordice: bBeit Shammai say:For the purpose of the joining of cooked foods one must prepare btwo cooked dishes, and Beit Hillel say: One dishis sufficient. bAnd theyboth bagree with regard to a fish andthe begg that isfried bon it that these areconsidered btwo dishesfor this purpose.,If bone atethe food prepared before the Festival as an ieiruvand none of it remained for Shabbat, bor if it was lost, he may notrely bon itand bcook with the initialintent to cook for Shabbat. bIf he left any part ofthe ieiruv /i, he may brely on itto cook bfor Shabbat. /b, strongGEMARA: /strong The Gemara asks: bFrom where are these mattersderived? What is the source of the ihalakhaof the joining of cooked foods and of the ihalakhathat one who failed to prepare such an ieiruvmay not cook on a Festival for Shabbat? bShmuel saidthat the source is bas the verse states: “Remember the Shabbat day, to keep it holy”(Exodus 20:8); from which he infers: bRemember itand safeguard it bfrom anotherday bthat comes to make it forgotten.When a Festival occurs on Friday, preoccupation with the Festival and the preparation and enjoyment of its meals could lead one to overlook Shabbat. Therefore, the Sages instituted an ordice to ensure that Shabbat will be remembered even then.,The Gemara asks: bWhat is the reasonthat the Sages instituted this ordice in particular to ensure that Shabbat would not be overlooked? bRava said:The Sages did so in deference to Shabbat, and they instituted an ieiruv bso that one will select a choice portion for Shabbat and a choice portion for the Festival.If one fails to prepare a dish specifically for Shabbat before the Festival, it could lead to failure to show the appropriate deference to Shabbat., bRav Ashi stateda different reason: The Sages did so in deference to the Festival, bso thatpeople bwill say: One may not bake on a Festival for Shabbatunless he began to bake the day before; ball the more so,one may not bake bon a Festival for a weekday. /b, bWe learnedin the mishna: bOne may prepare a cooked dish on a Festival eve and rely on itto cook bfor Shabbat. Granted, according to Rav Ashi, who saidthat the reason for an ieiruvis bso thatpeople bwill say: One may not bake on a Festival for Shabbat; that iswhy bon a Festival eve, yes,one may prepare the ieiruv /i, but bon the Festivalitself, bno,one may not do so, as it is a reminder that in principle one may not cook on a Festival for Shabbat. bHowever, according to Rava,who stated that the reason for the ieiruvis to ensure that one selects choice portions for both the Festival and Shabbat, bwhydoes the mishna discuss bspecificallypreparation bon a Festival eve? Evenwere one to prepare a dish for Shabbat bon the Festival as well,it would guarantee that he accord the appropriate deference to Shabbat.,The Gemara answers: bYes, it is indeed so;that objective could have been achieved even on the Festival. bHowever,the Sages issued ba decreethat the ieiruvmust be prepared on the Festival eve blest one be negligentand fail to prepare one entirely.,The Gemara comments: bAnd a itannacitesthe proof for ieiruv tavshilin bfrom here,the following verse: “Tomorrow is a day of rest, a holy Shabbat to the Lord. bBake that which you will bake and cook that which you will cook,and all that remains put aside to be kept for you until the morning” (Exodus 16:23). bFrom here Rabbi Eliezer said: One may bakeon a Festival for Shabbat bonlyby relying bon that which wasalready bbakedfor Shabbat the day before, and adding to it; band one may cook onlyby relying bon that which wasalready bcooked. From thisverse bthe Sages establishedan allusion btothe bjoining of cooked foods from the Torah. /b,§ bThe Sages taughtin a ibaraita /i: bThere was an incident involving Rabbi Eliezer, who was sitting and lecturing about the ihalakhotof the Festival throughout the entireFestival bday.When bthe first group leftin the middle of his lecture, bhe said: Thesemust be bowners of extremely large jugs [ ipittasin /i],who apparently have huge containers of wine awaiting them as well as a comparable amount of food, and they have left the house of study out of a craving for their food. After a while ba second groupdeparted. bHe said: These are owners of barrels,which are smaller than ipittasin /i. Later ba third grouptook its leave, and bhe said: These are owners of jugs,even smaller than barrels., bA fourth groupleft, and bhe said: These are owners of jars [ ilaginin /i],which are smaller than jugs. Upon the departure of ba fifth group, he said: These are owners of cups,which are smaller still. When ba sixth group began to leave, hebecame upset that the house of study was being left almost completely empty and bsaid: These are owners of a curse;i.e., they obviously do not have anything at home, so why are they leaving?, bHe cast his eyes upon the studentsremaining in the house of study. Immediately, btheir faces began to changecolor out of shame, as they feared he was referring to them and that perhaps they should have departed along with the others instead of staying. bHe said to them: My sons, I did not saythat babout you but about those who left, because they abandonthe beternal lifeof Torah band engage inthe btemporary lifeof eating., bAt the time ofthe remaining students’ bdepartureat the conclusion of Rabbi Eliezer’s lecture, bhe said to themthe verse: b“Go your way, eat the fat and drink the sweet, and send portions to him for whom nothing is prepared, for this day is holy to our Lord; and do not be grieved, for the joy of the Lord is your strength”(Nehemiah 8:10).,The Gemara clarifies this ibaraita /i. bThe Master saidabove: bBecause they abandon eternal life and engage in temporary life.The Gemara wonders at this: bBut isn’t the joy of the Festivalitself ba mitzvaand therefore part of eternal life? The Gemara answers: bRabbi Eliezerconforms bto hisstandard line of breasoning,as bhe said:Physical bjoy on a Festival ismerely boptional. /b, bAs it is taughtin a ibaraitathat bRabbi Eliezer says: A person has noway of fulfilling the mitzva of ba Festivalcorrectly bapart from either eating and drinking,thereby fulfilling the mitzva of joy in a completely physical manner, bor sitting and studyingTorah, thereby emphasizing only the spiritual; and those who did not engage in Torah study to the fullest extent acted inappropriately. bRabbi Yehoshua says:There is no need for such a dichotomy; rather, simply bdivide it: Half to God,Torah study, band half to yourselves,engaging in eating, drinking, and other pleasurable activities., bRabbi Yoḥa said: And both of them derivedtheir opinions bfrom one verse,i.e., the two of them addressed the same apparent contradiction between two verses, resolving it in different ways. bOne verse states:“It shall be ba solemn assembly for the Lord, your God”(Deuteronomy 16:8), indicating a Festival dedicated to the service of God, band one verse states: “It shall be a solemn assembly for you”(Numbers 29:35), indicating a celebratory assembly for the Jewish people. bHow is thisto be reconciled? bRabbi Eliezer holdsthat the two verses should be understood as offering a choice: The day is to be beither entirely for God,in accordance with the one verse, bor entirely for you,as per the other verse; band Rabbi Yehoshua holdsthat it is possible to fulfill both verses: bSplitthe day into two, bhalf of it for God and half of it for you. /b,§ Since the ibaraitamentions the verse from Nehemiah, the Gemara poses the following question: bWhat isthe meaning of: “Send portions bto him for whom nothing is prepared”(Nehemiah 8:10)? bRav Ḥisda said:Send to one who does not have food of his own prepared for Shabbat that follows the Festival because bhe did not prepare a joining of cooked foodsand must therefore rely on others. bSome saythat he said the following: It is necessary to provide food for bone who did not havean opportunity bto prepare a joining of cooked foodson the eve of the Festival; bbut one who hadan opportunity bto prepare a joining of cooked foods and did not prepareone bis negligent,and there is no obligation to care for him.,The Gemara poses another question with regard to the same verse: bWhat isthe meaning of: b“For the joy of the Lord is your strength”? Rabbi Yoḥa said in the name of Rabbi Eliezer, son of Rabbi Shimon: The Holy One, Blessed be He, said to the Jewish people: My children, borrow on Myaccount, band sanctify the sanctity of the dayof Shabbat and the Festivals with wine, band trust in Me, and I will repaythis debt.,Apropos the statement attributed to Rabbi Yoḥa in the name of Rabbi Eliezer, son of Rabbi Shimon, the Gemara cites another statement that bRabbi Yoḥa said in the name of Rabbi Eliezer, son of Rabbi Shimon: One who wants his properties to be preservedand protected from ruin should bplant an ieder /itree bamong them, as it is stated: “The Lord on high is mighty [ iadir /i]”(Psalms 93:4). Due to the similarity of the words iederand iadir /i, this is understood to mean that the iedertree bestows permanence., bAlternatively: The ieder /itree will preserve one’s property, basimplied by bits name, as people say: What isalluded to in the name of bthe ieder /i?Its name hints bthatit bendures for many generations [ idarei /i]. This is also taughtin a ibaraita /i: bA field that contains an ieder /itree bwill be neither stolen nor forcibly removedfrom one’s possession, as the iederserves as a clear indication of its owner, band its fruit is preserved,as the unique odor of the iedersap wards off insects.,§ The Gemara returns to the previous issue: bRav Taḥlifa, brotherof bRavnai Ḥoza’a, taught: /b
26. Babylonian Talmud, Berachot, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

8a. מאי דכתיב (תהלים סט, יד) ואני תפלתי לך ה' עת רצון אימתי עת רצון בשעה שהצבור מתפללין.,ר' יוסי ברבי חנינא אמר מהכא (ישעיהו מט, ח) כה אמר ה' בעת רצון עניתיך,ר' אחא ברבי חנינא אמר מהכא (איוב לו, ה) הן אל כביר ולא ימאס וכתיב (תהלים נה, יט) פדה בשלום נפשי מקרב לי כי ברבים היו עמדי,תניא נמי הכי רבי נתן אומר מנין שאין הקב"ה מואס בתפלתן של רבים שנאמר הן אל כביר ולא ימאס וכתיב פדה בשלום נפשי מקרב לי וגו' אמר הקב"ה כל העוסק בתורה ובגמילות חסדים ומתפלל עם הצבור מעלה אני עליו כאילו פדאני לי ולבני מבין אומות העולם,אמר ר"ל כל מי שיש לו בית הכנסת בעירו ואינו נכנס שם להתפלל נקרא שכן רע שנאמר (ירמיהו יב, יד) כה אמר ה' על כל שכני הרעים הנוגעים בנחלה אשר הנחלתי את עמי את ישראל ולא עוד אלא שגורם גלות לו ולבניו שנא' (ירמיהו יב, יד) הנני נותשם מעל אדמתם ואת בית יהודה אתוש מתוכם.,אמרו ליה לר' יוחנן איכא סבי בבבל תמה ואמר (דברים יא, כא) למען ירבו ימיכם וימי בניכם על האדמה כתיב אבל בחוצה לארץ לא כיון דאמרי ליה מקדמי ומחשכי לבי כנישתא אמר היינו דאהני להו,כדאמר ר' יהושע בן לוי לבניה קדימו וחשיכו ועיילו לבי כנישתא כי היכי דתורכו חיי א"ר אחא ברבי חנינא מאי קרא (משלי ח, לד) אשרי אדם שומע לי לשקד על דלתותי יום יום לשמור מזוזת פתחי וכתיב בתריה כי מוצאי מצא חיים.,אמר רב חסדא לעולם יכנס אדם שני פתחים בבית הכנסת שני פתחים סלקא דעתך אלא אימא שיעור שני פתחים ואחר כך יתפלל:,(תהלים לב, ו) על זאת יתפלל כל חסיד אליך לעת מצא אמר ר' חנינא לעת מצא זו אשה שנא' (משלי יח, כב) מצא אשה מצא טוב,במערבא כי נסיב אינש אתתא אמרי ליה הכי מצא או מוצא מצא דכתיב מצא אשה מצא טוב ויפק רצון מה' מוצא דכתיב (קהלת ז, כו) ומוצא אני מר ממות את האשה וגו',ר' נתן אומר לעת מצא זו תורה שנאמר (משלי ח, לה) כי מוצאי מצא חיים וגו',רב נחמן בר יצחק אמר לעת מצא זו מיתה שנא' (תהלים סח, כא) למות תוצאות,תניא נמי הכי תשע מאות ושלשה מיני מיתה נבראו בעולם שנאמר למות תוצאות תוצאות בגימטריא הכי הוו קשה שבכלן אסכרא ניחא שבכלן נשיקה אסכרא דמיא כחיזרא בגבבא דעמרא דלאחורי נשרא ואיכא דאמרי כפיטורי בפי ושט נשיקה דמיא כמשחל בניתא מחלבא,ר' יוחנן אמר לעת מצא זו קבורה א"ר חנינא מאי קרא (איוב ג, כב) השמחים אלי גיל ישישו כי ימצאו קבר אמר רבה בר רב שילא היינו דאמרי אינשי ליבעי אינש רחמי אפילו עד זיבולא בתרייתא שלמא,מר זוטרא אמר לעת מצא זה בית הכסא אמרי במערבא הא דמר זוטרא עדיפא מכלהו.,אמר ליה רבא לרפרם בר פפא לימא לן מר מהני מילי מעלייתא דאמרת משמיה דרב חסדא במילי דבי כנישתא,אמר ליה הכי אמר רב חסדא מאי דכתי' (תהלים פז, ב) אוהב ה' שערי ציון מכל משכנות יעקב אוהב ה' שערים המצויינים בהלכה יותר מבתי כנסיות ומבתי מדרשות,והיינו דאמר ר' חייא בר אמי משמיה דעולא מיום שחרב בית המקדש אין לו להקב"ה בעולמו אלא ארבע אמות של הלכה בלבד.,ואמר אביי מריש הוה גריסנא בגו ביתא ומצלינא בבי כנישתא כיון דשמענא להא דאמר רבי חייא בר אמי משמיה דעולא מיום שחרב בית המקדש אין לו להקב"ה בעולמו אלא ארבע אמות של הלכה בלבד לא הוה מצלינא אלא היכא דגריסנא.,רבי אמי ורבי אסי אף על גב דהוו להו תליסר בי כנישתא בטבריא לא מצלו אלא ביני עמודי היכא דהוו גרסי:,ואמר רבי חייא בר אמי משמיה דעולא גדול הנהנה מיגיעו יותר מירא שמים דאילו גבי ירא שמים כתיב (תהלים קיב, א) אשרי איש ירא את ה' ואילו גבי נהנה מיגיעו כתיב (תהלים קכח, ב) יגיע כפיך כי תאכל אשריך וטוב לך אשריך בעולם הזה וטוב לך לעולם הבא ולגבי ירא שמים וטוב לך לא כתיב ביה:,ואמר רבי חייא בר אמי משמיה דעולא לעולם ידור אדם במקום רבו שכל זמן ששמעי בן גרא קיים לא נשא שלמה את בת פרעה,והתניא אל ידור,לא קשיא הא דכייף ליה הא דלא כייף ליה:,אמר רב הונא בר יהודה אמר רבי מנחם אמר ר' אמי מאי דכתי' (ישעיהו א, כח) ועוזבי ה' יכלו זה המניח ס"ת ויוצא,רבי אבהו נפיק בין גברא לגברא.,בעי רב פפא בין פסוקא לפסוקא מהו,תיקו,רב ששת מהדר אפיה וגריס אמר אנן בדידן ואינהו בדידהו:,אמר רב הונא בר יהודה אמר רבי אמי לעולם ישלים אדם פרשיותיו עם הצבור שנים מקרא ואחד תרגום 8a. bWhat isthe meaning of bthat which is written: “But as for me, let my prayer be unto You, Lord, in a time of favor;O God, in the abundance of Your mercy, answer me with the truth of Your salvation” (Psalms 69:14)? It appears that the individual is praying that his prayers will coincide with a special time of Divine favor. bWhen is a time of favor?It is bat the time when the congregation is praying.It is beneficial to pray together with the congregation, for God does not fail to respond to the entreaties of the congregation., bRabbi Yosei, son of Rabbi Ḥanina, said thatthe unique quality of communal prayer is derived bfrom here: “Thus said the Lord, in a time of acceptance I have answered you and on a day of salvation I have aided you”(Isaiah 49:8)., bRabbi Aḥa, son of Rabbi Ḥanina, saidthat it is derived bfrom here: “Behold, God is mighty, He despises no one”(Job 36:5). He adopts an alternative reading of the verse: “Behold, God will not despise” the prayer of “the mighty,” i.e., the community. bAnd it is written: “He has redeemed my soul in peace so that none came upon me; for there were many with me.God shall hear and answer them…” (Psalms 55:19–20). This verse teaches that the prayer was answered because there were many with me when it was offered., bThatlast proof bwas also taughtin a ibaraita /i. bRabbi Natan says: From where do we know that the Holy One, Blessed be He, does not despise the prayer of the masses? As it is stated: “Behold, God does not despise the mighty,” and it is written: “He has redeemed my soul in peace so that none came upon me;for there were many with me.” Rabbi Natan interprets this not as David speaking about himself, but as God speaking to Israel. bThe Holy One, Blessed be He, says: Anyone who engages in Torahstudy, which is called peace in the verse: “All its ways are peace” (Proverbs 3:17); band in acts of kindness, and prays with the congregation, I ascribe to himcredit bas if he redeemed Me and My children from among the nations of the world. /b,Continuing to extol communal prayer, bReish Lakish said: One who has a synagoguenearby bin his city but does not enter to pray there is called an evil neighbor, as it is stated: “Thus said the Lord: As for all My evil neighbors who touch My inheritance which I have caused My people Israel to inherit,behold, I will pluck them up from off their land, and will pluck the house of Judah up from among them” (Jeremiah 12:14). One who only touches, but does not enter the place of prayer, My inheritance, is considered an evil neighbor. bAnd furthermore,he is punished in that bhe causes himself and his childrento go into bexile, as it is stated: “Behold, I will pluck them up from off their land, and will pluck the house of Judah up from among them.” /b,The Gemara relates that when the Sages btold Rabbi Yoḥathat bthere are elders in Babylonia, he was confounded and said: It is written: “So that your days will be lengthened and the days of your children upon the landthe Lord swore to your forefathers to give to them like the days of heaven on the earth” (Deuteronomy 11:21); lengthened in Eretz Yisrael bbut not outside of the Land.Why then, do the residents of Babylonia live long lives? bWhen they told himthat the people in Babylonia bgo earlyin the morning band go latein the evening bto the synagogue, he said: That is what was effective for themin extending their lives., bAs Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi said to his sons: Go early and go late and enter the synagogue, so that your lives will be extended.And bRabbi Aḥa, son of Rabbi Ḥanina, said:Upon bwhat verseis this based? As it is stated: b“Happy is the man who listens to Me, watching daily at My gates, guarding at My door posts”(Proverbs 8:34). bAndthe reward for doing so bis written thereafter: “For whoso finds Me finds life and obtains the favor of the Lord”(Proverbs 8:35).,Based on this verse, bRav Ḥisda said: A person should always enter two doorways into the synagogue.This statement is unclear. Immediately, the Gemara asks: bDoes it enter your mindthat Rav Ḥisda meant that one should enter btwo doorwaysliterally? What if a synagogue only has a single doorway? Rather, emend his statement and bsaythat Rav Ḥisda meant that bone should enter a distance of two doorwaysinto the synagogue band then pray.In entering a distance of two doorways, one fulfills the verse: Guarding at My door posts, in the plural.,Having mentioned the verse, “For whoso finds Me finds life,” the Gemara seeks to clarify its meaning. It is said, b“For this, let every pious man pray to You in the time of finding,that the overflowing waters may not reach him” (Psalms 32:6). With regard to the phrase, the time of finding, bRabbi Ḥanina said: The time of findingrefers to the time one must find ba wife,that one should pray to find a suitable woman to marry. bAs it is said: “He who finds [ imatza /i] a wife finds [ imatza /i] goodand obtains favor from the Lord” (Proverbs 18:22)., bIn Eretz Yisrael,the custom was that bwhen a man married a woman, they would ask him: iMatzaor imotzeh /i?In other words, they would ask the groom whether the appropriate passage for his wife is the above verse from Proverbs that begins with the word imatza /i, as it is written: “He who finds a wife finds good and obtains favor from the Lord”or whether the more appropriate verse is the one beginning with the word imotzeh /i, as it is written: “And I find [ imotzeh /i] the woman more bitter than death”(Ecclesiastes 7:26)., bRabbi Natan says: The time of findingrefers to the time of finding bTorah, as it is statedin a verse referring to Torah: b“He who finds Me finds life.”The Torah is the object most sought., bRav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak said: The time of findingrefers to bdeath.One should pray that when death comes, he will leave the world peacefully, bas it is stated: “Issues [ itotzaot /i] of death”(Psalms 68:21). Rav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak’s statement is based on the etymological similarity between itotzaotand imatza /i, finding., bIt was also taughtin a ibaraita /i: bNine hundred and three types of death were created in the world, as it is stated: “Issues [ itotzaot /i] of death,” and that,903, bis the numerical value [ igimatriya /i] of itotzaot/b. The Gemara explains that bthe most difficult ofall these types of death bis croup [ iaskara /i],while bthe easiest isthe bkissof death. bCroup is like a thornentangled bin a wool fleece, which, when pulled out backwards,tears the wool. bSome say thatcroup bis like ropes at the entrance to the esophagus,which would be nearly impossible to insert and excruciating to remove. The bkissof death bis like drawing a hair from milk.One should pray that he does not die a painful death., bRabbi Yoḥa said: The time of findingrefers to a respectful bburial,for which one should pray. Supporting Rabbi Yoḥa’s interpretation, bRabbi Ḥanina said: Whatis the bversethat teaches that the time of finding refers to burial? b“Who rejoice in exultation and are glad when they can find a grave”(Job 3:22), as there are situations in which one is relieved when his body finds a grave in which to rest. bRabba bar Rav Sheila said, that is themeaning of the bfolk saying: A person should even pray for mercy until the final shovelfulof dirt bis thrownupon his grave., bMar Zutra said: The time of findingrefers to finding ba lavatory.As most places did not have a sewage system, one was forced to relieve himself outside the city. Because of this unpleasantness, finding a suitable location was called by Mar Zutra, the time of finding. bIn the West,Eretz Yisrael, bthey say: Thisexplanation bof Mar Zutra is preferable to all of them,as the term imotzais explicitly associated in the Bible (see II Kings 10:27) with the lavatory (Rabbi Abraham Moshe Horovitz).,Returning to the tractate’s central topic, bRava said to Rafram bar Pappa: Let the Master say to us some of those outstanding statements that you said in the name of Rav Ḥisda with regard to matters of the synagogue. /b,Rafram bsaid to him, Rav Ḥisda said as follows: What isthe meaning of the verse: b“The Lord loves the gates of Zion [ iTziyyon /i] more than all the dwellings of Jacob”(Psalms 87:2)? This means that bthe Lord loves the gates distinguished [ imetzuyanim /i] throughthe study of ihalakhaas they are the gates of Zion, the outstanding gates, bmore than the synagogues and study halls.Although those places are the most outstanding of the dwellings of Jacob, they are not engaged in the study of ihalakha /i., bAnd thisconcept, that ihalakhais the most sublime pursuit, is expressed in that which bRabbi Ḥiyya bar Ami said in the name of Ulla: Since the day the Temple,where the Divine Presence rested in this world, bwas destroyed, the Holy One, Blessed be He, has onlyone place bin His worldwhere he reveals His presence exclusively; bonly the four cubitswhere the study bof ihalakha /iis undertaken b. /b,This statement has practical ramifications. bAbaye said: At first I studied in the house and prayed in the synagogue. Once I heard what Rabbi Ḥiyya bar Ami said in the name of Ulla: Since the day the Temple was destroyed, the Holy One, Blessed be He, has onlyone place bin His world, only the four cubits of ihalakhaalone,from which I understood the significance of the four cubits of ihalakha /i, and bI pray only where I study. /b,Similarly, the Gemara relates that bRabbi Ami and Rabbi Asi, despitethe fact bthat they had thirteen synagogues in Tiberias, they would only pray between the pillars where they studied. /b, bAnd Rabbi Ḥiyya bar Ami said in the name of Ulla: One who benefits from his hard labor is greater than a God-fearingperson, i.e., one who is so enthralled by his fear of God that he sits idly by and does not work. bAs with regard to a God-fearingperson, bit is written: “Happy is the man who fears the Lord,who greatly desires His mitzvot” (Psalms 112:1), bwhile with regard to one who benefits from his hard work, it is written: “By the labor of your hands you will live; you are happy and it is good for you”(Psalms 128:2). The Gemara explains this verse to mean that byou are happy in this world, and it is good for you in the World-to-Come. And regarding a God-fearingperson, happy is the man, is written about him but band it is good for you, is not written about him. /b, bAnd Rabbi Ḥiyya bar Ami said in the name of Ulla: One should always live in the place where his teacherlives; thereby he will avoid sin. bFor as long as Shimi ben Gera,who according to tradition was a great Torah scholar and teacher of Solomon (see iGittin59a), bwas alive, Solomon did not marry Pharaoh’s daughter.Immediately after the Bible relates the death of Shimi (I Kings, end of ch. 2), Solomon’s marriage to Pharaoh’s daughter is recorded (beginning of ch. 3).,The Gemara raises an objection: bWasn’t it taughtin a ibaraitathat one bshould not livewhere his teacher lives?,The Gemara answers: bThis is not difficult. This,which says that one should live where his teacher lives, is referring to a case bwhere he is acquiescent tohis teacher and will heed his teaching and instruction. bWhile this ibaraita /i, which says that one should not live where his teacher lives, is referring to a case bwhere he is not acquiescent to himand that will lead them to quarrel.,The Gemara again returns to the topic of the synagogue. bRav Huna bar Yehuda saidthat bRabbi Menaḥem saidthat bRabbi Ami said: What isthe practical halakhic meaning of bthat which is written: “They who forsake the Lord will perish”(Isaiah 1:28)? bThisverse brefers to one who abandons the Torahscroll when it was taken out to be read band leavesthe synagogue, as it appears that he is fleeing from God.,Practically speaking, the Gemara relates that bRabbi Abbahu would go out betweenone bpersonwho read the Torah band thenext bpersonwho did so. Since the scroll was closed between readers, it was not considered to be a show of contempt., bRav Pappa raised a dilemma: What isthe ruling with regard to leaving bbetweenone bverse andthe next bverse?Is one permitted to leave during a break in the Torah reading while the verse was translated into Aramaic?,An answer to this question was not found, so the dilemma bstandsunresolved.,The Gemara relates that bRav Sheshet would turn his faceaway from the Torah while it was being read band study.Explaining this practice, bhe said: We areengaged bin ours,the study of the Oral Torah band they areengaged bin theirs,listening to the Written Torah. Since Rav Sheshet was engaged in Torah study, he is not considered one who forsakes the Lord., bRav Huna bar Yehuda saidthat bRabbi Ami said: A person should always complete hisTorah bportions with the congregation.The congregation reads a particular Torah portion every Shabbat, and during the week prior to each Shabbat, one is required to read the bBibletext of the weekly portion btwice andthe btranslation once. /b
27. Babylonian Talmud, Rosh Hashanah, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

24b. של חמשה ושל ששה ושל שמונה ושל שבעה לא יעשה אפי' של שאר מיני מתכות רבי יוסי בר יהודה אומר אף של עץ לא יעשה כדרך שעשו מלכי בית חשמונאי,אמרו לו משם ראייה שפודין של ברזל היו וחיפום בבעץ העשירו עשאום של כסף חזרו העשירו עשאום של זהב,ושמשין שאי אפשר לעשות כמותן מי שרי והתניא (שמות כ, יט) לא תעשון אתי לא תעשון כדמות שמשיי המשמשין לפני במרום אמר אביי לא אסרה תורה אלא דמות ארבעה פנים בהדי הדדי,אלא מעתה פרצוף אדם לחודיה תשתרי אלמה תניא כל הפרצופות מותרין חוץ מפרצוף אדם א"ר הונא בריה דרב אידי מפרקיה דאביי שמיעא לי לא תעשון אתי לא תעשון אותי,ושאר שמשין מי שרי והא תניא לא תעשון אתי לא תעשון כדמות שמשיי המשמשין לפני במרום כגון אופנים ושרפים וחיות הקודש ומלאכי השרת אמר אביי לא אסרה תורה אלא שמשין שבמדור העליון,ושבמדור התחתון מי שרי והתניא (שמות כ, ג) אשר בשמים לרבות חמה ולבנה כוכבים ומזלות ממעל לרבות מלאכי השרת כי תניא ההיא לעבדם,אי לעבדם אפילו שלשול קטן נמי אין ה"נ דתניא (שמות כ, ג) אשר בארץ לרבות הרים וגבעות ימים ונהרות אפיקים וגאיות מתחת לרבות שלשול קטן,ועשייה גרידתא מי שרי והתניא לא תעשון אתי לא תעשון כדמות שמשיי המשמשין לפני כגון חמה ולבנה כוכבים ומזלות,שאני ר"ג דאחרים עשו לו והא רב יהודה דאחרים עשו לו וא"ל שמואל לרב יהודה שיננא סמי עיניה דדין,התם חותמו בולט הוה ומשום חשדא כדתניא טבעת חותמו בולט אסור להניחה ומותר לחתום בה חותמו שוקע מותר להניחה ואסור לחתום בה,ומי חיישינן לחשדא והא ההיא בי כנישתא דשף ויתיב בנהרדעא דהוה ביה אנדרטא והוו עיילי רב ושמואל ואבוה דשמואל ולוי ומצלו התם ולא חיישי לחשדא רבים שאני,והא ר"ג יחיד הוא כיון דנשיא הוא שכיחי רבים גביה איבעית אימא דפרקים הוה,ואיבעית אימא להתלמד עבד וכתיב (דברים יח, ט) לא תלמד לעשות אבל אתה למד להבין ולהורות:, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big מעשה שבאו שנים ואמרו ראינוהו שחרית במזרח 24b. a candelabrum bof five or of six or of eightlamps. bBut one may not fashiona candelabrum with bsevenlamps bevenif he constructs it bfrom other kinds of metalrather than gold, as in exigent circumstances the candelabrum in the Temple may be fashioned from other metals. bRabbi Yosei bar Yehuda says: Also, one may not fashiona candelabrum bof wood, in the manner that the kings of the Hasmonean monarchy fashionedit. When they first purified the Temple they had to prepare the candelabrum out of wood, as no other material was available. Since this candelabrum is fit for the Temple, it is prohibited to fashion one of this kind for oneself.,The other Sages bsaid toRabbi Yosei bar Yehuda: bFrom thereyou seek to bring ba proof?There the branches of the candelabrum bwerecomprised of bspits [ ishippudin /i] of iron and they covered them with tin.Later, when bthey grew richerand could afford a candelabrum of higher-quality material, bthey fashioned them from silver.When bthey grew even richer, they fashioned them from gold.Still, Abaye proves from this ibaraitathat the prohibition against forming an image applies only to items that can be reconstructed in an accurate manner. Since this is not possible in the case of the moon, Rabban Gamliel’s forms were permitted.,The Gemara asks: bAnd is itreally bpermittedto form images of bthose attendantsconcerning bwhich it is impossible to reproduce their likeness? Isn’t it taughtin a ibaraitathat the verse: b“You shall not make with Megods of silver” (Exodus 20:19), comes to teach: bYou shall not make images of My attendants that serve before Me on high.Apparently, this includes the sun and the moon. bAbaye said:This does not include the sun and the moon, as bthe Torah prohibited onlythe fashioning of ban image ofall bfour facesof the creatures of the Heavenly Chariot btogether(see Ezekiel, chapter 1). However, all other images, which are not the likeness of the ministering angels, are permitted.,The Gemara raises a difficulty: bHowever, ifthat is bso, letthe fashioning of an image of ba human face [ ipartzuf] alone be permitted. Why,then, bis it taughtin a ibaraita /i: bAll faces are permittedfor ornamental purposes, bexcept for the face of a person? Rav Huna, son of Rav Idi, said: From a lecture of Abaye I heardthat there is a different reason why one may not form an image of a human face, as the verse states: b“You shall not make with Me [ iiti /i]”(Exodus 20:19). This can be read as: bYou shall not make Me [ ioti /i].Since man is created in the image of God, it is prohibited to form an image of a human being.,The Gemara asks: bAnd is it permittedto form images of bother attendants? Isn’t it taughtin another ibaraitathat the verse: b“You shall not make with Megods of silver” (Exodus 20:19), teaches that byou shall not make images of My attendants that serve before Me on high, for example, iofanimand seraphim and the sacred iḥayyotand the ministering angels. Abaye said: The Torah prohibited onlythose battendants that arefound bin the upper Heaven,i.e., the supreme angels in the highest firmament, but not the celestial bodies, e.g., the sun and the moon, despite the fact that they too are located in heaven.,The Gemara raises another difficulty: bAnd is it permittedto form images of bthosebodies found bin the lower heaven? Isn’t it taughtin a ibaraita /i: “You shall not make for yourself any graven image, nor any manner of likeness, of anything that is in heaven above, or that is in the earth beneath, or that is in the water under the earth” (Exodus 20:3). The phrase b“that is in heaven”comes bto includethe bsun,the bmoon,the bstars, andthe bconstellations.The term b“above”serves bto include the ministering angels.Apparently, it is prohibited to form an image even of the celestial bodies found in the lower Heaven. The Gemara answers: bWhen that ibaraita bis taught,it is in reference to the prohibition bagainst worshipping them.However, there is no prohibition against forming an image in their likeness.,The Gemara asks: bIfthat ibaraitais referring to bthe prohibition against worshipping them,then beven a tiny wormshould balsobe prohibited. The Gemara answers: bYes, it is indeed so, as it is taughtin the same ibaraitawith regard to the continuation of the verse, b“in the earth”comes bto include mountains and hills, seas and rivers, streams and valleys; “beneath”comes bto include a tiny worm.If so, it is indeed possible to explain that the entire ibaraitais referring to the prohibition against idol worship.,The Gemara raises yet another objection: bAnd is the mere fashioningof images of the celestial bodies bpermitted? Isn’t it taughtin another ibaraita /i: b“You shall not make with Megods of silver” (Exodus 20:19). This verse teaches that byou shall not make images of My attendants that serve before Me, for examplethe bsun,the bmoon,the bstars andthe bconstellations.This is explicit proof that it is prohibited to form images of the sun and the moon; consequently, the solution proposed by Abaye is rejected, leaving the difficulty with Rabban Gamliel’s diagram unresolved.,The Gemara proposes an alternative resolution: The case of bRabban Gamliel is different, as others,i.e., gentiles, bfashionedthose images bfor him,and it is prohibited only for a Jew to fashion such images; there is no prohibition against having them in one’s possession. The Gemara raises a difficulty: bButthere is the case of bRav Yehuda, as others fashioned for hima seal in the form of a human being, band Shmuel said to Rav Yehuda,who was his student: bSharp-witted one, blind this one’s eyes,i.e., disfigure the image, as it is prohibited even to have the image of a human being in one’s possession.,The Gemara answers: bThere,in the case of Rav Yehuda, bhis was a protruding seal,i.e., the image projected from the ring, and Shmuel prohibited it bdue tothe potential bsuspicionthat he had an object of idol worship in his hand. bAs it is taughtin a ibaraita /i: With regard to ba ring,if bits seal protrudes it is prohibited to place iton one’s finger, due to the suspicion of idol worship, bbut it is permitted to sealobjects bwith it.In this case, the act of sealing creates an image that is sunken below the surface, which is not prohibited. However, if bits seal is sunken, it is permitted to place iton one’s finger, bbut it is prohibited to sealobjects bwith it,as that creates a protruding image.,The Gemara asks: bAnd are we concerned aboutarousing bsuspicionin a case of this kind? bButwhat about that bcertain synagogue that had beendestroyed in Eretz Yisrael and its stones were brelocated andit was rebuilt so that it bsat in Neharde’a,and bthere was a statue [ iandarta /i]of the king bin it. Andnevertheless bRav and Shmuel and Shmuel’s father and Levi wouldall benter and pray there and they were not concerned aboutarousing bsuspicion.The Gemara answers: When bmanyJews are present it bis different,as a large group is not suspected of having idolatrous intentions. Rather, it is assumed that the statue is there exclusively for purposes of ornamentation.,The Gemara asks: bBut isn’t Rabban Gamliel an individual?According to this reasoning, his images of the moon should have been prohibited, as they would have aroused suspicion. The Gemara answers: bSince he is the iNasi /i,the head of the Great Sanhedrin, bmanypeople bwerealways bfound with him,and therefore there was no room for suspicion. The Gemara suggests an alternative answer: bIf you wish, saythat these images were not whole; rather, they bwereformed bfrom piecesof images that had to be put together. Only complete images are prohibited.,The Gemara suggests yet another answer: bIf you wish, say:Rabban Gamliel bdidthis bto teach himself,which is not prohibited, as bit is written: “You shall not learn to doafter the abominations of those nations” (Deuteronomy 18:9), which indicates: bHowever, you may learn to understand and to teach.In other words, it is permitted to do certain things for the sake of Torah study which would otherwise be prohibited., strongMISHNA: /strong There was ban incidentin bwhich twowitnesses bcameto testify about the new moon, band they said: We sawthe waning moon bin the morning in the east, /b
28. Babylonian Talmud, Shabbat, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

32a. ראשית קראתי אתכם על עסקי ראשית הזהרתי אתכם נשמה שנתתי בכם קרויה נר על עסקי נר הזהרתי אתכם אם אתם מקיימים אותם מוטב ואם לאו הריני נוטל נשמתכם,ומ"ש בשעת לידתן אמר רבא נפל תורא חדד לסכינא אביי אמר תפיש תירוס אמתא בחד מחטרא ליהוי רב חסדא אמר שבקיה לרויא דמנפשיה נפיל מר עוקבא אמר רעיא חגרא ועיזי ריהטן אבב חוטרא מילי ואבי דרי חושבנא רב פפא אמר אבב חנואתא נפישי אחי ומרחמי אבב בזיוני לא אחי ולא מרחמי,וגברי היכא מיבדקי אמר ריש לקיש בשעה שעוברים על הגשר גשר ותו לא אימא כעין גשר רב לא עבר במברא דיתיב ביה עכו"ם אמר דילמא מיפקיד ליה דינא עליה ומתפיסנא בהדיה שמואל לא עבר אלא במברא דאית ביה עכו"ם אמר שטנא בתרי אומי לא שליט,ר' ינאי בדיק ועבר ר' ינאי לטעמיה דאמר לעולם אל יעמוד אדם במקום סכנה לומר שעושין לו נס שמא אין עושים לו נס ואם עושין לו נס מנכין לו מזכיותיו אמר רבי חנין מאי קראה (בראשית לב, יא) קטנתי מכל החסדים ומכל האמת רבי זירא ביומא דשותא לא נפיק לביני דיקלא,אמר ר' יצחק בריה דרב יהודה לעולם יבקש אדם רחמים שלא יחלה שאם יחלה אומרים לו הבא זכות והפטר אמר מר עוקבא מאי קראה (דברים כב, ח) כי יפול הנופל ממנו ממנו להביא ראיה תנא דבי רבי ישמעאל כי יפול הנופל ממנו (ממנו) ראוי זה ליפול מששת ימי בראשית שהרי לא נפל והכתוב קראו נופל אלא שמגלגלין זכות על ידי זכאי וחובה על ידי חייב.,ת"ר מי שחלה ונטה למות אומרים לו התודה שכן כל המומתין מתודין אדם יוצא לשוק יהי דומה בעיניו כמי שנמסר לסרדיוט חש בראשו יהי דומה בעיניו כמי שנתנוהו בקולר עלה למטה ונפל יהי דומה בעיניו כמו שהעלוהו לגרדום לידון שכל העולה לגרדום לידון אם יש לו פרקליטין גדולים ניצול ואם לאו אינו ניצול,ואלו הן פרקליטין של אדם תשובה ומעשים טובים ואפי' תשע מאות ותשעים ותשעה מלמדים עליו חובה ואחד מלמד עליו זכות ניצול שנאמר (איוב לג, כג) אם יש עליו מלאך מליץ אחד מני אלף להגיד לאדם ישרו ויחננו ויאמר פדעהו מרדת שחת וגו': ר' אליעזר בנו של ר' יוסי הגלילי אומר אפילו תשע מאות ותשעים ותשעה באותו מלאך לחובה ואחד לזכות ניצול שנאמר מליץ אחד מני אלף:,תנו רבנן על שלש עבירות נשים מתות יולדות רבי אלעזר אומר נשים מתות ילדות ר' אחא אומר בעון שמכבסות צואת בניהם בשבת וי"א על שקורין לארון הקודש ארנא.,תניא ר' ישמעאל בן אלעזר אומר בעון שני דברים עמי . הארצות מתים על שקורין לארון הקודש ארנא ועל שקורין לבית הכנסת בית עם תניא ר' יוסי אומר שלשה בדקי מיתה נבראו באשה ואמרי לה שלשה דבקי מיתה נדה וחלה והדלקת הנר חדא כר' אלעזר וחדא כרבנן,תניא רשב"ג אומר הלכות הקדש תרומות ומעשרות הן הן גופי תורה 32a. bI called you first,as it is stated: “Israel is the Lord’s hallowed portion, His first fruits of the increase” (Jeremiah 2:3) band I warned you about matters of the first:“of the first of your dough you shall set apart iḥallafor a gift” (Numbers 15:20). bThe soul that I have placed in you is called iner /i:“The spirit of man is the lamp [ iner /i] of the Lord” (Proverbs 20:27), and bI warned you about matters of theShabbat blamp. If you fulfill thesemitzvot, bfine, and if not, then I will take your soul. /b, bAnd,if so, bwhat is different during childbirth?Why does the divine attribute of judgment punish them for dereliction in fulfillment of these mitzvot specifically then? The Gemara cites several folk sayings expressing the concept that when a person is in danger, he is punished for his sins. bRava said:If bthe ox fell, sharpen the knifeto slaughter it. bAbaye said:If bthe maidservant’s insolence abounds, she will be struck by a single blowas punishment for all her sins. So too, when a woman is giving birth and her suffering is great due to Eve’s sin of eating from the Tree of Knowledge, all the punishments for her own sins are added to that suffering. bRav Ḥisda said: Leave the drunk, ashe bfalls on his own.Similarly, the time of birth is a time of danger, and if the Holy One, Blessed be He, does not come to her assistance at that time, that is sufficient to cause her death. bMar Ukva said: The shepherd is crippled, and the goats are running,and he cannot catch them. However, bnext to the gate,he speaks harsh bwords, and inside the penhe settles the baccount.Similarly, as long as a woman is in a healthy state, her sins are in abeyance, and she is not held accountable for them. However, when she is giving birth, which is a time of danger, she is held accountable for her sins and a calculation is made whether or not she is worthy of a miracle. bRav Pappa said: At the entrance to the stores,during a time of prosperity, bbrothers and loved ones abound.When a person is prospering ficially, everyone acts like his brother or friend. However, bat the gate of disgrace,during a time of loss and poverty, he has bno brothers and no loved ones;everyone abandons him.,And the Gemara asks: bAnd whereare bmen examined?When are men vulnerable to judgment and held accountable for their actions? bReish Lakish said: When they are crossing a bridge.The Gemara wonders: Only when they are crossing ba bridge and at no othertime? Rather, bsay:Anything blike a bridge,any place where danger is commonplace. On a similar note, the Gemara relates: bRav would not crossa river bin a ferry in which a gentile sat. He saidto himself: bPerhaps a judgment will be reckoned with him, and I will be caught together with himwhen he is punished. Whereas, bShmuel would only cross in a ferry if there was a gentile in it. He said: Satan does not have dominion over two nations.He settles his accounts with people from each nationality separately., bRabbi Yannai would examinethe ferry band cross.The Gemara comments that bRabbi Yannaiacted bin accordance with his reasoningstated elsewhere, as bhe said: A person should never stand in a place of danger saying that theyon High bwill perform a miracle for him, lestin the end bthey do not perform a miracle for him. And,moreover, even bif they do perform a miracle for him, they will deduct it from his merits. Rabbi Ḥanin said: What is the versethat alludes to this? When Jacob said: b“I am not worthy of all the mercies, and of all the truth,which You have shown unto Your servant” (Genesis 32:11), and he explains: Since You have bestowed upon me so much kindness and truth, my merits have been diminished. Similarly, the Gemara relates that bRabbi Zeira would not go outand walk bamong the palm trees on a day when there was a southern windblowing due to the fear that the trees might fall on him.,In a similar vein, bRav Yitzḥak, son of Rav Yehuda, said: A person should always pray that he will not become ill, as if he becomes ill they say to him: Bringproof of your bvirtue and exempt yourself.It is preferable for a person not to be forced to prove that he merits staying alive, as he might not be able to prove it. bMar Ukva said: What is the versethat alludes to this? As it says: “When you build a new house, then you shall make a parapet for your roof, that you bring not blood upon your house, bif the fallen falls imimenu /i”(Deuteronomy 22:8). He explains: iMimenu /i, from him proof must be brought.When one falls from his previous situation, it is his own responsibility to prove his innocence and emerge unharmed. bThe school of Rabbi Yishmael taught:What is the meaning of the phrase: bIf the fallen falls from it? Thisperson bwas destined to fallfrom that roof bfrom the six days of Creation,it was ingrained into nature. bAs,although bhe did notyet bfall, the verse calls him fallen. Nevertheless,the owner of the house is indicted for this, as bmerit is engendered by means ofthe binnocent and guilt by means ofthe bguilty. /b, bThe Sages taught: One who became ill and tended toward death, they say to him: Confess, as all those executedby the courts bconfess.Even if he is dying of natural causes, it is worthwhile for him to consider his death atonement for his sins. The Sages said: When ba person goes out to the marketplacewhere there are fights and disputes, bhe should consider himself as someone who has been handed over to a soldier [ iseradiyot /i].If bhis head hurt, he should consider it as if they placed him in a chain [ ikolar /i]around his neck. If bhe climbed into bed and fell ill, he should consider himself as if they took him up to the gallows to be judged, aswith regard to banyone who goes up to the gallows to be judged, if he has great advocates [ iperaklitin /i], he is spared, and if not, he is not spared. /b, bAndwith regard to divine judgment, bthese are a person’s advocates: Repentance and good deeds.The Gemara comments: bAnd evenif there are bnine hundred ninety-nine asserting his guilt andonly boneasserting his binnocence, he is spared,as bit is stated: “If there be for him an angel, an advocate, one among a thousand, to vouch for a man’s uprightness; then He is gracious unto him, and says: Deliver him from going down to the pit,I have found a ransom” (Job 33:23–24). bRabbi Eliezer, son of Rabbi Yosei HaGelili, says: Evenif there are bnine hundred ninety-nineportions bwithin that same angel accusinghim, band oneportion asserting bhis innocence, he is spared, as it stated: “An advocate, one among a thousand.”Even when the advocate who asserts his innocence finds only one-tenth of one percent of innocence in this man, even then, he is gracious unto him, and says: Deliver him from going down to the pit, I have found a ransom., bThe Sages taughtin a ibaraita /i: bFor three transgressions women die in childbirth [ iyoledot /i]. Rabbi Elazarhas a different version and bsaysthat bwomen diewhen they are byoung [ iyeladot /i].These transgressions are those enumerated in the mishna: The ihalakhotof a menstruating woman, iḥalla /i, and Shabbat lights. bRabbi Aḥa saysthey are punished bfor the sin of laundering their children’s fecesfrom clothing bon Shabbat. And some say: Because they call the Holy Arksimply bark. /b,Similarly, bwe learnedin a ibaraitathat bRabbi Yishmael ben Elazar says: On account of two sins, ignoramuses [ iamei ha /i’ iaretz /i] dieyoung (Rav Ya’akov Emden): bBecause they call the Holy Arksimply bark, and because they call the synagogue the house of the people. It was taughtin a ibaraitathat bRabbi Yosei says: Three cruciblespotentially leading to bdeath were created in the woman, and some say: Three accelerants of death.They are: bMenstruation, iḥalla /i, and lighting the Shabbat lights.The Gemara explains that boneversion, accelerants of death, is bin accordance withthe opinion of bRabbi Elazar,who said that women die young. bAndthe other bone,crucibles of death, is bin accordance withthe opinion of bthe Rabbis,who said that women die in childbirth.,Similarly, bit was taughtin a ibaraitathat bRabbi Shimon ben Gamliel says: The ihalakhotof consecrated items, iterumot /i, and tithes are themselvesthe bessence of Torahand are extremely severe
29. Eusebius of Caesarea, Preparation For The Gospel, 8.7.12-8.7.13 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)

30. Anon., Letter of Aristeas, 33, 40, 42, 310

310. After the books had been read, the priests and the elders of the translators and the Jewish community and the leaders of the people stood up and said, that since so excellent and sacred and accurate a translation had been made, it was only right that it should remain as it was and no
31. Papyri, Cpj, 157, 77-79, 154

Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
abusin el-meleq,papyrus from Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 88
adam Putthoff (2016), Ontological Aspects of Early Jewish Anthropology, 74
aedicula Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 148
agrippa i Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 148
alexandria,social conflict in Taylor and Hay (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 2
alexandria Najman (2010), The Significance of Sinai: Traditions about Sinai and Divine Revelation in Judaism and Christianity, 87; Taylor and Hay (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 2
alexandrian jewry Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 89
ancient synagogue,attribution of sanctity to Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 251
ancient synagogue,presence of sacred scrolls Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 251
anthedon (agrippias),letters of,to ephesus and cyrene,and temple tax Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 94
aphrodisias,inscriptions Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 88
apion Taylor and Hay (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 2
arch of titus Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 148
archisynagogue,synagogue/proseuche Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 88
aristobulus Taylor and Hay (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 268
arsinoe-crocodilopolis Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 88
art,pagan Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 89
asia Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 190
asia minor,inscriptions Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 88
augustus,his policy towards the jews Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 448
augustus,mandatum of,to gaius norbanus flaccus about temple tax Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 94
augustus Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 148; Taylor and Hay (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 2; Vlassopoulos (2021), Historicising Ancient Slavery, 141
authority,scripture Najman (2010), The Significance of Sinai: Traditions about Sinai and Divine Revelation in Judaism and Christianity, 87
autonomy Vlassopoulos (2021), Historicising Ancient Slavery, 141
body Putthoff (2016), Ontological Aspects of Early Jewish Anthropology, 74
caesar,julius Taylor and Hay (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 2
captivity Vlassopoulos (2021), Historicising Ancient Slavery, 141
cassius dio,on jewish proselytism in rome Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 456
catacombs,inscriptions Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 106
chrestus Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 449
cicero,defense of flaccus,references to temple tax in Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 91
circumcision Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 449
claudius Taylor and Hay (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 2
collegia (associations) in the roman empire Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 448
communal meals Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 252
community/communities (jewish) Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 431
community Balberg (2017), Blood for Thought: The Reinvention of Sacrifice in Early Rabbinic Literature, 223
creation Putthoff (2016), Ontological Aspects of Early Jewish Anthropology, 74
defense/defensive Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 431
destruction Najman (2010), The Significance of Sinai: Traditions about Sinai and Divine Revelation in Judaism and Christianity, 87; Putthoff (2016), Ontological Aspects of Early Jewish Anthropology, 74
dialectical relationships,slave communities Vlassopoulos (2021), Historicising Ancient Slavery, 141
diaspora Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 431
divine,torah/law Najman (2010), The Significance of Sinai: Traditions about Sinai and Divine Revelation in Judaism and Christianity, 87
egyptian,jews/jewry Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 431
elders,early torah reading Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 89
elders and synagogue,and amidah,instruction Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 89
empire,emperor Balberg (2017), Blood for Thought: The Reinvention of Sacrifice in Early Rabbinic Literature, 223
empire,sacrificial vision of Balberg (2017), Blood for Thought: The Reinvention of Sacrifice in Early Rabbinic Literature, 223
ethnarch,of the jews Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 449
ethnicity Vlassopoulos (2021), Historicising Ancient Slavery, 141
ethnos,of the jews Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 449
eucheion Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 88
eve Putthoff (2016), Ontological Aspects of Early Jewish Anthropology, 74
ezra Najman (2010), The Significance of Sinai: Traditions about Sinai and Divine Revelation in Judaism and Christianity, 87
favors,of caesar Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 91, 94
firstfruits Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 106; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 91, 94
flaccus,gaius norbanus (proconsul of asia),and temple tax Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 94
gift s,sacrificial Balberg (2017), Blood for Thought: The Reinvention of Sacrifice in Early Rabbinic Literature, 223
grants,of freedom from billeting,etc. Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 91, 94
hasmonean Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 431
hellenistic,philosophy Najman (2010), The Significance of Sinai: Traditions about Sinai and Divine Revelation in Judaism and Christianity, 87
households Vlassopoulos (2021), Historicising Ancient Slavery, 141
instruction,school,education Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 89, 148
interpretation Najman (2010), The Significance of Sinai: Traditions about Sinai and Divine Revelation in Judaism and Christianity, 87
isis cult,banned from rome Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 456
italy Vlassopoulos (2021), Historicising Ancient Slavery, 141
jerusalem Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 190; Putthoff (2016), Ontological Aspects of Early Jewish Anthropology, 74
jerusalem temple Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 431
jewish religion,religio licita Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 449
jewish societies Vlassopoulos (2021), Historicising Ancient Slavery, 141
jewish state,and caesar Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 91, 94
jews,expelled from rome Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 456
jews,formal status in the roman empire of Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 448, 449
jews,loyal to each other,hostile to all the others Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 456
jews,proselytes Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 456
jews,status in the city of rome of Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 448, 449
josephus,on jewish state,grants to,by caesar Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 91, 94
josephus Balberg (2017), Blood for Thought: The Reinvention of Sacrifice in Early Rabbinic Literature, 223
judaizers Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 89
julius caesar,and jews,decrees of c. concerning jewish state Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 91, 94
julius caesar,favors of Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 91, 94
julius caesar,his policy towards the jews Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 448
law,mosaic (law of moses) Najman (2010), The Significance of Sinai: Traditions about Sinai and Divine Revelation in Judaism and Christianity, 87
law,natural Najman (2010), The Significance of Sinai: Traditions about Sinai and Divine Revelation in Judaism and Christianity, 87
leviticus,gaius caesar Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 106
manumission Vlassopoulos (2021), Historicising Ancient Slavery, 141
material culture Vlassopoulos (2021), Historicising Ancient Slavery, 141
mediterranean Vlassopoulos (2021), Historicising Ancient Slavery, 141
menorah Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 148
mesopotamia,on the temple tax Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 190
mikdash adam (temple of man) Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 431
military Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 431
mind Putthoff (2016), Ontological Aspects of Early Jewish Anthropology, 74
mithridates,confiscation of money for temple by Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 91
molestation Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 91, 94
moses,origin of torah reading Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 148
naucratis Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 88
nehardea Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 89
nicolaus of damascus Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 148
octavian,and jewish custom of collecting money Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 91
pagan,pagans,asia minor Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 88
pagan,pagans,cyrene Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 88
papyrological evidence,jewish communal archive Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 88
papyrological evidence,proseuche/eucheion Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 88
parthian Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 431
philo,on temple tax Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 91, 94
philo Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 89, 90; Putthoff (2016), Ontological Aspects of Early Jewish Anthropology, 74
philo of alexandria,law of moses Najman (2010), The Significance of Sinai: Traditions about Sinai and Divine Revelation in Judaism and Christianity, 87
philosophy (greek/hellenistic) Najman (2010), The Significance of Sinai: Traditions about Sinai and Divine Revelation in Judaism and Christianity, 87
pilgrimage Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 190
pilgrims/pilgrimage Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 431
polemic Balberg (2017), Blood for Thought: The Reinvention of Sacrifice in Early Rabbinic Literature, 223
prayer,instruction Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 89
prayer,jewry,alexandria Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 106
prayer,jewry,rome Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 106
prayer,priests Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 89
prayer,torah reading Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 89, 148
preaching Alikin (2009), The Earliest History of the Christian Gathering, 188
priest,priests,abusin el-meleq archives Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 88
priest,priests,instruction Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 89
primitive peoples\r\n,human sacrifice offered by Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 456
proseuche (prayer house),diaspora,egypt Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 88, 89, 90, 148
proseuche (prayer house),diaspora,rome Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 106
pseudo-aristeas, on money offerings sent to jerusalem Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 91
qumran Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 190
reading,centrality of Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 148
reading,study of Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 148
reading,synagogue ritual Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 148
reading in synagogue Alikin (2009), The Earliest History of the Christian Gathering, 150
roman Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 431
rome,delegations to,(7 c.e.) Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 148
rome,therapeutae Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 89
rome Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 89; Vlassopoulos (2021), Historicising Ancient Slavery, 141
sabbateion Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 251
sabbath,rituals and practices Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 251, 252
sabbath,worship Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 148
sabbath Alikin (2009), The Earliest History of the Christian Gathering, 150, 188
sacrifices' Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 190
sambathic association Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 88
sanctity,temple Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 106
sanctity,torah,torah shrine Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 148
sardinia Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 456
septuagint,torah reading Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 90
slave communities Vlassopoulos (2021), Historicising Ancient Slavery, 141
slave families Vlassopoulos (2021), Historicising Ancient Slavery, 141
slaving contexts Vlassopoulos (2021), Historicising Ancient Slavery, 141
stoicism Putthoff (2016), Ontological Aspects of Early Jewish Anthropology, 74
synagogue service Alikin (2009), The Earliest History of the Christian Gathering, 188
telos Putthoff (2016), Ontological Aspects of Early Jewish Anthropology, 74
temple,absence/destruction of Balberg (2017), Blood for Thought: The Reinvention of Sacrifice in Early Rabbinic Literature, 223
temple,in diaspora Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 91, 94
temple,mandatum of augustus to gaius norbanus flaccus concerning Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 94
temple Putthoff (2016), Ontological Aspects of Early Jewish Anthropology, 74
temple mount,jerusalem temple Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 190
temple tax Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 190
temple tax (half-shekel) Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 431
therapeutae,sermon Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 89
tiberias,jewish community Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 148
titus Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 148
torah Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 190
vespasian Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 148
villas Vlassopoulos (2021), Historicising Ancient Slavery, 141