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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



9245
Philo Of Alexandria, Against Flaccus, 76


nanAnd the enormity of this cruelty is proved by many other circumstances, and it will be further proved most evidently and undeniably by the circumstance which I am about to mention. Three of the members of this council of elders, Euodius, and Trypho, and Audro, had been stripped of all their property, being plundered of everything that was in their houses at one onset, and he was well aware that they had been exposed to this treatment, for it had been related to him when he had in the first instance sent for our rulers, under pretence of wishing to promote a reconciliation between them and the rest of the city;


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

24 results
1. Hebrew Bible, Deuteronomy, 21.22-21.23 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)

21.22. וְכִי־יִהְיֶה בְאִישׁ חֵטְא מִשְׁפַּט־מָוֶת וְהוּמָת וְתָלִיתָ אֹתוֹ עַל־עֵץ׃ 21.23. לֹא־תָלִין נִבְלָתוֹ עַל־הָעֵץ כִּי־קָבוֹר תִּקְבְּרֶנּוּ בַּיּוֹם הַהוּא כִּי־קִלְלַת אֱלֹהִים תָּלוּי וְלֹא תְטַמֵּא אֶת־אַדְמָתְךָ אֲשֶׁר יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ נֹתֵן לְךָ נַחֲלָה׃ 21.22. And if a man have committed a sin worthy of death, and he be put to death, and thou hang him on a tree;" 21.23. his body shall not remain all night upon the tree, but thou shalt surely bury him the same day; for he that is hanged is a reproach unto God; that thou defile not thy land which the LORD thy God giveth thee for an inheritance."
2. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 12.16, 13.2, 13.6-13.7, 14.13, 23.4, 24.35 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)

12.16. וּלְאַבְרָם הֵיטִיב בַּעֲבוּרָהּ וַיְהִי־לוֹ צֹאן־וּבָקָר וַחֲמֹרִים וַעֲבָדִים וּשְׁפָחֹת וַאֲתֹנֹת וּגְמַלִּים׃ 13.2. וְאַבְרָם כָּבֵד מְאֹד בַּמִּקְנֶה בַּכֶּסֶף וּבַזָּהָב׃ 13.6. וְלֹא־נָשָׂא אֹתָם הָאָרֶץ לָשֶׁבֶת יַחְדָּו כִּי־הָיָה רְכוּשָׁם רָב וְלֹא יָכְלוּ לָשֶׁבֶת יַחְדָּו׃ 13.7. וַיְהִי־רִיב בֵּין רֹעֵי מִקְנֵה־אַבְרָם וּבֵין רֹעֵי מִקְנֵה־לוֹט וְהַכְּנַעֲנִי וְהַפְּרִזִּי אָז יֹשֵׁב בָּאָרֶץ׃ 14.13. וַיָּבֹא הַפָּלִיט וַיַּגֵּד לְאַבְרָם הָעִבְרִי וְהוּא שֹׁכֵן בְּאֵלֹנֵי מַמְרֵא הָאֱמֹרִי אֲחִי אֶשְׁכֹּל וַאֲחִי עָנֵר וְהֵם בַּעֲלֵי בְרִית־אַבְרָם׃ 23.4. גֵּר־וְתוֹשָׁב אָנֹכִי עִמָּכֶם תְּנוּ לִי אֲחֻזַּת־קֶבֶר עִמָּכֶם וְאֶקְבְּרָה מֵתִי מִלְּפָנָי׃ 24.35. וַיהוָה בֵּרַךְ אֶת־אֲדֹנִי מְאֹד וַיִּגְדָּל וַיִּתֶּן־לוֹ צֹאן וּבָקָר וְכֶסֶף וְזָהָב וַעֲבָדִם וּשְׁפָחֹת וּגְמַלִּים וַחֲמֹרִים׃ 12.16. And he dealt well with Abram for her sake; and he had sheep, and oxen, and he-asses, and men-servants, and maid-servants, and she-asses, and camels." 13.2. And Abram was very rich in cattle, in silver, and in gold." 13.6. And the land was not able to bear them, that they might dwell together; for their substance was great, so that they could not dwell together." 13.7. And there was a strife between the herdmen of Abram’s cattle and the herdmen of Lot’s cattle. And the Canaanite and the Perizzite dwelt then in the land." 14.13. And there came one that had escaped, and told Abram the Hebrew—now he dwelt by the terebinths of Mamre the Amorite, brother of Eshcol, and brother of Aner; and these were confederate with Abram." 23.4. ’I am a stranger and a sojourner with you: give me a possession of a burying-place with you, that I may bury my dead out of my sight.’" 24.35. And the LORD hath blessed my master greatly; and he is become great; and He hath given him flocks and herds, and silver and gold, and men-servants and maid-servants, and camels and asses."
3. Hebrew Bible, Psalms, 137.2 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)

137.2. עַל־עֲרָבִים בְּתוֹכָהּ תָּלִינוּ כִּנֹּרוֹתֵינוּ׃ 137.2. Upon the willows in the midst thereof We hanged up our harps."
4. Philo of Alexandria, Against Flaccus, 10, 103-105, 108, 11, 110, 117, 12, 120-124, 13, 135-139, 14, 141, 149, 15, 151, 158, 16, 163, 166-169, 17, 170, 173-174, 177, 18, 181, 189, 19, 190-191, 2, 20-21, 23-29, 3, 30-39, 4, 40-49, 5, 50-59, 6, 60-69, 7, 70-75, 77-79, 8, 80-89, 9, 90-97, 1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

1. Flaccus Avillius succeeded Sejanus in his hatred of and hostile designs against the Jewish nation. He was not, indeed, able to injure the whole people by open and direct means as he had been, inasmuch as he had less power for such a purpose, but he inflicted the most intolerable evils on all who came within his reach. Moreover, though in appearance he only attacked a portion of the nation, in point of fact he directed his aims against all whom he could find anywhere, proceeding more by art than by force; for those men who, though of tyrannical natures and dispositions, have not strength enough to accomplish their designs openly, seek to compass them by manoeuvres.
5. Philo of Alexandria, On The Embassy To Gaius, 122-124, 130, 132-139, 162-164, 166-171, 173, 250-253, 338, 121 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

121. for they began to crush our people as if they had been surrendered by the emperor for the most extreme and undeniable miseries, or as if they had been subdued in war, with their frantic and most brutal passion, forcing their way into their houses, and driving out the owners, with their wives and children, which they rendered desolate and void of inhabitants.
6. Philo of Alexandria, Allegorical Interpretation, 121-126, 120 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

7. Propertius, Elegies, 3.11.30-3.11.58 (1st cent. BCE

8. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 32.36-32.37 (1st cent. CE

32.36.  For not only does the mighty nation, Egypt, constitute the framework of your city — or more accurately its ')" onMouseOut="nd();"appendage — but the peculiar nature of the river, when compared with all others, defies description with regard to both its marvellous habits and its usefulness; and furthermore, not only have you a monopoly of the shipping of the entire Mediterranean by reason of the beauty of your harbours, the magnitude of your fleet, and the abundance and the marketing of the products of every land, but also the outer waters that lie beyond are in your grasp, both the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean, whose name was rarely heard in former days. The result is that the trade, not merely of islands, ports, a few straits and isthmuses, but of practically the whole world is yours. For Alexandria is situated, as it were, at the cross-roads of the whole world, of even the most remote nations thereof, as if it were a market serving a single city, a market which brings together into one place all manner of men, displaying them to one another and, as far as possible, making them a kindred people. 32.37.  Perhaps these words of mine are pleasing to your ears and you fancy that you are being praised by me, as you are by all the rest who are always flattering you; but I was praising water and soil and harbours and places and everything except yourselves. For where have I said that you are sensible and temperate and just? Was it not quite the opposite? For when we praise human beings, it should be for their good discipline, gentleness, concord, civic order, for heeding those who give good counsel, and for not being always in search of pleasures. But arrivals and departures of vessels, and superiority in size of population, in merchandise, and in ships, are fit subjects for praise in the case of a fair, a harbour, or a market-place, but not of a city;
9. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 14.117, 19.81, 19.292-19.296, 19.300-19.311 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

14.117. Accordingly, the Jews have places assigned them in Egypt, wherein they inhabit, besides what is peculiarly allotted to this nation at Alexandria, which is a large part of that city. There is also an ethnarch allowed them, who governs the nation, and distributes justice to them, and takes care of their contracts, and of the laws to them belonging, as if he were the ruler of a free republic. 19.81. for he is preparing to sail to Alexandria, in order to see Egypt. Is it therefore for your honor to let a man go out of your hands who is a reproach to mankind, and to permit him to go, after a pompous manner, triumphing both at land and sea? 19.292. 1. Now Claudius Caesar, by these decrees of his which were sent to Alexandria, and to all the habitable earth, made known what opinion he had of the Jews. So he soon sent Agrippa away to take his kingdom, now he was advanced to a more illustrious dignity than before, and sent letters to the presidents and procurators of the provinces that they should treat him very kindly. 19.293. Accordingly, he returned in haste, as was likely he would, now he returned in much greater prosperity than he had before. He also came to Jerusalem, and offered all the sacrifices that belonged to him, and omitted nothing which the law required; 19.294. on which account he ordained that many of the Nazarites should have their heads shorn. And for the golden chain which had been given him by Caius, of equal weight with that iron chain wherewith his royal hands had been bound, he hung it up within the limits of the temple, over the treasury, that it might be a memorial of the severe fate he had lain under, and a testimony of his change for the better; that it might be a demonstration how the greatest prosperity may have a fall, and that God sometimes raises up what is fallen down: 19.295. for this chain thus dedicated afforded a document to all men, that king Agrippa had been once bound in a chain for a small cause, but recovered his former dignity again; and a little while afterward got out of his bonds, and was advanced to be a more illustrious king than he was before. 19.296. Whence men may understand that all that partake of human nature, how great soever they are, may fall; and that those that fall may gain their former illustrious dignity again. 19.301. This procedure of theirs greatly provoked Agrippa; for it plainly tended to the dissolution of the laws of his country. So he came without delay to Publius Petronius, who was then president of Syria, and accused the people of Doris. 19.302. Nor did he less resent what was done than did Agrippa; for he judged it a piece of impiety to transgress the laws that regulate the actions of men. So he wrote the following letter to the people of Doris in an angry strain: 19.303. “Publius Petronius, the president under Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, to the magistrates of Doris, ordains as follows: 19.304. Since some of you have had the boldness, or madness rather, after the edict of Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus was published, for permitting the Jews to observe the laws of their country, not to obey the same 19.305. but have acted in entire opposition thereto, as forbidding the Jews to assemble together in the synagogue, by removing Caesar’s statue, and setting it up therein, and thereby have offended not only the Jews, but the emperor himself, whose statue is more commodiously placed in his own temple than in a foreign one, where is the place of assembling together; while it is but a part of natural justice, that every one should have the power over the place belonging peculiarly to themselves, according to the determination of Caesar,— 19.306. to say nothing of my own determination, which it would be ridiculous to mention after the emperor’s edict, which gives the Jews leave to make use of their own customs, as also gives order that they enjoy equally the rights of citizens with the Greeks themselves,— 19.307. I therefore ordain that Proculus Vitellius, the centurion, bring those men to me, who, contrary to Augustus’s edict, have been so insolent as to do this thing, at which those very men, who appear to be of principal reputation among them, have an indignation also, and allege for themselves, that it was not done with their consent, but by the violence of the multitude, that they may give an account of what hath been done. 19.308. I also exhort the principal magistrates among them, unless they have a mind to have this action esteemed to be done with their consent, to inform the centurion of those that were guilty of it, and take care that no handle be hence taken for raising a sedition or quarrel among them; which those seem to me to hunt after who encourage such doings; 19.309. while both I myself, and king Agrippa, for whom I have the highest honor, have nothing more under our care, than that the nation of the Jews may have no occasion given them of getting together, under the pretense of avenging themselves, and become tumultuous. 19.311. I therefore charge you, that you do not, for the time to come, seek for any occasion of sedition or disturbance, but that every one be allowed to follow their own religious customs.”
10. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 2.75, 2.306-2.308, 3.321, 4.317 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

2.75. But Varus sent a part of his army into the country, against those that had been the authors of this commotion, and as they caught great numbers of them, those that appeared to have been the least concerned in these tumults he put into custody, but such as were the most guilty he crucified; these were in number about two thousand. 2.306. o the citizens fled along the narrow lanes, and the soldiers slew those that they caught, and no method of plunder was omitted; they also caught many of the quiet people, and brought them before Florus, whom he first chastised with stripes, and then crucified. 2.307. Accordingly, the whole number of those that were destroyed that day, with their wives and children (for they did not spare even the infants themselves), was about three thousand and six hundred. 2.308. And what made this calamity the heavier was this new method of Roman barbarity; for Florus ventured then to do what no one had done before, that is, to have men of the equestrian order whipped and nailed to the cross before his tribunal; who, although they were by birth Jews, yet were they of Roman dignity notwithstanding. 3.321. and how much they despised any punishments that could be inflicted on them; this last because one of the people of Jotapata had undergone all sorts of torments, and though they made him pass through a fiery trial of his enemies in his examination, yet would he inform them nothing of the affairs within the city, and as he was crucified, smiled at them. 4.317. Nay, they proceeded to that degree of impiety, as to cast away their dead bodies without burial, although the Jews used to take so much care of the burial of men, that they took down those that were condemned and crucified, and buried them before the going down of the sun.
11. Mela, De Chorographia, 1.8-1.9, 1.22, 1.40 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

12. New Testament, 1 Corinthians, 1.12 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

1.12. Now I mean this, that each one of yousays, "I follow Paul," "I follow Apollos," "I follow Cephas," and, "Ifollow Christ.
13. New Testament, Acts, 5.30, 10.39, 18.26, 19.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

5.30. The God of our fathers raised up Jesus, whom you killed, hanging him on a tree. 10.39. We are witnesses of all things which he did both in the country of the Jews, and in Jerusalem; whom they also killed, hanging him on a tree. 18.26. He began to speak boldly in the synagogue. But when Priscilla and Aquila heard him, they took him aside, and explained to him the way of God more accurately. 19.1. It happened that, while Apollos was at Corinth, Paul, having passed through the upper country, came to Ephesus, and found certain disciples.
14. New Testament, Galatians, 3.13 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

3.13. Christ redeemed us from the curse of the law, having become acurse for us. For it is written, "Cursed is everyone who hangs on atree
15. Tosefta, Sukkah, 4.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

4.6. Why did they blow three blasts? To make the people cease from work. The sexton took the trumpets, and went to the top of the highest roof in the city to summon those near the city to cease from work. Those near the limits of the city assembled themselves together and came to the schoolhouse. They did not come immediately the trumpets blew, but waited till all were gathered together, and then all came at once. When did they assemble? After one could fill a bottle of water, or fry a fish, or light his lamp. "
16. Anon., Lamentations Rabbah, 2.2 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)

2.2. אֵיכָה יָעִיב בְּאַפּוֹ ה' אֶת בַּת צִיּוֹן. אָמַר רַבִּי חָמָא בַּר רַבִּי חֲנִינָא אֵיךְ חַיֵּיב ה' בְּרוּגְזֵיהּ יָת בַּת צִיּוֹן. אִית אַתְרָא דְּצָוְוחִין לְחַיָּיבָא עֲיָיבָא. רַבִּי שְׁמוּאֵל בַּר נַחְמָנִי אָמַר, אֵיךְ כַּיֵּיב ה' בְּרוּגְזֵיהּ. אִית אַתְרָא דְּצַוְוחִין לְכֵיבָא עֵייבָא. וְרַבָּנָן אָמְרִין אֵיךְ שַׁיֵּים ה' בְּרוּגְזֵיהּ יָת בַּת צִיּוֹן. הִשְׁלִיךְ מִשָּׁמַיִם אֶרֶץ תִּפְאֶרֶת יִשְׂרָאֵל, רַבִּי הוּנָא וְרַבִּי אַחָא בְּשֵׁם רַבִּי חֲנִינָא בְּרֵיהּ דְּרַבִּי אַבָּהוּ, מָשָׁל לְמֶלֶךְ שֶׁהָיָה לוֹ בֵּן, בָּכָה וּנְתָנוֹ עַל אַרְכּוּבוֹתָיו, בָּכָה וּנְתָנוֹ עַל זְרוֹעוֹתָיו, בָּכָה וְהִרְכִּיבוֹ עַל כְּתֵפוֹ, טִנֵּף עָלָיו וּמִיָּד הִשְׁלִיכוֹ לָאָרֶץ, וְלָא הֲוַת מְחוּתִיתֵיהּ כִּמְסוּקִיתֵיהּ, מְסוּקִיתֵיהּ צִיבְחַר צִיבְחַר, וּמְחוּתִיתֵיהּ כּוֹלָּא חֲדָא. כָּךְ (הושע יא, ג): וְאָנֹכִי תִרְגַּלְתִּי לְאֶפְרַיִם קָחָם עַל זְרוֹעֹתָיו. וְאַחַר כָּךְ (הושע י, יא): אַרְכִּיב אֶפְרַיִם יַחֲרוֹשׁ יְהוּדָה יְשַׂדֶּד לוֹ יַעֲקֹב. וְאַחַר כָּךְ: הִשְׁלִיךְ מִשָּׁמַיִם אֶרֶץ תִּפְאֶרֶת יִשְׂרָאֵל. דָּבָר אַחֵר, הִשְׁלִיךְ מִשָּׁמַיִם אֶרֶץ תִּפְאֶרֶת יִשְׂרָאֵל, אָמַר רַבִּי יְהוֹשֻׁעַ בְּרַבִּי נַחְמָן מָשָׁל לִבְנֵי מְדִינָה שֶׁעָשׂוּ עֲטָרָה לַמֶּלֶךְ, הִקְנִיטוּהוּ וּסְבָלָן, הִקְנִיטוּהוּ וּסְבָלָן, אָחַר כָּךְ אָמַר לָהֶם הַמֶּלֶךְ כְּלוּם אַתֶּם מַקְנִיטִין אוֹתִי אֶלָּא בַּעֲבוּר עֲטָרָה שֶׁעִטַּרְתֶּם לִי, הֵא לְכוֹן טְרוֹן בְּאַפֵּיכוֹן, כָּךְ אָמַר הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא לְיִשְׂרָאֵל, כְּלוּם אַתֶּם מַקְנִיטִין אוֹתִי אֶלָּא בִּשְׁבִיל אִיקוּנִין שֶׁל יַעֲקֹב שֶׁחֲקוּקָה עַל כִּסְאִי, הֵא לְכוֹן טְרוֹן בְּאַפֵּיכוֹן, הֱוֵי: הִשְׁלִיךְ מִשָּׁמַיִם אֶרֶץ וגו'.
17. Justin, Dialogue With Trypho, 90 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

90. The stretched-out hands of Moses signified beforehand the cross Trypho: Bring us on, then, by the Scriptures, that we may also be persuaded by you; for we know that He should suffer and be led as a sheep. But prove to us whether He must be crucified and die so disgracefully and so dishonourably by the death cursed in the law. For we cannot bring ourselves even to think of this. Justin: You know that what the prophets said and did they veiled by parables and types, as you admitted to us; so that it was not easy for all to understand the most [of what they said], since they concealed the truth by these means, that those who are eager to find out and learn it might do so with much labour. Trypho's group: We admitted this. Justin: Listen, therefore, to what follows; for Moses first exhibited this seeming curse of Christ's by the signs which he made. Trypho: of what [signs] do you speak? Justin: When the people waged war with Amalek, and the son of Nave (Nun) by name Jesus (Joshua), led the fight, Moses himself prayed to God, stretching out both hands, and Hur with Aaron supported them during the whole day, so that they might not hang down when he got wearied. For if he gave up any part of this sign, which was an imitation of the cross, the people were beaten, as is recorded in the writings of Moses; but if he remained in this form, Amalek was proportionally defeated, and he who prevailed prevailed by the cross. For it was not because Moses so prayed that the people were stronger, but because, while one who bore the name of Jesus (Joshua) was in the forefront of the battle, he himself made the sign of the cross. For who of you knows not that the prayer of one who accompanies it with lamentation and tears, with the body prostrate, or with bended knees, propitiates God most of all? But in such a manner neither he nor any other one, while sitting on a stone, prayed. Nor even the stone symbolized Christ, as I have shown.
18. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 10.81 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

19. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 10.81 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

20. Pliny The Younger, Panegyric, 80.3-80.5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

21. Babylonian Talmud, Sanhedrin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

43a. (ויקרא כד, כג) ובני ישראל עשו כאשר צוה ה' את משה,אלא מעתה (ויקרא כד, כג) וירגמו אותו אבן מאי עבדי ליה ההוא מבעי ליה לכדתניא וירגמו אותו באבן אותו ולא בכסותו אבן שאם מת באבן אחת יצא,ואצטריך למיכתב אבן ואיצטריך למיכתב אבנים דאי כתב רחמנא אבן הוה אמינא היכא דלא מת בחדא לא ניתי אחריתי ומיקטליה כתב רחמנא אבנים ואי כתב רחמנא אבנים הוה אמינא מעיקרא נייתי תרתי כתב רחמנא אבן,והא האי תנא נאמר קאמר אילו לא נאמר קאמר וה"ק אילו לא נאמר קרא הייתי אומר גזירה שוה עכשיו שנאמר קרא גזירה שוה לא צריך,רב אשי אמר משה היכא הוה יתיב במחנה לוייה ואמר ליה רחמנא הוצא את המקלל חוץ למחנה לוייה אל מחוץ למחנה חוץ למחנה ישראל ויוציאו את המקלל לעשייה,עשייה בהדיא כתיב בהו ובני ישראל עשו כאשר צוה ה' את משה ההוא מיבעי ליה חד לסמיכה וחד לדחייה,אמרו ליה רבנן לרב אשי לדידך כל הני הוציא דכתיבי בפרים הנשרפים מאי דרשת בהו קשיא:,אחד עומד כו': אמר רב הונא פשיטא לי אחד אבן שנסקל בה ואחד עץ שנתלה בו ואחד סייף שנהרג בו ואחד סודר שנחנק בו כולן משל צבור מ"ט דמדידיה לא אמרינן ליה זיל וליתיה וליקטול נפשיה,בעי רב הונא סודר שמניפין בו וסוס שרץ ומעמידן משל מי הוא כיון דהצלה דידיה מדידיה הוא או דילמא כיון דבי דינא מחייבין למעבד בה הצלה מדידהו,ותו הא דאמר ר' חייא בר רב אשי אמר רב חסדא היוצא ליהרג משקין אותו קורט של לבונה בכוס של יין כדי שתטרף דעתו שנאמר (משלי לא, ו) תנו שכר לאובד ויין למרי נפש ותניא נשים יקרות שבירושלים היו מתנדבות ומביאות אותן לא התנדבו נשים יקרות משל מי הא ודאי מסתברא משל צבור כיון דכתיב תנו מדידהו,בעא מיניה רב אחא בר הונא מרב ששת אמר אחד מן התלמידים יש לי ללמד עליו זכות ונשתתק מהו מנפח רב ששת בידיה נשתתק אפילו אחד בסוף העולם נמי התם לא קאמר הכא קאמר מאי,תא שמע דאמר רבי יוסי בר חנינא אחד מן התלמידים שזיכה ומת רואין אותו כאילו חי ועומד במקומו זיכה אין לא זיכה לא,זיכה פשיטא לי אמר תיבעי לך:,אפילו הוא כו': ואפילו פעם ראשונה ושניה והתניא פעם ראשונה ושניה בין שיש ממש בדבריו בין שאין ממש בדבריו מחזירין אותו מכאן ואילך אם יש ממש בדבריו מחזירין אותו אין ממש בדבריו אין מחזירין אותו,אמר רב פפא תרגומה מפעם שניה ואילך,מנא ידעי אמר אביי דמסרינן ליה זוגא דרבנן אי איכא ממש בדבריו אין אי לא לא,ולימסר ליה מעיקרא אגב דבעית לא מצי אמר כל מאי דאית ליה:, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big מצאו לו זכות פטרוהו ואם לאו יצא ליסקל וכרוז יוצא לפניו איש פלוני בן פלוני יוצא ליסקל על שעבר עבירה פלונית ופלוני ופלוני עדיו כל מי שיודע לו זכות יבא וילמד עליו:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big אמר אביי וצריך למימר ביום פלוני ובשעה פלונית ובמקום פלוני דילמא איכא דידעי ואתו ומזים להו:,וכרוז יוצא לפניו לפניו אין מעיקרא לא והתניא בערב הפסח תלאוהו לישו והכרוז יוצא לפניו מ' יום ישו יוצא ליסקל על שכישף והסית והדיח את ישראל כל מי שיודע לו זכות יבא וילמד עליו ולא מצאו לו זכות ותלאוהו בערב הפסח,אמר עולא ותסברא בר הפוכי זכות הוא מסית הוא ורחמנא אמר (דברים יג, ט) לא תחמול ולא תכסה עליו אלא שאני ישו דקרוב למלכות הוה,ת"ר חמשה תלמידים היו לו לישו מתאי נקאי נצר ובוני ותודה אתיוהו למתי אמר להו מתי יהרג הכתיב (תהלים מב, ג) מתי אבוא ואראה פני אלהים אמרו לו אין מתי יהרג דכתיב (שם מא, ו) מתי ימות ואבד שמו,אתיוהו לנקאי אמר להו נקאי יהרג הכתיב (שמות כג, ז) ונקי וצדיק אל תהרוג אמרו לו אין נקאי יהרג דכתיב (תהלים י, ח) במסתרים יהרג נקי,אתיוהו לנצר אמר נצר יהרג הכתיב (ישעיה יא, א) ונצר משרשיו יפרה אמרו לו אין נצר יהרג דכתיב (שם יד, יט) ואתה השלכת מקברך כנצר נתעב,אתיוהו לבוני אמר אמר בוני יהרג הכתיב (שמות ד, כב) בני בכורי ישראל אמרו לי' אין בוני יהרג דכתיב (שם, כג) הנה אנכי הורג את בנך בכורך,אתיוהו לתודה אמר תודה יהרג הכתיב (תהלים ק, א) מזמור לתודה אמרו לו אין תודה יהרג דכתיב (שם נ, כג) זובח תודה יכבדנני 43a. b“And the children of Israel did as the Lord commanded Moses.” /b,The Gemara asks: bIf that is so, what do they do withthe words in the verse: b“And they stoned him with a stone”?These words appear to be superfluous, as even without them we would know that God’s instructions to stone the blasphemer were implemented. What then do they serve to teach? The Gemara answers: bThatphrase is bnecessary for that which is taughtin a ibaraita /i: The verse states: b“And they stoned him with a stone.”The word b“him”teaches that they stoned him alone, while he was naked, bbut notwhile he was bin his clothing.The verse uses the singular term b“stone [ iaven /i]”rather than the plural term stones [ iavanim /i] to teach bthat ifthe condemned man bdiedafter being struck bwith one stone,the court has bfulfilledits obligation.,The Gemara notes: bAndit bwas necessary to writewith regard to the blasphemer that “they stoned him with ba stone,”in the singular, bandit bwas necessary to writewith regard to the man who gathered sticks on Shabbat that “they stoned him with bstones”(Numbers 15:36), in the plural. bAs, had the Merciful One writtenonly b“stone,” I would saythat bwherethe condemned man bdid not dieafter being struck bwith onestone, bthey do not bring otherstones band kill himwith them. Therefore, bthe Merciful One writes “stones.” And had the Merciful One writtenonly b“stones,” I would saythat bfrom the outset they should bring twoor more stones. Therefore, bthe Merciful One writes “stone.” /b,The Gemara raises an objection to Rav Pappa’s derivation: bBut this itanna /iof the ibaraitacited above bsaid: It is statedhere and it is stated elsewhere, thereby basing his derivation on a verbal analogy between the verse concerning the blasphemer and the verse concerning the bulls brought as sin-offerings that are burned. How, then, can Rav Pappa, an iamora /i, disagree and derive the ihalakhadirectly from the verse dealing with the blasphemer? The Gemara answers: According to Rav Pappa, the itannaof the ibaraita bsaid: Had it not been stated, and thisis what he bis saying: Had a verse not been statedfrom which it can be directly derived that the condemned man is stoned outside all three camps, bI would have saidthat this can be learned by way of ba verbal analogy.But bnow thatsuch ba verse has been stated,the bverbal analogy is not needed. /b, bRav Ashi said:The location of the place of stoning can be directly derived from the verse discussing the blasphemer but in a slightly different manner. bWhere was Moses sittingwhen the matter of the blasphemer was brought before him? bIn the Levite camp. And the Merciful One said to him: “Take out him who has cursed”(Leviticus 24:14), indicating that he should be taken boutside the Levite campinto the Israelite camp. And God continued in that verse: b“Outside the camp,”which is an additional command that he should be removed even further, to boutside the Israelite camp.And the later verse, which says: b“And they brought him that had cursedout of the camp…and the children of Israel did as the Lord commanded Moses” (Leviticus 24:23), teaches us babout the implementationof God’s instructions, i.e., that the children of Israel did in fact carry out His command.,The Gemara raises an objection: bThe implementationof God’s instructions is bwritten explicitly in thiscontext, as it is stated in the continuation of the verse: b“And the children of Israel did as the Lord commanded Moses.”The Gemara answers: bThatverse bis necessaryto teach us that not only was the condemned man taken outside the three camps and stoned, but the rest of God’s instructions were also fulfilled. These instructions relate bto the placingof the witnesses’ bhandsupon the head of the condemned man, as it is stated: “And let all that heard him place their hands upon his head” (Leviticus 24:14), band to thewitnesses’ bpushingof the condemned man from a platform the height of two stories., bThe Sages said to Rav Ashi: According to you,that the expression “take out” by itself means outside the camp, and “outside the camp” means outside an additional camp, bwhat do you learn from all thoseinstances of b“take out” that are written with regard to the bullsbrought as sin-offerings bthat are burned?According to your explanation, there are many superfluous phrases in the verses. The Gemara comments: Indeed, this is bdifficultwith regard to the opinion of Rav Ashi.,§ The mishna teaches that boneman bstandsat the entrance to the court, with cloths in his hand, ready to signal to the court agents leading the condemned man to his execution that some doubt has been raised with respect to the latter’s guilt. bRav Huna says:It is bobvious to methat bthe stone with whichthe condemned man bis stoned and the tree on whichhis corpse bis hungafter his execution, bor the sword with which he is killed, or the scarf with which he is strangled, all of thesecome bfromthe property of bthe community. What is the reasonfor this? bWe do not tellthe condemned man to bgo and bringthese items bfrom his ownproperty bandeffectively bkill himself. /b, bRav Huna raiseda dilemma: With regard to bthe cloth that is waved and the horse that racesoff after the court agents bto stopthe latter from carrying out the execution, bfrom whoseproperty bdo they come,that of the condemned man or that of the community? The Gemara explains the two sides of the dilemma: bSincethey are needed to bsavethe man being led to his execution, these items should be taken bfrom hisproperty. bOr perhaps, since the court is obligated totake all possible measures to bsave himfrom death, they should be taken bfrom them,i.e., the community., bAnd furthermore,another question is raised along similar lines: With regard to bthat which Rav Ḥiyya bar Ashi saysthat bRav Ḥisda says:The court bgives one who is being led out to be killed a grain [ ikoret /i] of frankincense in a cup of wine in order to confuse his mindand thereby minimize his suffering from the fear of his impending death, bas it is stated: “Give strong drink to him that is ready to perish, and wine to the bitter in soul”(Proverbs 31:6). bAnd it is taughtin a ibaraita /i: bThe prominent women of Jerusalem would donatethis drink band bringit to those being led out to be killed. The question is: If bthese prominent women did not donatethis drink, bfrom whomis it taken? The Gemara answers: With regard to bthisquestion, it bis certainly reasonablethat this drink should be taken bfrom the community, as it is written: “Give [ itenu /i]strong drink,” in the plural, indicating that it should come bfrom them,the community.,§ bRav Aḥa bar Huna asked Rav Sheshet:If bone of the studentssitting before the judges bsaid: I can teacha reason to bacquit him, and he became muteand cannot explain himself, bwhat isthe ihalakhain such a case? Does the court take heed of his words, or do they disregard him? bRav Sheshet waved his handsin scorn and said: If the student bbecame mute,the court certainly does not pay attention to him, as were the court to concern themselves with what he said, they would have to be concerned beventhat perhaps there is bsomeone at the end of the worldwho can propose an argument in the condemned man’s favor. The Gemara rejects this argument: The cases are not similar. bThere, no one saidthat he had a reason to acquit the condemned man. bHere,the student already bsaidthat he had a reason to acquit the condemned man. The question, therefore, is appropriate. bWhatis the ihalakhain such a case?,The Gemara suggests: bComeand bhearan answer: bAs Rabbi Yosei bar Ḥanina says:In a case where there was bone of the students whoargued to bacquitthe defendant bandthen bdied,the court bviews him as ifhe were balive and standing in his placeand voting to acquit the defendant. The implication is that if bheargued to bacquitthe defendant and explained his reasoning, byes,the court counts his vote as if he were still alive. But if bhe did notactually argue to bacquitthe defendant, but only said that he wished to propose such an argument, his vote is bnotcounted as though he were still alive.,The Gemara rejects this proof: If the student barguedto bacquitthe defendant, it is bobvious to methat he should be counted among those favoring acquittal. But if he only bsaysthat he wishes to propose such an argument, blet the dilemma be raisedwhether or not he should be regarded as having presented a convincing argument in favor of acquittal. The question is left unresolved.,The mishna teaches: And bevenif bhe,the condemned man himself, says: I can teach a reason to acquit myself, he is returned to the courthouse even four or five times, provided that there is substance to his words. The Gemara asks: bAndis the ihalakhathat there must be substance to his words beven the first and second timethat the condemned man says that he can teach a reason to acquit himself? bBut isn’t it taughtin a ibaraita /i: bThe first and second timesthat he says that he can teach a reason to acquit himself, bthey return himto the courthouse and consider bwhether there is substance to his statement or there is no substance to his statement. From thispoint bforward, if there is substance to his statement they return himto the courthouse, but if bthere is no substance to his statement, they do not return him.This appears to contradict the mishna., bRav Pappa said: Explainthat the mishna’s ruling applies only bfromafter bthe second time forward,that from that point on we examine whether there is substance to his words.,The Gemara asks: bHow do we knowwhether or not there is substance to his words? bAbaye said:If the condemned man has already been returned twice to the courthouse, bwe send a pair of rabbis with himto evaluate his claim. bIfthey find that bthere is substance to his statement, yes,he is returned once again to the courthouse; bif not,he is bnotreturned.,The Gemara asks: bButwhy not bsenda pair of rabbis bwith him from the outset,even the first time, and have them make an initial assessment of his claim? The Gemara answers: bSincea man facing execution bis frightenedby the thought of his impending death, bhe is not able to say all that he hasto say, and perhaps out of fear he will be confused and not provide a substantial reason to overturn his verdict. Therefore, the first two times he is returned to the courthouse without an initial examination of his arguments. Once he has already been returned on two occasions, the court allows for no further delay, and they send two rabbis to evaluate his claim before returning him a third time., strongMISHNA: /strong If, after the condemned man is returned to the courthouse, the judges bfinda reason to bacquit him, theyacquit him and brelease himimmediately. bBut ifthey do bnotfind a reason to acquit him, bhe goes out to be stoned. And a crier goes out before himand publicly proclaims: bSo-and-so, son of so-and-so, is going out to be stoned because he committed such and such a transgression. And so-and-so and so-and-so are his witnesses. Anyone who knowsof a reason to bacquit him should comeforward band teachit bon his behalf. /b, strongGEMARA: /strong bAbaye says: Andthe crier bmustalso publicly bproclaimthat the transgression was committed bon such and such a day, at such and such an hour, and at such and such a place,as bperhaps there are those who knowthat the witnesses could not have been in that place at that time, band they will comeforward band renderthe witnesses bconspiring witnesses. /b,The mishna teaches that ba crier goes out beforethe condemned man. This indicates that it is only bbefore him,i.e., while he is being led to his execution, that byes,the crier goes out, but bfrom the outset,before the accused is convicted, he does bnotgo out. The Gemara raises a difficulty: bBut isn’t it taughtin a ibaraita /i: bOn Passover Eve they hungthe corpse of bJesus the Nazareneafter they killed him by way of stoning. bAnd a crier went out before himfor bforty days,publicly proclaiming: bJesus the Nazarene is going out to be stoned because he practiced sorcery, incitedpeople to idol worship, band led the Jewish people astray. Anyone who knowsof a reason to bacquit him should comeforward band teachit bon his behalf. Andthe court bdid not finda reason to bacquit him, andso btheystoned him and bhung hiscorpse bon Passover eve. /b, bUlla said: Andhow can byou understandthis proof? Was bJesus the Nazarene worthy ofconducting ba searchfor a reason to bacquithim? bHewas ban inciterto idol worship, band the Merciful One stateswith regard to an inciter to idol worship: b“Neither shall you spare, neither shall you conceal him”(Deuteronomy 13:9). bRather, Jesus was different, as hehad bcloseties bwith the government,and the gentile authorities were interested in his acquittal. Consequently, the court gave him every opportunity to clear himself, so that it could not be claimed that he was falsely convicted.,Apropos the trial of Jesus, the Gemara cites another ibaraita /i, where bthe Sages taught: Jesus the Nazarene had five disciples: Mattai, Nakai, Netzer, Buni, and Toda. They brought Mattai into stand trial. Mattai bsaid tothe judges: bShall Mattai be executed?But bisn’t it written: “When [ imatai /i] shall I come and appear before God?”(Psalms 42:3). Mattai claimed that this verse alludes to the fact he is righteous. bThey said to him: Yes, Mattai shall be executed, as it is written: “When [ imatai /i] shall he die, and his name perish?”(Psalms 41:6).,Then bthey brought Nakai into stand trial. Nakai bsaidto the judges: bShall Nakai be executed?But bisn’t it written: “And the innocent [ inaki /i] and righteous you shall not slay”(Exodus 23:7)? bThey said to him: Yes, Nakai shall be executed, as it is written: “In secret places he kills the innocent [ inaki /i]”(Psalms 10:8).,Then bthey brought Netzer into stand trial. bHe saidto the judges: bShall Netzer be executed?But bisn’t it written: “And a branch [ inetzer /i] shall grow out of his roots”(Isaiah 11:1)? bThey said to him: Yes, Netzer shall be executed, as it is written: “But you are cast out of your grave like an abhorred branch [ inetzer /i]”(Isaiah 14:19).,Then bthey brought Buni into stand trial. Buni bsaidto the judges: bShall Buni be executed?But bisn’t it written: “My firstborn son [ ibeni /i] is Israel”(Exodus 4:22)? bThey said to him: Yes, Buni shall be executed, as it is written: “Behold, I shall kill your firstborn son [ ibinkha /i]”(Exodus 4:23).,Then bthey brought Toda into stand trial. Toda bsaidto the judges: bShall Toda be executed?But bisn’t it written: “A psalm of thanksgiving [ itoda /i]”(Psalms 100:1)? bThey said to him: Yes, Toda shall be executed, as it is written: “Whoever slaughters a thanks-offering [ itoda /i] honors Me”(Psalms 50:23).
22. Anon., Leges Publicae, 2.2

23. Anon., Letter of Aristeas, 310

310. After the books had been read, the priests and the elders of the translators and the Jewish community and the leaders of the people stood up and said, that since so excellent and sacred and accurate a translation had been made, it was only right that it should remain as it was and no
24. Papyri, P.Lond., 6.1912



Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
abraham, gentleness of Birnbaum and Dillon, Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary (2020) 337
abraham, humanity of Birnbaum and Dillon, Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary (2020) 337
abraham, wealth of Birnbaum and Dillon, Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary (2020) 337
aegyptiaca Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 40
agrippa i Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 67
alexandria, and violence of Birnbaum and Dillon, Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary (2020) 337
alexandria, greek and jewish rivalry in Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 38, 39, 40
alexandria, jews of, as outsiders Birnbaum and Dillon, Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary (2020) 337
alexandria, organization of jews in Feldman, Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered (2006) 66
alexandria, prominent in the roman empire Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 38, 40, 239
alexandria, residents of rebuked by dio chrysostom Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 239
alexandria Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 67
apollos, christian missionary from alexandria Feldman, Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered (2006) 66
aqedah (binding of isaac) Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 67
baetis, river, barbarian Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 39, 40
city of alexandria, five districts Schliesser et al., Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World (2021) 254
city of alexandria, necropoleis and cemeteries Schliesser et al., Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World (2021) 254
commercialism and egypt Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 38
decorations (in synagogue) Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 67
diaspora, mental instability of Arampapaslis, Augoustakis, Froedge, Schroer, Dynamics Of Marginality: Liminal Characters and Marginal Groups in Neronian and Flavian Literature (2023) 24
dio of prusa (chrysostom) Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 239
dispute between abraham and lot, literal interpretation of Birnbaum and Dillon, Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary (2020) 337
dispute between abraham and lot Birnbaum and Dillon, Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary (2020) 337
egypt, criticised in ancient sources Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 39, 40, 239
egypt, escapist fantasy Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 40
egypt, pharaonic Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 40
emperors and egypt, caligula (gaius) Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 38, 39, 40
emperors and egypt, claudius Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 38, 39, 40
emperors and egypt, nero Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 40
emperors and egypt, trajan Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 239
emperors and egypt, vespasian Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 239
gardens Arampapaslis, Augoustakis, Froedge, Schroer, Dynamics Of Marginality: Liminal Characters and Marginal Groups in Neronian and Flavian Literature (2023) 24
humanity of abraham Birnbaum and Dillon, Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary (2020) 337
idolatry Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 67
immigrants, wealth and Birnbaum and Dillon, Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary (2020) 337
imperialism Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 239
isaeum campense, temple of isis Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 38
jews Capponi, Augustan Egypt: The Creation of a Roman Province (2005) 185
jews in alexandria, ethnic cleansing Schliesser et al., Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World (2021) 254
jews in alexandria, gerousia Schliesser et al., Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World (2021) 254
jews in alexandria, great synagogue Schliesser et al., Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World (2021) 254
jews in alexandria, jewish district/delta quarter Schliesser et al., Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World (2021) 254
jews in alexandria, refugees Schliesser et al., Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World (2021) 254
jews in alexandria, synagogues Schliesser et al., Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World (2021) 254
jupiter (also zeus) Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 239
lawless Allison, 4 Baruch (2018) 356
leadership, synagogue, leadership, town, communal Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 67
memory Allison, 4 Baruch (2018) 356
nebuchadnezzar/king of the chaldeans Allison, 4 Baruch (2018) 356
nero, emperor, interested in aegyptiaca Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 40
nile, and grain supply (annona) Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 38, 239
nile, benevolent Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 239
obelisks Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 38
ousia Capponi, Augustan Egypt: The Creation of a Roman Province (2005) 185
pagan, pagans, and synagogue Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 67
pagan, pagans, relationship with jewish community Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 67
petronius Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 67
pharos, port of alexandria Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 38
philo, identifying as immigrant Birnbaum and Dillon, Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary (2020) 337
philo of alexandria Arampapaslis, Augoustakis, Froedge, Schroer, Dynamics Of Marginality: Liminal Characters and Marginal Groups in Neronian and Flavian Literature (2023) 14, 24
pogrom Schliesser et al., Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World (2021) 254
prayer, diaspora Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 67
reading, and sermon Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 67
romans/roman empire/rome Allison, 4 Baruch (2018) 356
samaria, samaria-sebaste, agrippa i Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 67
self/other, dualism in greek and roman thought Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 40
sermon (derashah), homily, and torah reading Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 67
stobi synagogue, inscription Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 67
stobi synagogue Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 67
strategos Capponi, Augustan Egypt: The Creation of a Roman Province (2005) 185
syria, roman Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 67
theriomorphism, trademark institution of egypt, criticized by authors Manolaraki, Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus (2012) 40
trajan, emperor Schliesser et al., Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World (2021) 254
wealth, of abraham Birnbaum and Dillon, Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary (2020) 337
zodiac, significance Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 67
zodiac, synagogue mosaic floors' Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 67
μέτοικος Birnbaum and Dillon, Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary (2020) 337
περάτης Birnbaum and Dillon, Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary (2020) 337
πραΰς and πραϋπάθεια Birnbaum and Dillon, Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary (2020) 337