1. Hebrew Bible, Deuteronomy, 21.22-21.23 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
| 21.22. וְכִי־יִהְיֶה בְאִישׁ חֵטְא מִשְׁפַּט־מָוֶת וְהוּמָת וְתָלִיתָ אֹתוֹ עַל־עֵץ׃ 21.23. לֹא־תָלִין נִבְלָתוֹ עַל־הָעֵץ כִּי־קָבוֹר תִּקְבְּרֶנּוּ בַּיּוֹם הַהוּא כִּי־קִלְלַת אֱלֹהִים תָּלוּי וְלֹא תְטַמֵּא אֶת־אַדְמָתְךָ אֲשֶׁר יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ נֹתֵן לְךָ נַחֲלָה׃ | 21.22. And if a man have committed a sin worthy of death, and he be put to death, and thou hang him on a tree;" 21.23. his body shall not remain all night upon the tree, but thou shalt surely bury him the same day; for he that is hanged is a reproach unto God; that thou defile not thy land which the LORD thy God giveth thee for an inheritance." |
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2. Hebrew Bible, Exodus, 30.30 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
| 30.30. And thou shalt anoint Aaron and his sons, and sanctify them, that they may minister unto Me in the priest’s office." |
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3. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 34.5 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
| 34.5. וְיַעֲקֹב שָׁמַע כִּי טִמֵּא אֶת־דִּינָה בִתּוֹ וּבָנָיו הָיוּ אֶת־מִקְנֵהוּ בַּשָּׂדֶה וְהֶחֱרִשׁ יַעֲקֹב עַד־בֹּאָם׃ | 34.5. Now Jacob heard that he had defiled Dinah his daughter; and his sons were with his cattle in the field; and Jacob held his peace until they came." |
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4. Hebrew Bible, Numbers, 11.16 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
| 11.16. וַיֹּאמֶר יְהוָה אֶל־מֹשֶׁה אֶסְפָה־לִּי שִׁבְעִים אִישׁ מִזִּקְנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל אֲשֶׁר יָדַעְתָּ כִּי־הֵם זִקְנֵי הָעָם וְשֹׁטְרָיו וְלָקַחְתָּ אֹתָם אֶל־אֹהֶל מוֹעֵד וְהִתְיַצְּבוּ שָׁם עִמָּךְ׃ | 11.16. And the LORD said unto Moses: ‘Gather unto Me seventy men of the elders of Israel, whom thou knowest to be the elders of the people, and officers over them; and bring them unto the tent of meeting, that they may stand there with thee." |
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5. Hebrew Bible, Psalms, 69.13, 137.2 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
| 69.13. יָשִׂיחוּ בִי יֹשְׁבֵי שָׁעַר וּנְגִינוֹת שׁוֹתֵי שֵׁכָר׃ 137.2. עַל־עֲרָבִים בְּתוֹכָהּ תָּלִינוּ כִּנֹּרוֹתֵינוּ׃ | 69.13. They that sit in the gate talk of me; And I am the song of the drunkards. ." 137.2. Upon the willows in the midst thereof We hanged up our harps." |
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6. Hebrew Bible, 2 Kings, 10.1 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
| 10.1. דְּעוּ אֵפוֹא כִּי לֹא יִפֹּל מִדְּבַר יְהוָה אַרְצָה אֲשֶׁר־דִּבֶּר יְהוָה עַל־בֵּית אַחְאָב וַיהוָה עָשָׂה אֵת אֲשֶׁר דִּבֶּר בְּיַד עַבְדּוֹ אֵלִיָּהוּ׃ 10.1. וּלְאַחְאָב שִׁבְעִים בָּנִים בְּשֹׁמְרוֹן וַיִּכְתֹּב יֵהוּא סְפָרִים וַיִּשְׁלַח שֹׁמְרוֹן אֶל־שָׂרֵי יִזְרְעֶאל הַזְּקֵנִים וְאֶל־הָאֹמְנִים אַחְאָב לֵאמֹר׃ | 10.1. Now Ahab had seventy sons in Samaria. And Jehu wrote letters, and sent to Samaria, unto the rulers of Jezreel, even the elders, and unto them that brought up [the sons of] Ahab, saying:" |
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7. Septuagint, 1 Maccabees, 12.6, 14.20 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
| 12.6. Jonathan the high priest, the senate of the nation, the priests, and the rest of the Jewish people to their brethren the Spartans, greeting. 14.20. This is a copy of the letter which the Spartans sent: "The rulers and the city of the Spartans to Simon the high priest and to the elders and the priests and the rest of the Jewish people, our brethren, greeting. |
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8. Septuagint, 2 Maccabees, 1.10, 4.18-4.20, 4.39-4.42, 4.44, 7.31, 11.27, 13.13, 14.33, 15.37 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
| 1.10. Those in Jerusalem and those in Judea and the senate and Judas,To Aristobulus, who is of the family of the anointed priests, teacher of Ptolemy the king, and to the Jews in Egypt,Greeting, and good health.' 4.18. When the quadrennial games were being held at Tyre and the king was present,' 4.19. the vile Jason sent envoys, chosen as being Antiochian citizens from Jerusalem, to carry three hundred silver drachmas for the sacrifice to Hercules. Those who carried the money, however, thought best not to use it for sacrifice, because that was inappropriate, but to expend it for another purpose.' 4.20. So this money was intended by the sender for the sacrifice to Hercules, but by the decision of its carriers it was applied to the construction of triremes.' 4.39. When many acts of sacrilege had been committed in the city by Lysimachus with the connivance of Menelaus, and when report of them had spread abroad, the populace gathered against Lysimachus, because many of the gold vessels had already been stolen.' 4.40. And since the crowds were becoming aroused and filled with anger, Lysimachus armed about three thousand men and launched an unjust attack, under the leadership of a certain Auranus, a man advanced in years and no less advanced in folly.' 4.41. But when the Jews became aware of Lysimachus' attack, some picked up stones, some blocks of wood, and others took handfuls of the ashes that were lying about, and threw them in wild confusion at Lysimachus and his men.' 4.42. As a result, they wounded many of them, and killed some, and put them all to flight; and the temple robber himself they killed close by the treasury.' 4.44. When the king came to Tyre, three men sent by the senate presented the case before him.' 7.31. But you, who have contrived all sorts of evil against the Hebrews, will certainly not escape the hands of God.' 11.27. To the nation the king's letter was as follows:'King Antiochus to the senate of the Jews and to the other Jews, greeting.' 13.13. After consulting privately with the elders, he determined to march out and decide the matter by the help of God before the king's army could enter Judea and get possession of the city.' 14.33. he stretched out his right hand toward the sanctuary, and swore this oath: 'If you do not hand Judas over to me as a prisoner, I will level this precinct of God to the ground and tear down the altar, and I will build here a splendid temple to Dionysus.' 15.37. This, then, is how matters turned out with Nicanor. And from that time the city has been in the possession of the Hebrews. So I too will here end my story.' |
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9. Septuagint, Judith, 4.8, 6.16, 8.10, 10.6, 11.14, 13.12, 15.8 (2nd cent. BCE - 0th cent. CE)
| 4.8. So the Israelites did as Joakim the high priest and the senate of the whole people of Israel, in session at Jerusalem, had given order. 6.16. They called together all the elders of the city, and all their young men and their women ran to the assembly; and they set Achior in the midst of all their people, and Uzziah asked him what had happened. 8.10. she sent her maid, who was in charge of all she possessed, to summon Chabris and Charmis, the elders of her city. 10.6. Then they went out to the city gate of Bethulia, and found Uzziah standing there with the elders of the city, Chabris and Charmis. 11.14. They have sent men to Jerusalem, because even the people living there have been doing this, to bring back to them permission from the senate. 13.12. When the men of her city heard her voice, they hurried down to the city gate and called together the elders of the city. 15.8. Then Joakim the high priest, and the senate of the people of Israel who lived at Jerusalem, came to witness the good things which the Lord had done for Israel, and to see Judith and to greet her. |
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10. Septuagint, 3 Maccabees, 1.8, 6.1 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
| 1.8. Since the Jews had sent some of their council and elders to greet him, to bring him gifts of welcome, and to congratulate him on what had happened, he was all the more eager to visit them as soon as possible. 6.1. Then a certain Eleazar, famous among the priests of the country, who had attained a ripe old age and throughout his life had been adorned with every virtue, directed the elders around him to cease calling upon the holy God and prayed as follows: 6.1. Even if our lives have become entangled in impieties in our exile, rescue us from the hand of the enemy, and destroy us, Lord, by whatever fate you choose. |
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11. Philo of Alexandria, Against Flaccus, 10, 103-105, 108, 11, 110, 117, 12, 120-124, 13, 135-139, 14, 141, 149, 15, 151, 158, 16, 163, 166-169, 17, 170, 173-174, 177, 18, 181, 189, 19, 190-191, 2, 20-21, 23-29, 3, 30-39, 4, 40-49, 5, 50-59, 6, 60-69, 7, 70-73, 75-79, 8, 80-89, 9, 90-97, 1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)
| 1. Flaccus Avillius succeeded Sejanus in his hatred of and hostile designs against the Jewish nation. He was not, indeed, able to injure the whole people by open and direct means as he had been, inasmuch as he had less power for such a purpose, but he inflicted the most intolerable evils on all who came within his reach. Moreover, though in appearance he only attacked a portion of the nation, in point of fact he directed his aims against all whom he could find anywhere, proceeding more by art than by force; for those men who, though of tyrannical natures and dispositions, have not strength enough to accomplish their designs openly, seek to compass them by manoeuvres. |
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12. Philo of Alexandria, On The Embassy To Gaius, 132-158, 162-171, 173, 250-253, 338, 346, 122 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)
| 122. And no longer watching for night and darkness, like ordinary robbers out of fear of being detected, they openly plundered them of all their furniture and treasures, carrying them off in broad daylight, and displaying their booty to every one whom they met, as if they had inherited it or fairly purchased it from the owners. And if a multitude joined together to share any particular piece of plunder, they divided it in the middle of the market-place, reviling it and turning it all into ridicule before the eyes of its real owners. |
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13. Philo of Alexandria, Allegorical Interpretation, 121-126, 120 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)
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14. Propertius, Elegies, 3.11.30-3.11.58 (1st cent. BCE
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15. Strabo, Geography, 17.1.8, 17.1.10 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
| 17.1.8. The shape of the site of the city is that of a chlamys or military cloak. The sides, which determine the length, are surrounded by water, and are about thirty stadia in extent; but the isthmuses, which determine the breadth of the sides, are each of seven or eight stadia, bounded on one side by the sea, and on the other by the lake. The whole city is intersected by roads for the passage of horsemen and chariots. Two of these are very broad, exceeding a plethrum in breadth, and cut one another at right angles. It contains also very beautiful public grounds and royal palaces, which occupy a fourth or even a third part of its whole extent. For as each of the kings was desirous of adding some embellishment to the places dedicated to the public use, so, besides the buildings already existing, each of them erected a building at his own expense; hence the expression of the poet may be here applied, one after the other springs. All the buildings are connected with one another and with the harbour, and those also which are beyond it.The Museum is a part of the palaces. It has a public walk and a place furnished with seats, and a large hall, in which the men of learning, who belong to the Museum, take their common meal. This community possesses also property in common; and a priest, formerly appointed by the kings, but at present by Caesar, presides over the Museum.A part belonging to the palaces consists of that called Sema, an enclosure, which contained the tombs of the kings and that of Alexander (the Great). For Ptolemy the son of Lagus took away the body of Alexander from Perdiccas, as he was conveying it down from Babylon; for Perdiccas had turned out of his road towards Egypt, incited by ambition and a desire of making himself master of the country. When Ptolemy had attacked [and made him prisoner], he intended to [spare his life and] confine him in a desert island, but he met with a miserable end at the hand of his own soldiers, who rushed upon and despatched him by transfixing him with the long Macedonian spears. The kings who were with him, Aridaeus, and the children of Alexander, and Roxana his wife, departed to Macedonia. Ptolemy carried away the body of Alexander, and deposited it at Alexandreia in the place where it now lies; not indeed in the same coffin, for the present one is of hyalus (alabaster ?) whereas Ptolemy had deposited it in one of gold: it was plundered by Ptolemy surnamed Cocce's son and Pareisactus, who came from Syria and was quickly deposed, so that his plunder was of no service to him. 17.1.10. Next after the Heptastadium is the harbour of Eunostus, and above this the artificial harbour, called Cibotus (or the Ark), which also has docks. At the bottom of this harbour is a navigable canal, extending to the lake Mareotis. Beyond the canal there still remains a small part of the city. Then follows the suburb Necropolis, in which are numerous gardens, burial-places, and buildings for carrying on the process of embalming the dead.On this side the canal is the Sarapium and other ancient sacred places, which are now abandoned on account of the erection of the temples at Nicopolis; for [there are situated] an amphitheatre and a stadium, and there are celebrated quinquennial games; but the ancient rites and customs are neglected.In short, the city of Alexandreia abounds with public and sacred buildings. The most beautiful of the former is the Gymnasium, with porticos exceeding a stadium in extent. In the middle of it are the court of justice and groves. Here also is a Paneium, an artificial mound of the shape of a fir-cone, resembling a pile of rock, to the top of which there is an ascent by a spiral path. From the summit may be seen the whole city lying all around and beneath it.The wide street extends in length along the Gymnasium from the Necropolis to the Canobic gate. Next is the Hippodromos (or race-course), as it is called, and other buildings near it, and reaching to the Canobic canal. After passing through the Hippodromos is the Nicopolis, which contains buildings fronting the sea not less numerous than a city. It is 30 stadia distant from Alexandreia. Augustus Caesar distinguished this place, because it was here that he defeated Antony and his party of adherents. He took the city at the first onset, and compelled Antony to put himself to death, but Cleopatra to surrender herself alive. A short time afterwards, however, she also put an end to her life secretly, in prison, by the bite of an asp, or (for there are two accounts) by the application of a poisonous ointment. Thus the empire of the Lagidae, which had subsisted many years, was dissolved. |
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16. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 32.36-32.37 (1st cent. CE
| 32.36. For not only does the mighty nation, Egypt, constitute the framework of your city â or more accurately its ')" onMouseOut="nd();"appendage â but the peculiar nature of the river, when compared with all others, defies description with regard to both its marvellous habits and its usefulness; and furthermore, not only have you a monopoly of the shipping of the entire Mediterranean by reason of the beauty of your harbours, the magnitude of your fleet, and the abundance and the marketing of the products of every land, but also the outer waters that lie beyond are in your grasp, both the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean, whose name was rarely heard in former days. The result is that the trade, not merely of islands, ports, a few straits and isthmuses, but of practically the whole world is yours. For Alexandria is situated, as it were, at the cross-roads of the whole world, of even the most remote nations thereof, as if it were a market serving a single city, a market which brings together into one place all manner of men, displaying them to one another and, as far as possible, making them a kindred people. 32.37. Perhaps these words of mine are pleasing to your ears and you fancy that you are being praised by me, as you are by all the rest who are always flattering you; but I was praising water and soil and harbours and places and everything except yourselves. For where have I said that you are sensible and temperate and just? Was it not quite the opposite? For when we praise human beings, it should be for their good discipline, gentleness, concord, civic order, for heeding those who give good counsel, and for not being always in search of pleasures. But arrivals and departures of vessels, and superiority in size of population, in merchandise, and in ships, are fit subjects for praise in the case of a fair, a harbour, or a market-place, but not of a city; |
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17. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 11.327, 12.8, 12.138-12.144, 13.62-13.72, 14.98-14.99, 14.117, 14.127-14.132, 14.188, 16.14, 19.81, 19.280-19.285, 19.292-19.296, 19.300-19.311 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
| 11.327. whereupon God warned him in a dream, which came upon him after he had offered sacrifice, that he should take courage, and adorn the city, and open the gates; that the rest should appear in white garments, but that he and the priests should meet the king in the habits proper to their order, without the dread of any ill consequences, which the providence of God would prevent. 12.8. And as he knew that the people of Jerusalem were most faithful in the observation of oaths and covets; and this from the answer they made to Alexander, when he sent an embassage to them, after he had beaten Darius in battle; so he distributed many of them into garrisons, and at Alexandria gave them equal privileges of citizens with the Macedonians themselves; and required of them to take their oaths, that they would keep their fidelity to the posterity of those who committed these places to their care. 12.8. while small shields, made of stones, beautiful in their kind, and of four fingers’ depth, filled up the middle parts. About the top of the basin were wreathed the leaves of lilies, and of the convolvulus, and the tendrils of vines in a circular manner. 12.138. “King Antiochus To Ptolemy, Sendeth Greeting. /p“Since the Jews, upon our first entrance on their country, demonstrated their friendship towards us, and when we came to their city [Jerusalem], received us in a splendid manner, and came to meet us with their senate, and gave abundance of provisions to our soldiers, and to the elephants, and joined with us in ejecting the garrison of the Egyptians that were in the citadel 12.139. we have thought fit to reward them, and to retrieve the condition of their city, which hath been greatly depopulated by such accidents as have befallen its inhabitants, and to bring those that have been scattered abroad back to the city. 12.141. And these payments I would have fully paid them, as I have sent orders to you. I would also have the work about the temple finished, and the cloisters, and if there be any thing else that ought to be rebuilt. And for the materials of wood, let it be brought them out of Judea itself and out of the other countries, and out of Libanus tax free; and the same I would have observed as to those other materials which will be necessary, in order to render the temple more glorious; 12.142. and let all of that nation live according to the laws of their own country; and let the senate, and the priests, and the scribes of the temple, and the sacred singers, be discharged from poll-money and the crown tax and other taxes also. 12.143. And that the city may the sooner recover its inhabitants, I grant a discharge from taxes for three years to its present inhabitants, and to such as shall come to it, until the month Hyperberetus. 12.144. We also discharge them for the future from a third part of their taxes, that the losses they have sustained may be repaired. And all those citizens that have been carried away, and are become slaves, we grant them and their children their freedom, and give order that their substance be restored to them.” 13.62. 1. But then the son of Onias the high priest, who was of the same name with his father, and who fled to king Ptolemy, who was called Philometor, lived now at Alexandria, as we have said already. When this Onias saw that Judea was oppressed by the Macedonians and their kings 13.63. out of a desire to purchase to himself a memorial and eternal fame he resolved to send to king Ptolemy and queen Cleopatra, to ask leave of them that he might build a temple in Egypt like to that at Jerusalem, and might ordain Levites and priests out of their own stock. 13.64. The chief reason why he was desirous so to do, was, that he relied upon the prophet Isaiah, who lived above six hundred years before, and foretold that there certainly was to be a temple built to Almighty God in Egypt by a man that was a Jew. Onias was elevated with this prediction, and wrote the following epistle to Ptolemy and Cleopatra: 13.65. “Having done many and great things for you in the affairs of the war, by the assistance of God, and that in Celesyria and Phoenicia, I came at length with the Jews to Leontopolis, and to other places of your nation 13.66. where I found that the greatest part of your people had temples in an improper manner, and that on this account they bare ill-will one against another, which happens to the Egyptians by reason of the multitude of their temples, and the difference of opinions about divine worship. Now I found a very fit place in a castle that hath its name from the country Diana; this place is full of materials of several sorts, and replenished with sacred animals; 13.67. I desire therefore that you will grant me leave to purge this holy place, which belongs to no master, and is fallen down, and to build there a temple to Almighty God, after the pattern of that in Jerusalem, and of the same dimensions, that may be for the benefit of thyself, and thy wife and children, that those Jews which dwell in Egypt may have a place whither they may come and meet together in mutual harmony one with another, and he subservient to thy advantages; 13.68. for the prophet Isaiah foretold that, ‘there should be an altar in Egypt to the Lord God;’” and many other such things did he prophesy relating to that place. 13.69. 2. And this was what Onias wrote to king Ptolemy. Now any one may observe his piety, and that of his sister and wife Cleopatra, by that epistle which they wrote in answer to it; for they laid the blame and the transgression of the law upon the head of Onias. And this was their reply: 13.71. But since thou sayest that Isaiah the prophet foretold this long ago, we give thee leave to do it, if it may be done according to your law, and so that we may not appear to have at all offended God herein.” 13.72. 3. So Onias took the place, and built a temple, and an altar to God, like indeed to that in Jerusalem, but smaller and poorer. I do not think it proper for me now to describe its dimensions or its vessels, which have been already described in my seventh book of the Wars of the Jews. 14.98. 2. Now when Gabinius was making an expedition against the Parthians, and had already passed over Euphrates, he changed his mind, and resolved to return into Egypt, in order to restore Ptolemy to his kingdom. This hath also been related elsewhere. 14.99. However, Antipater supplied his army, which he sent against Archelaus, with corn, and weapons, and money. He also made those Jews who were above Pelusium his friends and confederates, and had been the guardians of the passes that led into Egypt. 14.117. Accordingly, the Jews have places assigned them in Egypt, wherein they inhabit, besides what is peculiarly allotted to this nation at Alexandria, which is a large part of that city. There is also an ethnarch allowed them, who governs the nation, and distributes justice to them, and takes care of their contracts, and of the laws to them belonging, as if he were the ruler of a free republic. 14.127. 1. Now after Pompey was dead, and after that victory Caesar had gained over him, Antipater, who managed the Jewish affairs, became very useful to Caesar when he made war against Egypt, and that by the order of Hyrcanus; 14.128. for when Mithridates of Pergamus was bringing his auxiliaries, and was not able to continue his march through Pelusium, but obliged to stay at Askelon, Antipater came to him, conducting three thousand of the Jews, armed men. He had also taken care the principal men of the Arabians should come to his assistance; 14.129. and on his account it was that all the Syrians assisted him also, as not willing to appear behindhand in their alacrity for Caesar, viz. Jamblicus the ruler, and Ptolemy his son, and Tholomy the son of Sohemus, who dwelt at Mount Libanus, and almost all the cities. 14.131. But it happened that the Egyptian Jews, who dwelt in the country called Onion, would not let Antipater and Mithridates, with their soldiers, pass to Caesar; but Antipater persuaded them to come over with their party, because he was of the same people with them, and that chiefly by showing them the epistles of Hyrcanus the high priest, wherein he exhorted them to cultivate friendship with Caesar, and to supply his army with money, and all sorts of provisions which they wanted; 14.132. and accordingly, when they saw Antipater and the high priest of the same sentiments, they did as they were desired. And when the Jews about Memphis heard that these Jews were come over to Caesar, they also invited Mithridates to come to them; so he came and received them also into his army. 14.188. while there is no contradiction to be made against the decrees of the Romans, for they are laid up in the public places of the cities, and are extant still in the capitol, and engraven upon pillars of brass; nay, besides this, Julius Caesar made a pillar of brass for the Jews at Alexandria, and declared publicly that they were citizens of Alexandria. 16.14. He also conducted him to the city Jerusalem, where all the people met him in their festival garments, and received him with acclamations. Agrippa also offered a hecatomb of sacrifices to God; and feasted the people, without omitting any of the greatest dainties that could be gotten. 16.14. Now when a great multitude was come to that city to see the shows, as well as the ambassadors whom other people sent, on account of the benefits they had received from Herod, he entertained them all in the public inns, and at public tables, and with perpetual feasts; this solemnity having in the day time the diversions of the fights, and in the night time such merry meetings as cost vast sums of money, and publicly demonstrated the generosity of his soul; 19.81. for he is preparing to sail to Alexandria, in order to see Egypt. Is it therefore for your honor to let a man go out of your hands who is a reproach to mankind, and to permit him to go, after a pompous manner, triumphing both at land and sea? 19.281. Since I am assured that the Jews of Alexandria, called Alexandrians, have been joint inhabitants in the earliest times with the Alexandrians, and have obtained from their kings equal privileges with them, as is evident by the public records that are in their possession, and the edicts themselves; 19.282. and that after Alexandria had been subjected to our empire by Augustus, their rights and privileges have been preserved by those presidents who have at divers times been sent thither; and that no dispute had been raised about those rights and privileges 19.283. even when Aquila was governor of Alexandria; and that when the Jewish ethnarch was dead, Augustus did not prohibit the making such ethnarchs, as willing that all men should be so subject [to the Romans] as to continue in the observation of their own customs, and not be forced to transgress the ancient rules of their own country religion; 19.284. but that, in the time of Caius, the Alexandrians became insolent towards the Jews that were among them, which Caius, out of his great madness and want of understanding, reduced the nation of the Jews very low, because they would not transgress the religious worship of their country, and call him a god: 19.285. I will therefore that the nation of the Jews be not deprived of their rights and privileges, on account of the madness of Caius; but that those rights and privileges which they formerly enjoyed be preserved to them, and that they may continue in their own customs. And I charge both parties to take very great care that no troubles may arise after the promulgation of this edict.” 19.292. 1. Now Claudius Caesar, by these decrees of his which were sent to Alexandria, and to all the habitable earth, made known what opinion he had of the Jews. So he soon sent Agrippa away to take his kingdom, now he was advanced to a more illustrious dignity than before, and sent letters to the presidents and procurators of the provinces that they should treat him very kindly. 19.293. Accordingly, he returned in haste, as was likely he would, now he returned in much greater prosperity than he had before. He also came to Jerusalem, and offered all the sacrifices that belonged to him, and omitted nothing which the law required; 19.294. on which account he ordained that many of the Nazarites should have their heads shorn. And for the golden chain which had been given him by Caius, of equal weight with that iron chain wherewith his royal hands had been bound, he hung it up within the limits of the temple, over the treasury, that it might be a memorial of the severe fate he had lain under, and a testimony of his change for the better; that it might be a demonstration how the greatest prosperity may have a fall, and that God sometimes raises up what is fallen down: 19.295. for this chain thus dedicated afforded a document to all men, that king Agrippa had been once bound in a chain for a small cause, but recovered his former dignity again; and a little while afterward got out of his bonds, and was advanced to be a more illustrious king than he was before. 19.296. Whence men may understand that all that partake of human nature, how great soever they are, may fall; and that those that fall may gain their former illustrious dignity again. 19.301. This procedure of theirs greatly provoked Agrippa; for it plainly tended to the dissolution of the laws of his country. So he came without delay to Publius Petronius, who was then president of Syria, and accused the people of Doris. 19.302. Nor did he less resent what was done than did Agrippa; for he judged it a piece of impiety to transgress the laws that regulate the actions of men. So he wrote the following letter to the people of Doris in an angry strain: 19.303. “Publius Petronius, the president under Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, to the magistrates of Doris, ordains as follows: 19.304. Since some of you have had the boldness, or madness rather, after the edict of Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus was published, for permitting the Jews to observe the laws of their country, not to obey the same 19.305. but have acted in entire opposition thereto, as forbidding the Jews to assemble together in the synagogue, by removing Caesar’s statue, and setting it up therein, and thereby have offended not only the Jews, but the emperor himself, whose statue is more commodiously placed in his own temple than in a foreign one, where is the place of assembling together; while it is but a part of natural justice, that every one should have the power over the place belonging peculiarly to themselves, according to the determination of Caesar,— 19.306. to say nothing of my own determination, which it would be ridiculous to mention after the emperor’s edict, which gives the Jews leave to make use of their own customs, as also gives order that they enjoy equally the rights of citizens with the Greeks themselves,— 19.307. I therefore ordain that Proculus Vitellius, the centurion, bring those men to me, who, contrary to Augustus’s edict, have been so insolent as to do this thing, at which those very men, who appear to be of principal reputation among them, have an indignation also, and allege for themselves, that it was not done with their consent, but by the violence of the multitude, that they may give an account of what hath been done. 19.308. I also exhort the principal magistrates among them, unless they have a mind to have this action esteemed to be done with their consent, to inform the centurion of those that were guilty of it, and take care that no handle be hence taken for raising a sedition or quarrel among them; which those seem to me to hunt after who encourage such doings; 19.309. while both I myself, and king Agrippa, for whom I have the highest honor, have nothing more under our care, than that the nation of the Jews may have no occasion given them of getting together, under the pretense of avenging themselves, and become tumultuous. 19.311. I therefore charge you, that you do not, for the time to come, seek for any occasion of sedition or disturbance, but that every one be allowed to follow their own religious customs.” |
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18. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.33, 1.175, 1.187, 2.75, 2.306-2.308, 2.482, 2.570, 3.321, 4.317, 4.336, 7.412, 7.421-7.436 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
| 1.33. But Onias, the high priest, fled to Ptolemy, and received a place from him in the Nomus of Heliopolis, where he built a city resembling Jerusalem, and a temple that was like its temple, concerning which we shall speak more in its proper place hereafter. 1.33. He also made an immediate and continual attack upon the fortress. Yet was he forced, by a most terrible storm, to pitch his camp in the neighboring villages before he could take it. But when, after a few days’ time, the second legion, that came from Antony, joined themselves to him, the enemy were affrighted at his power, and left their fortifications in the nighttime. 1.175. 7. But now as Gabinius was marching to the war against the Parthians, he was hindered by Ptolemy, whom, upon his return from Euphrates, he brought back into Egypt, making use of Hyrcanus and Antipater to provide everything that was necessary for this expedition; for Antipater furnished him with money, and weapons, and corn, and auxiliaries; he also prevailed with the Jews that were there, and guarded the avenues at Pelusium, to let them pass. 1.187. 3. Now, after Pompey was dead, Antipater changed sides, and cultivated a friendship with Caesar. And since Mithridates of Pergamus, with the forces he led against Egypt, was excluded from the avenues about Pelusium, and was forced to stay at Ascalon, he persuaded the Arabians, among whom he had lived, to assist him, and came himself to him, at the head of three thousand armed men. 2.75. But Varus sent a part of his army into the country, against those that had been the authors of this commotion, and as they caught great numbers of them, those that appeared to have been the least concerned in these tumults he put into custody, but such as were the most guilty he crucified; these were in number about two thousand. 2.306. o the citizens fled along the narrow lanes, and the soldiers slew those that they caught, and no method of plunder was omitted; they also caught many of the quiet people, and brought them before Florus, whom he first chastised with stripes, and then crucified. 2.307. Accordingly, the whole number of those that were destroyed that day, with their wives and children (for they did not spare even the infants themselves), was about three thousand and six hundred. 2.308. And what made this calamity the heavier was this new method of Roman barbarity; for Florus ventured then to do what no one had done before, that is, to have men of the equestrian order whipped and nailed to the cross before his tribunal; who, although they were by birth Jews, yet were they of Roman dignity notwithstanding. 2.482. Now there came certain men seventy in number, out of Batanea, who were the most considerable for their families and prudence of the rest of the people; these desired to have an army put into their hands, that if any tumult should happen, they might have about them a guard sufficient to restrain such as might rise up against them. 3.321. and how much they despised any punishments that could be inflicted on them; this last because one of the people of Jotapata had undergone all sorts of torments, and though they made him pass through a fiery trial of his enemies in his examination, yet would he inform them nothing of the affairs within the city, and as he was crucified, smiled at them. 4.317. Nay, they proceeded to that degree of impiety, as to cast away their dead bodies without burial, although the Jews used to take so much care of the burial of men, that they took down those that were condemned and crucified, and buried them before the going down of the sun. 4.336. So they called together, by a public proclamation, seventy of the principal men of the populace, for a show, as if they were real judges, while they had no proper authority. Before these was Zacharias accused of a design to betray their polity to the Romans, and having traitorously sent to Vespasian for that purpose. 7.412. but when the principal men of the senate saw what madness they were come to, they thought it no longer safe for themselves to overlook them. So they got all the Jews together to an assembly, and accused the madness of the Sicarii, and demonstrated that they had been the authors of all the evils that had come upon them. 7.421. who having in suspicion the restless temper of the Jews for innovation, and being afraid lest they should get together again, and persuade some others to join with them, gave orders to Lupus to demolish that Jewish temple which was in the region called Onion 7.422. and was in Egypt, which was built and had its denomination from the occasion following: 7.423. Onias, the son of Simon, one of the Jewish high priests, fled from Antiochus the king of Syria, when he made war with the Jews, and came to Alexandria; and as Ptolemy received him very kindly, on account of his hatred to Antiochus, he assured him, that if he would comply with his proposal, he would bring all the Jews to his assistance; 7.424. and when the king agreed to do it so far as he was able, he desired him to give him leave to build a temple somewhere in Egypt, and to worship God according to the customs of his own country; 7.425. for that the Jews would then be so much readier to fight against Antiochus who had laid waste the temple at Jerusalem, and that they would then come to him with greater goodwill; and that, by granting them liberty of conscience, very many of them would come over to him. 7.426. 3. So Ptolemy complied with his proposals, and gave him a place one hundred and eighty furlongs distant from Memphis. That Nomos was called the Nomos of Heliopoli 7.427. where Onias built a fortress and a temple, not like to that at Jerusalem, but such as resembled a tower. He built it of large stones to the height of sixty cubits; 7.428. he made the structure of the altar in imitation of that in our own country, and in like manner adorned with gifts, excepting the make of the candlestick 7.429. for he did not make a candlestick, but had a [single] lamp hammered out of a piece of gold, which illuminated the place with its rays, and which he hung by a chain of gold; 7.431. Yet did not Onias do this out of a sober disposition, but he had a mind to contend with the Jews at Jerusalem, and could not forget the indignation he had for being banished thence. Accordingly, he thought that by building this temple he should draw away a great number from them to himself. 7.432. There had been also a certain ancient prediction made by [a prophet] whose name was Isaiah, about six hundred years before, that this temple should be built by a man that was a Jew in Egypt. And this is the history of the building of that temple. 7.433. 4. And now Lupus, the governor of Alexandria, upon the receipt of Caesar’s letter, came to the temple, and carried out of it some of the donations dedicated thereto, and shut up the temple itself. 7.434. And as Lupus died a little afterward, Paulinus succeeded him. This man left none of those donations there, and threatened the priests severely if they did not bring them all out; nor did he permit any who were desirous of worshipping God there so much as to come near the whole sacred place; 7.435. but when he had shut up the gates, he made it entirely inaccessible, insomuch that there remained no longer the least footsteps of any Divine worship that had been in that place. 7.436. Now the duration of the time from the building of this temple till it was shut up again was three hundred and forty-three years. |
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19. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 1.186-1.189, 2.37, 2.49-2.56, 2.60 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
| 1.186. Again, Hecateus says to the same purpose, as follows:—“Ptolemy got possession of the places in Syria after the battle at Gaza; and many, when they heard of Ptolemy’s moderation and humanity, went along with him to Egypt, and were willing to assist him in his affairs; 1.187. one of whom (Hecateus says) was Hezekiah, the high priest of the Jews; a man of about sixty-six years of age, and in great dignity among his own people. He was a very sensible man, and could speak very movingly, and was very skilful in the management of affairs, if any other man ever were so; 1.188. although, as he says, all the priests of the Jews took tithes of the products of the earth, and managed public affairs, and were in number not above fifteen hundred at the most.” 1.189. Hecateus mentions this Hezekiah a second time, and says, that “as he was possessed of so great a dignity, and was become familiar with us, so did he take certain of those that were with him, and explained to them all the circumstances of their people: for he had all their habitations and polity down in writing.” 2.37. Had this man now read the epistles of king Alexander, or those of Ptolemy the son of Lagus, or met with the writings of the succeeding kings, or that pillar which is still standing at Alexandria, and contains the privileges which the great [Julius] Caesar bestowed upon the Jews; had this man, I say, known these records, and yet hath the impudence to write in contradiction to them, he hath shown himself to be a wicked man: but if he knew nothing of these records, he hath shown himself to be a man very ignorant; 2.49. and as for Ptolemy Philometor and his wife Cleopatra, they committed their whole kingdom to Jews, when Onias and Dositheus, both Jews, whose names are laughed at by Apion, were the generals of their whole army; but certainly instead of reproaching them, he ought to admire their actions, and return them thanks for saving Alexandria, whose citizen he pretends to be; 2.51. Yes, do I venture to say, and that he did rightly and very justly in so doing; for that Ptolemy who was called Physco, upon the death of his brother Philometor, came from Cyrene, and would have ejected Cleopatra as well as her sons out of their kingdom 2.52. that he might obtain it for himself unjustly. For this cause then it was that Onias undertook a war against him on Cleopatra’s account; nor would he desert that trust the royal family had reposed in him in their distress. 2.53. Accordingly, God gave a remarkable attestation to his righteous procedure; for when Ptolemy Physco had the presumption to fight against Onias’s army, and had caught all the Jews that were in the city [Alexandria], with their children and wives, and exposed them naked and in bonds to his elephants, that they might be trodden upon and destroyed, and when he had made those elephants drunk for that purpose, the event proved contrary to his preparations; 2.54. for these elephants left the Jews who were exposed to them, and fell violently upon Physco’s friends, and slew a great number of them; nay, after this, Ptolemy saw a terrible ghost, which prohibited his hurting those men; 2.55. his very concubine, whom he loved so well (some call her Ithaca, and others Irene), making supplication to him, that he would not perpetrate so great a wickedness. So he complied with her request, and repented of what he either had already done, or was about to do; whence it is well known that the Alexandrian Jews do with good reason celebrate this day, on the account that they had thereon been vouchsafed such an evident deliverance from God. 2.56. However, Apion, the common calumniator of men, hath the presumption to accuse the Jews for making this war against Physco, when he ought to have commended them for the same. This man also makes mention of Cleopatra, the last queen of Alexandria, and abuses us, because she was ungrateful to us; whereas he ought to have reproved her |
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20. Josephus Flavius, Life, 14, 276-280, 331, 56, 79, 92, 11 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
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21. Mela, De Chorographia, 1.8-1.9, 1.22, 1.40 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
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22. Mishnah, Sanhedrin, 1.6 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
| 1.6. The greater Sanhedrin was made up of seventy one and the little Sanhedrin of twenty three.From where do we learn that the greater Sanhedrin should be made up of seventy one? As it says, “Gather unto me seventy men of the elders of Israel” (Num. 11:16), and when Moses is added to them there is seventy one. Rabbi Judah says: “Seventy.” From where do we learn that the little Sanhedrin should be made up of twenty three? As it says, “The assembly shall judge”, “The assembly shall deliver” (Num. 35:24-25), an assembly that judges and an assembly that delivers, thus we have twenty. And from where do we know that an assembly has ten? As it says, “How long shall I bear this evil congregation?” (Num. 14:27) [which refers to the twelve spies] but Joshua and Caleb were not included. And from where do we learn that we should bring three others [to the twenty]? By inference from what it says, “You shall not follow after the many to do evil” (Ex. 23:2), I conclude that I must be with them to do well. Then why does it say, “[To follow] after the many to change judgment” (Ex. 23:2). [It means that] your verdict of condemnation should not be like your verdict of acquittal, for your verdict of acquittal is reached by the decision of a majority of one, but your verdict of condemnation must be reached by the decision of a majority of two. The court must not be divisible equally, therefore they add to them one more; thus they are twenty three. And how many should there be in a city that it may be fit to have a Sanhedrin? A hundred and twenty. Rabbi Nehemiah says: “Two hundred and thirty, so that [the Sanhedrin of twenty three] should correspond with them that are chiefs of [at least] groups of ten." |
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23. New Testament, 1 Corinthians, 1.12 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
| 1.12. Now I mean this, that each one of yousays, "I follow Paul," "I follow Apollos," "I follow Cephas," and, "Ifollow Christ. |
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24. New Testament, Acts, 5.21, 5.30, 10.39, 18.26, 19.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
| 5.21. When they heard this, they entered into the temple about daybreak, and taught. But the high priest came, and those who were with him, and called the council together, and all the senate of the children of Israel, and sent to the prison to have them brought. 5.30. The God of our fathers raised up Jesus, whom you killed, hanging him on a tree. 10.39. We are witnesses of all things which he did both in the country of the Jews, and in Jerusalem; whom they also killed, hanging him on a tree. 18.26. He began to speak boldly in the synagogue. But when Priscilla and Aquila heard him, they took him aside, and explained to him the way of God more accurately. 19.1. It happened that, while Apollos was at Corinth, Paul, having passed through the upper country, came to Ephesus, and found certain disciples. |
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25. New Testament, Galatians, 3.13 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
| 3.13. Christ redeemed us from the curse of the law, having become acurse for us. For it is written, "Cursed is everyone who hangs on atree |
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26. New Testament, Hebrews, 11.35-11.38 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
| 11.35. Women received their dead by resurrection. Others were tortured, not accepting their deliverance, that they might obtain a better resurrection. 11.36. Others were tried by mocking and scourging, yes, moreover by bonds and imprisonment. 11.37. They were stoned. They were sawn apart. They were tempted. They were slain with the sword. They went around in sheepskins, in goatskins; being destitute, afflicted, ill-treated 11.38. (of whom the world was not worthy), wandering in deserts, mountains, caves, and the holes of the earth. |
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27. Suetonius, Augustus, 18.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
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28. Tosefta, Megillah, 3.21 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
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29. Tosefta, Sotah, 13.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
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30. Anon., Genesis Rabba, 80.1 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
| 80.1. וַתֵּצֵא דִינָה בַּת לֵאָה (בראשית לד, א), (יחזקאל טז, מד): הִנֵּה כָּל הַמּשֵׁל עָלַיִךְ יִמְשֹׁל לֵאמֹר כְּאִמָּה בִּתָּהּ, יוֹסֵי מְעוֹנָאָה תִּרְגֵּם בִּכְנִישָׁתְהוֹן דִּמְעוֹנָא, (הושע ה, א): שִׁמְעוּ זֹאת הַכֹּהֲנִים וְהַקְשִׁיבוּ בֵּית יִשְׂרָאֵל וּבֵית הַמֶּלֶךְ הַאֲזִינוּ, אָמַר עָתִיד הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא לִטֹּל אֶת הַכֹּהֲנִים וּלְהַעֲמִידָן בַּדִּין וְלֵאמֹר לָהֶם לָמָּה לֹא יְגַעְתֶּם בַּתּוֹרָה, לֹא הֱיִיתֶם נֶהֱנִים מֵאַרְבַּע וְעֶשְׂרִים מַתְּנוֹת כְּהֻנָּה, וְאִינוּן אָמְרִין לֵיהּ לָא יָהֲבִין לָן כְּלוּם. וְהַקְשִׁיבוּ בֵּית יִשְׂרָאֵל, לָמָּה לֹא הֱיִיתֶם נוֹתְנִים לַכֹּהֲנִים אַרְבַּע וְעֶשְׂרִים מַתְּנוֹת כְּהֻנָּה שֶׁכָּתַבְתִּי לָכֶם בַּתּוֹרָה, וְאִינוּן אָמְרִין לֵיהּ עַל אִלֵּין דְּבֵי נְשִׂיאָה דַּהֲווֹ נָסְבִין כּוֹלָּא. בֵּית הַמֶּלֶךְ הַאֲזִינוּ כִּי לָכֶם הַמִּשְׁפָּט, שֶׁלָּכֶם הָיָה, (דברים יח, ג): וְזֶה יִהְיֶה מִשְׁפַּט הַכֹּהֲנִים, לְפִיכָךְ לָכֶם וַעֲלֵיכֶם מִדַּת הַדִּין נֶהְפָּכֶת. שָׁמַע רַבִּי וְכָעַס, בְּפַתֵּי רַמְשָׁא סְלֵיק רֵישׁ לָקִישׁ שָׁאֵיל שְׁלָמֵיהּ דְּרַבִּי וּפַיְּסֵי עֲלוֹהִי דְּיוֹסֵי מְעוֹנָאָה, אָמַר לוֹ רַבִּי, צְרִיכִין אָנוּ לְהַחֲזִיק טוֹבָה לְאֻמּוֹת הָעוֹלָם, שֶׁהֵן מַכְנִיסִין מוּמָסִין לְבָתֵּי טְרַטְיָאוֹת וּלְבָתֵּי קַרְקְסָאוֹת שֶׁלָּהֶן וּמְשַׂחֲקִין בָּהֶם כְּדֵי שֶׁלֹא יִהְיוּ מְשִׂיחִין אֵלּוּ עִם אֵלּוּ וְיָבוֹאוּ לִידֵי קְטָטָה בְּטֵלָה, יוֹסֵי מְעוֹנָאָה אָמַר מִלָּה דְּאוֹרָיְיתָא וְאַקְפַּדְתְּ עֲלוֹהִי, אָמַר לוֹ וְיוֹדֵעַ הוּא בְּדִבְרֵי תוֹרָה כְּלוּם, אָמַר לוֹ הֵן. אֲמַר לֵיהּ וְאוּלְפַן קַבֵּיל, אֲמַר לֵיהּ אֵין. וְאִי שָׁאֵלְנָא לֵיהּ מְגִיִּיב, אֲמַר לֵיהּ אֵין, אִם כֵּן יִסַּק לְהָכָא, וּסְלֵיק לְגַבֵּיהּ, אֲמַר לֵיהּ מַהוּ דִּכְתִיב: הִנֵּה כָּל הַמּשֵׁל עָלַיִךָ יִמְשֹׁל לֵאמֹר כְּאִמָּה בִּתָּהּ. אֲמַר לֵיהּ כַּבַּת כֵּן אִמָּהּ, כַּדּוֹר כֵּן נָשִׂיא, כַּמִּזְבֵּחַ כֵּן כֹּהֲנָיו. הָכָא אָמְרֵי לְפוּם גִּנְּתָא גַּנָּנָא. אָמַר לוֹ רֵישׁ לָקִישׁ עַד כַּדּוּן לָא חֲסֵלִית מִן מְפַיְּסֵיהּ עַל הָדָא וְאַתָּה מַיְיתֵי לָן אוֹחֲרִי, עִקָּרוֹ שֶׁל דָּבָר הִנֵּה כָּל הַמּשֵׁל מַהוּ, אֲמַר לֵיהּ לֵית תּוֹרְתָא עֲנִישָׁא עַד דִּבְרַתָּהּ בְּעִיטָא, לֵית אִתְּתָא זָנְיָא עַד דִּבְרַתָּהּ זָנְיָא. אָמְרוּ לֵיהּ אִם כֵּן לֵאָה אִמֵּנוּ זוֹנָה הָיְתָה, אָמַר לָהֶם (בראשית ל, טז): וַתֵּצֵא לִקְרָאתוֹ וגו', יָצָאת מְקֻשֶּׁטֶת כְּזוֹנָה, לְפִיכָךְ וַתֵּצֵא דִינָה בַּת לֵאָה. 80.1. וַיִּקְּחוּ שְׁנֵי בְנֵי יַעֲקֹב שִׁמְעוֹן וְלֵוִי (בראשית לד, כה), מִמַּשְׁמַע שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר: שִׁמְעוֹן וְלֵוִי, יָדַעְנוּ שֶׁבְּנֵי יַעֲקֹב הֵם, אֶלָּא בְּנֵי יַעֲקֹב שֶׁלֹא נָטְלוּ עֵצָה מִיַּעֲקֹב. שִׁמְעוֹן וְלֵוִי, שֶׁנָטְלוּ עֵצָה זֶה מִזֶּה. אֲחֵי דִינָה, וְכִי אֲחוֹת שְׁנֵיהֶם הָיְתָה וַהֲלוֹא אֲחוֹת כָּל הַשְּׁבָטִים הָיְתָה, אֶלָּא לְפִי שֶׁנָּתְנוּ אֵלּוּ נַפְשָׁם עָלֶיהָ נִקְרֵאת עַל שְׁמָם, וְדִכְוָתָהּ (שמות טו, כ): וַתִּקַּח מִרְיָם הַנְּבִיאָה אֲחוֹת אַהֲרֹן, וְכִי אֲחוֹת אַהֲרֹן הָיְתָה וַהֲלוֹא אֲחוֹת שְׁנֵיהֶם הָיְתָה, אֶלָּא לְפִי שֶׁנָּתַן אַהֲרֹן נַפְשׁוֹ עָלֶיהָ לְפִיכָךְ נִקְרֵאת עַל שְׁמוֹ, וְדִכְוָתָהּ (במדבר כה, יח): וְעַל דְּבַר כָּזְבִּי בַת נְשִׂיא מִדְיָן אֲחֹתָם, וְכִי אֲחוֹתָם הָיְתָה וַהֲלוֹא בַּת אֻמָּתָן הָיְתָה, אֶלָּא לְפִי שֶׁנָּתְנָה נַפְשָׁהּ עַל אֻמָּתָהּ נִקְרֵאת אֻמָּתָהּ לִשְׁמָהּ. (בראשית לד, כה): אִישׁ חַרְבּוֹ, רַבִּי אֶלְעָזָר אוֹמֵר בֶּן שְׁלשׁ עֶשְׂרֵה שָׁנָה הָיוּ. שְׁמוּאֵל שָׁאַל לְלֵוִי בַּר סִיסִי אָמַר לוֹ מַהוּ דֵין דִּכְתִיב (בראשית לד, כה): וַיָּבֹאוּ עַל הָעִיר בֶּטַח, אָמַר לוֹ בְּטוּחִים הָיוּ עַל כֹּחוֹ שֶׁל זָקֵן, וְלֹא הָיָה אָבִינוּ יַעֲקֹב רוֹצֶה שֶׁיַּעֲשׂוּ בָנָיו אוֹתוֹ הַמַּעֲשֶׂה, וְכֵיוָן שֶׁעָשׂוּ בָנָיו אוֹתוֹ מַעֲשֶׂה, אָמַר מָה אֲנִי מַנִּיחַ אֶת בָּנַי לִפֹּל בְּיַד אֻמּוֹת הָעוֹלָם, מֶה עָשָׂה נָטַל חַרְבּוֹ וְקַשְׁתּוֹ וְעָמַד לוֹ עַל פִּתְחָהּ שֶׁל שְׁכֶם וְאָמַר אִם יָבוֹאוּ אֻמּוֹת הָעוֹלָם לְהִזְדַּוֵּג לָהֶם לְבָנַי אֲנִי נִלְחַם כְּנֶגְדָן, הוּא דְּהוּא אוֹמֵר לוֹ לְיוֹסֵף (בראשית מח, כב): וַאֲנִי נָתַתִּי לְךָ שְׁכֶם אַחַד עַל אַחֶיךָ וגו', וְהֵיכָן מָצִינוּ שֶׁנָּטַל אָבִינוּ יַעֲקֹב חַרְבּוֹ וְקַשְׁתּוֹ בִּשְׁכֶם, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (בראשית מח, כב): אֲשֶׁר לָקַחְתִּי מִיַּד הָאֱמֹרִי בְּחַרְבִּי וּבְקַשְׁתִּי. (בראשית לד, כו): וְאֶת חֲמוֹר וְאֶת שְׁכֶם בְּנוֹ. | |
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31. Anon., Lamentations Rabbah, 2.2 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
| 2.2. אֵיכָה יָעִיב בְּאַפּוֹ ה' אֶת בַּת צִיּוֹן. אָמַר רַבִּי חָמָא בַּר רַבִּי חֲנִינָא אֵיךְ חַיֵּיב ה' בְּרוּגְזֵיהּ יָת בַּת צִיּוֹן. אִית אַתְרָא דְּצָוְוחִין לְחַיָּיבָא עֲיָיבָא. רַבִּי שְׁמוּאֵל בַּר נַחְמָנִי אָמַר, אֵיךְ כַּיֵּיב ה' בְּרוּגְזֵיהּ. אִית אַתְרָא דְּצַוְוחִין לְכֵיבָא עֵייבָא. וְרַבָּנָן אָמְרִין אֵיךְ שַׁיֵּים ה' בְּרוּגְזֵיהּ יָת בַּת צִיּוֹן. הִשְׁלִיךְ מִשָּׁמַיִם אֶרֶץ תִּפְאֶרֶת יִשְׂרָאֵל, רַבִּי הוּנָא וְרַבִּי אַחָא בְּשֵׁם רַבִּי חֲנִינָא בְּרֵיהּ דְּרַבִּי אַבָּהוּ, מָשָׁל לְמֶלֶךְ שֶׁהָיָה לוֹ בֵּן, בָּכָה וּנְתָנוֹ עַל אַרְכּוּבוֹתָיו, בָּכָה וּנְתָנוֹ עַל זְרוֹעוֹתָיו, בָּכָה וְהִרְכִּיבוֹ עַל כְּתֵפוֹ, טִנֵּף עָלָיו וּמִיָּד הִשְׁלִיכוֹ לָאָרֶץ, וְלָא הֲוַת מְחוּתִיתֵיהּ כִּמְסוּקִיתֵיהּ, מְסוּקִיתֵיהּ צִיבְחַר צִיבְחַר, וּמְחוּתִיתֵיהּ כּוֹלָּא חֲדָא. כָּךְ (הושע יא, ג): וְאָנֹכִי תִרְגַּלְתִּי לְאֶפְרַיִם קָחָם עַל זְרוֹעֹתָיו. וְאַחַר כָּךְ (הושע י, יא): אַרְכִּיב אֶפְרַיִם יַחֲרוֹשׁ יְהוּדָה יְשַׂדֶּד לוֹ יַעֲקֹב. וְאַחַר כָּךְ: הִשְׁלִיךְ מִשָּׁמַיִם אֶרֶץ תִּפְאֶרֶת יִשְׂרָאֵל. דָּבָר אַחֵר, הִשְׁלִיךְ מִשָּׁמַיִם אֶרֶץ תִּפְאֶרֶת יִשְׂרָאֵל, אָמַר רַבִּי יְהוֹשֻׁעַ בְּרַבִּי נַחְמָן מָשָׁל לִבְנֵי מְדִינָה שֶׁעָשׂוּ עֲטָרָה לַמֶּלֶךְ, הִקְנִיטוּהוּ וּסְבָלָן, הִקְנִיטוּהוּ וּסְבָלָן, אָחַר כָּךְ אָמַר לָהֶם הַמֶּלֶךְ כְּלוּם אַתֶּם מַקְנִיטִין אוֹתִי אֶלָּא בַּעֲבוּר עֲטָרָה שֶׁעִטַּרְתֶּם לִי, הֵא לְכוֹן טְרוֹן בְּאַפֵּיכוֹן, כָּךְ אָמַר הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא לְיִשְׂרָאֵל, כְּלוּם אַתֶּם מַקְנִיטִין אוֹתִי אֶלָּא בִּשְׁבִיל אִיקוּנִין שֶׁל יַעֲקֹב שֶׁחֲקוּקָה עַל כִּסְאִי, הֵא לְכוֹן טְרוֹן בְּאַפֵּיכוֹן, הֱוֵי: הִשְׁלִיךְ מִשָּׁמַיִם אֶרֶץ וגו'. | |
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32. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 51.16-51.17 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
| 51.16. 1. As for the rest who had been connected with Antony's cause up to this time, he punished some and pardoned others, either from personal motives or to oblige his friends. And since there were found at the court many children of princes and kings who were being kept there, some as hostages and others out of a spirit of arrogance, he sent some back to their homes, joined others in marriage with one another, and retained still others.,2. I shall omit most of these cases and mention only two. of his own accord he restored Iotape to the Median king, who had found an asylum with him after his defeat; but he refused the request of Artaxes that his brothers be sent to him, because this prince had put to death the Romans left behind in Armenia.,3. This was the disposition he made of such captives; and in the case of the Egyptians and the Alexandrians, he spared them all, so that none perished. The truth was that he did not see fit to inflict any irreparable injury upon a people so numerous, who might prove very useful to the Romans in many ways;,4. nevertheless, he offered as a pretext for his kindness their god Serapis, their founder Alexander, and, in the third place, their fellow-citizen Areius, of whose learning and companionship he availed himself. The speech in which he proclaimed to them his pardon he delivered in Greek, so that they might understand him.,5. After this he viewed the body of Alexander and actually touched it, whereupon, it is said, a piece of the nose was broken off. But he declined to view the remains of the Ptolemies, though the Alexandrians were extremely eager to show them, remarking, "I wished to see a king, not corpses." For this same reason he would not enter the presence of Apis, either, declaring that he was accustomed to worship gods, not cattle. 51.17. 1. Afterwards he made Egypt tributary and gave it in charge of Cornelius Gallus. For in view of the populousness of both the cities and the country, the facile, fickle character of the inhabitants, and the extent of the grain-supply and of the wealth, so far from daring to entrust the land to any senator, he would not even grant a senator permission to live in it, except as he personally made the concession to him by name.,2. On the other hand he did not allow the Egyptians to be senators in Rome; but whereas he made various dispositions as regards the several cities, he commanded the Alexandrians to conduct their government without senators; with such capacity for revolution, I suppose, did he credit them.,3. And of the system then imposed upon them most details are rigorously preserved at the present time, but they have their senators both in Alexandria, beginning first under the emperor Severus, and also in Rome, these having first been enrolled in the senate in the reign of Severus' son Antoninus.,4. Thus was Egypt enslaved. All the inhabitants who resisted for a time were finally subdued, as, indeed, Heaven very clearly indicated to them beforehand. For it rained not only water where no drop had ever fallen previously, but also blood; and there were flashes of armour from the clouds as this bloody rain fell from them.,5. Elsewhere there was the clashing of drums and cymbals and the notes of flutes and trumpets, and a serpent of huge size suddenly appeared to them and uttered an incredibly loud hiss. Meanwhile comets were seen and dead men's ghosts appeared, the statues frowned, and Apis bellowed a note of lamentation and burst into tears.,6. So much for these events. In the palace quantities of treasure were found. For Cleopatra had taken practically all the offerings from even the holiest shrines and so helped the Romans swell their spoils without incurring any defilement on their own part. Large sums were also obtained from every man against whom any charge of misdemeanour were brought.,7. And apart from these, all the rest, even though no particular complaint could be lodged against them, had two-thirds of their property demanded of them. Out of this wealth all the troops received what was owing them, and those who were with Caesar at the time got in addition a thousand sesterces on condition of not plundering the city.,8. Repayment was made in full to those who had previously advanced loans, and to both the senators and the knights who had taken part in the war large sums were given. In fine, the Roman empire was enriched and its temples adorned. |
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33. Justin, Dialogue With Trypho, 90 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
| 90. The stretched-out hands of Moses signified beforehand the cross Trypho: Bring us on, then, by the Scriptures, that we may also be persuaded by you; for we know that He should suffer and be led as a sheep. But prove to us whether He must be crucified and die so disgracefully and so dishonourably by the death cursed in the law. For we cannot bring ourselves even to think of this. Justin: You know that what the prophets said and did they veiled by parables and types, as you admitted to us; so that it was not easy for all to understand the most [of what they said], since they concealed the truth by these means, that those who are eager to find out and learn it might do so with much labour. Trypho's group: We admitted this. Justin: Listen, therefore, to what follows; for Moses first exhibited this seeming curse of Christ's by the signs which he made. Trypho: of what [signs] do you speak? Justin: When the people waged war with Amalek, and the son of Nave (Nun) by name Jesus (Joshua), led the fight, Moses himself prayed to God, stretching out both hands, and Hur with Aaron supported them during the whole day, so that they might not hang down when he got wearied. For if he gave up any part of this sign, which was an imitation of the cross, the people were beaten, as is recorded in the writings of Moses; but if he remained in this form, Amalek was proportionally defeated, and he who prevailed prevailed by the cross. For it was not because Moses so prayed that the people were stronger, but because, while one who bore the name of Jesus (Joshua) was in the forefront of the battle, he himself made the sign of the cross. For who of you knows not that the prayer of one who accompanies it with lamentation and tears, with the body prostrate, or with bended knees, propitiates God most of all? But in such a manner neither he nor any other one, while sitting on a stone, prayed. Nor even the stone symbolized Christ, as I have shown. |
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34. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 10.81 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
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35. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 10.81 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
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36. Pliny The Younger, Panegyric, 80.3-80.5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
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37. Babylonian Talmud, Sanhedrin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)
| 43a. (ויקרא כד, כג) ובני ישראל עשו כאשר צוה ה' את משה,אלא מעתה (ויקרא כד, כג) וירגמו אותו אבן מאי עבדי ליה ההוא מבעי ליה לכדתניא וירגמו אותו באבן אותו ולא בכסותו אבן שאם מת באבן אחת יצא,ואצטריך למיכתב אבן ואיצטריך למיכתב אבנים דאי כתב רחמנא אבן הוה אמינא היכא דלא מת בחדא לא ניתי אחריתי ומיקטליה כתב רחמנא אבנים ואי כתב רחמנא אבנים הוה אמינא מעיקרא נייתי תרתי כתב רחמנא אבן,והא האי תנא נאמר קאמר אילו לא נאמר קאמר וה"ק אילו לא נאמר קרא הייתי אומר גזירה שוה עכשיו שנאמר קרא גזירה שוה לא צריך,רב אשי אמר משה היכא הוה יתיב במחנה לוייה ואמר ליה רחמנא הוצא את המקלל חוץ למחנה לוייה אל מחוץ למחנה חוץ למחנה ישראל ויוציאו את המקלל לעשייה,עשייה בהדיא כתיב בהו ובני ישראל עשו כאשר צוה ה' את משה ההוא מיבעי ליה חד לסמיכה וחד לדחייה,אמרו ליה רבנן לרב אשי לדידך כל הני הוציא דכתיבי בפרים הנשרפים מאי דרשת בהו קשיא:,אחד עומד כו': אמר רב הונא פשיטא לי אחד אבן שנסקל בה ואחד עץ שנתלה בו ואחד סייף שנהרג בו ואחד סודר שנחנק בו כולן משל צבור מ"ט דמדידיה לא אמרינן ליה זיל וליתיה וליקטול נפשיה,בעי רב הונא סודר שמניפין בו וסוס שרץ ומעמידן משל מי הוא כיון דהצלה דידיה מדידיה הוא או דילמא כיון דבי דינא מחייבין למעבד בה הצלה מדידהו,ותו הא דאמר ר' חייא בר רב אשי אמר רב חסדא היוצא ליהרג משקין אותו קורט של לבונה בכוס של יין כדי שתטרף דעתו שנאמר (משלי לא, ו) תנו שכר לאובד ויין למרי נפש ותניא נשים יקרות שבירושלים היו מתנדבות ומביאות אותן לא התנדבו נשים יקרות משל מי הא ודאי מסתברא משל צבור כיון דכתיב תנו מדידהו,בעא מיניה רב אחא בר הונא מרב ששת אמר אחד מן התלמידים יש לי ללמד עליו זכות ונשתתק מהו מנפח רב ששת בידיה נשתתק אפילו אחד בסוף העולם נמי התם לא קאמר הכא קאמר מאי,תא שמע דאמר רבי יוסי בר חנינא אחד מן התלמידים שזיכה ומת רואין אותו כאילו חי ועומד במקומו זיכה אין לא זיכה לא,זיכה פשיטא לי אמר תיבעי לך:,אפילו הוא כו': ואפילו פעם ראשונה ושניה והתניא פעם ראשונה ושניה בין שיש ממש בדבריו בין שאין ממש בדבריו מחזירין אותו מכאן ואילך אם יש ממש בדבריו מחזירין אותו אין ממש בדבריו אין מחזירין אותו,אמר רב פפא תרגומה מפעם שניה ואילך,מנא ידעי אמר אביי דמסרינן ליה זוגא דרבנן אי איכא ממש בדבריו אין אי לא לא,ולימסר ליה מעיקרא אגב דבעית לא מצי אמר כל מאי דאית ליה:, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big מצאו לו זכות פטרוהו ואם לאו יצא ליסקל וכרוז יוצא לפניו איש פלוני בן פלוני יוצא ליסקל על שעבר עבירה פלונית ופלוני ופלוני עדיו כל מי שיודע לו זכות יבא וילמד עליו:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big אמר אביי וצריך למימר ביום פלוני ובשעה פלונית ובמקום פלוני דילמא איכא דידעי ואתו ומזים להו:,וכרוז יוצא לפניו לפניו אין מעיקרא לא והתניא בערב הפסח תלאוהו לישו והכרוז יוצא לפניו מ' יום ישו יוצא ליסקל על שכישף והסית והדיח את ישראל כל מי שיודע לו זכות יבא וילמד עליו ולא מצאו לו זכות ותלאוהו בערב הפסח,אמר עולא ותסברא בר הפוכי זכות הוא מסית הוא ורחמנא אמר (דברים יג, ט) לא תחמול ולא תכסה עליו אלא שאני ישו דקרוב למלכות הוה,ת"ר חמשה תלמידים היו לו לישו מתאי נקאי נצר ובוני ותודה אתיוהו למתי אמר להו מתי יהרג הכתיב (תהלים מב, ג) מתי אבוא ואראה פני אלהים אמרו לו אין מתי יהרג דכתיב (שם מא, ו) מתי ימות ואבד שמו,אתיוהו לנקאי אמר להו נקאי יהרג הכתיב (שמות כג, ז) ונקי וצדיק אל תהרוג אמרו לו אין נקאי יהרג דכתיב (תהלים י, ח) במסתרים יהרג נקי,אתיוהו לנצר אמר נצר יהרג הכתיב (ישעיה יא, א) ונצר משרשיו יפרה אמרו לו אין נצר יהרג דכתיב (שם יד, יט) ואתה השלכת מקברך כנצר נתעב,אתיוהו לבוני אמר אמר בוני יהרג הכתיב (שמות ד, כב) בני בכורי ישראל אמרו לי' אין בוני יהרג דכתיב (שם, כג) הנה אנכי הורג את בנך בכורך,אתיוהו לתודה אמר תודה יהרג הכתיב (תהלים ק, א) מזמור לתודה אמרו לו אין תודה יהרג דכתיב (שם נ, כג) זובח תודה יכבדנני | 43a. b“And the children of Israel did as the Lord commanded Moses.” /b,The Gemara asks: bIf that is so, what do they do withthe words in the verse: b“And they stoned him with a stone”?These words appear to be superfluous, as even without them we would know that God’s instructions to stone the blasphemer were implemented. What then do they serve to teach? The Gemara answers: bThatphrase is bnecessary for that which is taughtin a ibaraita /i: The verse states: b“And they stoned him with a stone.”The word b“him”teaches that they stoned him alone, while he was naked, bbut notwhile he was bin his clothing.The verse uses the singular term b“stone [ iaven /i]”rather than the plural term stones [ iavanim /i] to teach bthat ifthe condemned man bdiedafter being struck bwith one stone,the court has bfulfilledits obligation.,The Gemara notes: bAndit bwas necessary to writewith regard to the blasphemer that “they stoned him with ba stone,”in the singular, bandit bwas necessary to writewith regard to the man who gathered sticks on Shabbat that “they stoned him with bstones”(Numbers 15:36), in the plural. bAs, had the Merciful One writtenonly b“stone,” I would saythat bwherethe condemned man bdid not dieafter being struck bwith onestone, bthey do not bring otherstones band kill himwith them. Therefore, bthe Merciful One writes “stones.” And had the Merciful One writtenonly b“stones,” I would saythat bfrom the outset they should bring twoor more stones. Therefore, bthe Merciful One writes “stone.” /b,The Gemara raises an objection to Rav Pappa’s derivation: bBut this itanna /iof the ibaraitacited above bsaid: It is statedhere and it is stated elsewhere, thereby basing his derivation on a verbal analogy between the verse concerning the blasphemer and the verse concerning the bulls brought as sin-offerings that are burned. How, then, can Rav Pappa, an iamora /i, disagree and derive the ihalakhadirectly from the verse dealing with the blasphemer? The Gemara answers: According to Rav Pappa, the itannaof the ibaraita bsaid: Had it not been stated, and thisis what he bis saying: Had a verse not been statedfrom which it can be directly derived that the condemned man is stoned outside all three camps, bI would have saidthat this can be learned by way of ba verbal analogy.But bnow thatsuch ba verse has been stated,the bverbal analogy is not needed. /b, bRav Ashi said:The location of the place of stoning can be directly derived from the verse discussing the blasphemer but in a slightly different manner. bWhere was Moses sittingwhen the matter of the blasphemer was brought before him? bIn the Levite camp. And the Merciful One said to him: “Take out him who has cursed”(Leviticus 24:14), indicating that he should be taken boutside the Levite campinto the Israelite camp. And God continued in that verse: b“Outside the camp,”which is an additional command that he should be removed even further, to boutside the Israelite camp.And the later verse, which says: b“And they brought him that had cursedout of the camp…and the children of Israel did as the Lord commanded Moses” (Leviticus 24:23), teaches us babout the implementationof God’s instructions, i.e., that the children of Israel did in fact carry out His command.,The Gemara raises an objection: bThe implementationof God’s instructions is bwritten explicitly in thiscontext, as it is stated in the continuation of the verse: b“And the children of Israel did as the Lord commanded Moses.”The Gemara answers: bThatverse bis necessaryto teach us that not only was the condemned man taken outside the three camps and stoned, but the rest of God’s instructions were also fulfilled. These instructions relate bto the placingof the witnesses’ bhandsupon the head of the condemned man, as it is stated: “And let all that heard him place their hands upon his head” (Leviticus 24:14), band to thewitnesses’ bpushingof the condemned man from a platform the height of two stories., bThe Sages said to Rav Ashi: According to you,that the expression “take out” by itself means outside the camp, and “outside the camp” means outside an additional camp, bwhat do you learn from all thoseinstances of b“take out” that are written with regard to the bullsbrought as sin-offerings bthat are burned?According to your explanation, there are many superfluous phrases in the verses. The Gemara comments: Indeed, this is bdifficultwith regard to the opinion of Rav Ashi.,§ The mishna teaches that boneman bstandsat the entrance to the court, with cloths in his hand, ready to signal to the court agents leading the condemned man to his execution that some doubt has been raised with respect to the latter’s guilt. bRav Huna says:It is bobvious to methat bthe stone with whichthe condemned man bis stoned and the tree on whichhis corpse bis hungafter his execution, bor the sword with which he is killed, or the scarf with which he is strangled, all of thesecome bfromthe property of bthe community. What is the reasonfor this? bWe do not tellthe condemned man to bgo and bringthese items bfrom his ownproperty bandeffectively bkill himself. /b, bRav Huna raiseda dilemma: With regard to bthe cloth that is waved and the horse that racesoff after the court agents bto stopthe latter from carrying out the execution, bfrom whoseproperty bdo they come,that of the condemned man or that of the community? The Gemara explains the two sides of the dilemma: bSincethey are needed to bsavethe man being led to his execution, these items should be taken bfrom hisproperty. bOr perhaps, since the court is obligated totake all possible measures to bsave himfrom death, they should be taken bfrom them,i.e., the community., bAnd furthermore,another question is raised along similar lines: With regard to bthat which Rav Ḥiyya bar Ashi saysthat bRav Ḥisda says:The court bgives one who is being led out to be killed a grain [ ikoret /i] of frankincense in a cup of wine in order to confuse his mindand thereby minimize his suffering from the fear of his impending death, bas it is stated: “Give strong drink to him that is ready to perish, and wine to the bitter in soul”(Proverbs 31:6). bAnd it is taughtin a ibaraita /i: bThe prominent women of Jerusalem would donatethis drink band bringit to those being led out to be killed. The question is: If bthese prominent women did not donatethis drink, bfrom whomis it taken? The Gemara answers: With regard to bthisquestion, it bis certainly reasonablethat this drink should be taken bfrom the community, as it is written: “Give [ itenu /i]strong drink,” in the plural, indicating that it should come bfrom them,the community.,§ bRav Aḥa bar Huna asked Rav Sheshet:If bone of the studentssitting before the judges bsaid: I can teacha reason to bacquit him, and he became muteand cannot explain himself, bwhat isthe ihalakhain such a case? Does the court take heed of his words, or do they disregard him? bRav Sheshet waved his handsin scorn and said: If the student bbecame mute,the court certainly does not pay attention to him, as were the court to concern themselves with what he said, they would have to be concerned beventhat perhaps there is bsomeone at the end of the worldwho can propose an argument in the condemned man’s favor. The Gemara rejects this argument: The cases are not similar. bThere, no one saidthat he had a reason to acquit the condemned man. bHere,the student already bsaidthat he had a reason to acquit the condemned man. The question, therefore, is appropriate. bWhatis the ihalakhain such a case?,The Gemara suggests: bComeand bhearan answer: bAs Rabbi Yosei bar Ḥanina says:In a case where there was bone of the students whoargued to bacquitthe defendant bandthen bdied,the court bviews him as ifhe were balive and standing in his placeand voting to acquit the defendant. The implication is that if bheargued to bacquitthe defendant and explained his reasoning, byes,the court counts his vote as if he were still alive. But if bhe did notactually argue to bacquitthe defendant, but only said that he wished to propose such an argument, his vote is bnotcounted as though he were still alive.,The Gemara rejects this proof: If the student barguedto bacquitthe defendant, it is bobvious to methat he should be counted among those favoring acquittal. But if he only bsaysthat he wishes to propose such an argument, blet the dilemma be raisedwhether or not he should be regarded as having presented a convincing argument in favor of acquittal. The question is left unresolved.,The mishna teaches: And bevenif bhe,the condemned man himself, says: I can teach a reason to acquit myself, he is returned to the courthouse even four or five times, provided that there is substance to his words. The Gemara asks: bAndis the ihalakhathat there must be substance to his words beven the first and second timethat the condemned man says that he can teach a reason to acquit himself? bBut isn’t it taughtin a ibaraita /i: bThe first and second timesthat he says that he can teach a reason to acquit himself, bthey return himto the courthouse and consider bwhether there is substance to his statement or there is no substance to his statement. From thispoint bforward, if there is substance to his statement they return himto the courthouse, but if bthere is no substance to his statement, they do not return him.This appears to contradict the mishna., bRav Pappa said: Explainthat the mishna’s ruling applies only bfromafter bthe second time forward,that from that point on we examine whether there is substance to his words.,The Gemara asks: bHow do we knowwhether or not there is substance to his words? bAbaye said:If the condemned man has already been returned twice to the courthouse, bwe send a pair of rabbis with himto evaluate his claim. bIfthey find that bthere is substance to his statement, yes,he is returned once again to the courthouse; bif not,he is bnotreturned.,The Gemara asks: bButwhy not bsenda pair of rabbis bwith him from the outset,even the first time, and have them make an initial assessment of his claim? The Gemara answers: bSincea man facing execution bis frightenedby the thought of his impending death, bhe is not able to say all that he hasto say, and perhaps out of fear he will be confused and not provide a substantial reason to overturn his verdict. Therefore, the first two times he is returned to the courthouse without an initial examination of his arguments. Once he has already been returned on two occasions, the court allows for no further delay, and they send two rabbis to evaluate his claim before returning him a third time., strongMISHNA: /strong If, after the condemned man is returned to the courthouse, the judges bfinda reason to bacquit him, theyacquit him and brelease himimmediately. bBut ifthey do bnotfind a reason to acquit him, bhe goes out to be stoned. And a crier goes out before himand publicly proclaims: bSo-and-so, son of so-and-so, is going out to be stoned because he committed such and such a transgression. And so-and-so and so-and-so are his witnesses. Anyone who knowsof a reason to bacquit him should comeforward band teachit bon his behalf. /b, strongGEMARA: /strong bAbaye says: Andthe crier bmustalso publicly bproclaimthat the transgression was committed bon such and such a day, at such and such an hour, and at such and such a place,as bperhaps there are those who knowthat the witnesses could not have been in that place at that time, band they will comeforward band renderthe witnesses bconspiring witnesses. /b,The mishna teaches that ba crier goes out beforethe condemned man. This indicates that it is only bbefore him,i.e., while he is being led to his execution, that byes,the crier goes out, but bfrom the outset,before the accused is convicted, he does bnotgo out. The Gemara raises a difficulty: bBut isn’t it taughtin a ibaraita /i: bOn Passover Eve they hungthe corpse of bJesus the Nazareneafter they killed him by way of stoning. bAnd a crier went out before himfor bforty days,publicly proclaiming: bJesus the Nazarene is going out to be stoned because he practiced sorcery, incitedpeople to idol worship, band led the Jewish people astray. Anyone who knowsof a reason to bacquit him should comeforward band teachit bon his behalf. Andthe court bdid not finda reason to bacquit him, andso btheystoned him and bhung hiscorpse bon Passover eve. /b, bUlla said: Andhow can byou understandthis proof? Was bJesus the Nazarene worthy ofconducting ba searchfor a reason to bacquithim? bHewas ban inciterto idol worship, band the Merciful One stateswith regard to an inciter to idol worship: b“Neither shall you spare, neither shall you conceal him”(Deuteronomy 13:9). bRather, Jesus was different, as hehad bcloseties bwith the government,and the gentile authorities were interested in his acquittal. Consequently, the court gave him every opportunity to clear himself, so that it could not be claimed that he was falsely convicted.,Apropos the trial of Jesus, the Gemara cites another ibaraita /i, where bthe Sages taught: Jesus the Nazarene had five disciples: Mattai, Nakai, Netzer, Buni, and Toda. They brought Mattai into stand trial. Mattai bsaid tothe judges: bShall Mattai be executed?But bisn’t it written: “When [ imatai /i] shall I come and appear before God?”(Psalms 42:3). Mattai claimed that this verse alludes to the fact he is righteous. bThey said to him: Yes, Mattai shall be executed, as it is written: “When [ imatai /i] shall he die, and his name perish?”(Psalms 41:6).,Then bthey brought Nakai into stand trial. Nakai bsaidto the judges: bShall Nakai be executed?But bisn’t it written: “And the innocent [ inaki /i] and righteous you shall not slay”(Exodus 23:7)? bThey said to him: Yes, Nakai shall be executed, as it is written: “In secret places he kills the innocent [ inaki /i]”(Psalms 10:8).,Then bthey brought Netzer into stand trial. bHe saidto the judges: bShall Netzer be executed?But bisn’t it written: “And a branch [ inetzer /i] shall grow out of his roots”(Isaiah 11:1)? bThey said to him: Yes, Netzer shall be executed, as it is written: “But you are cast out of your grave like an abhorred branch [ inetzer /i]”(Isaiah 14:19).,Then bthey brought Buni into stand trial. Buni bsaidto the judges: bShall Buni be executed?But bisn’t it written: “My firstborn son [ ibeni /i] is Israel”(Exodus 4:22)? bThey said to him: Yes, Buni shall be executed, as it is written: “Behold, I shall kill your firstborn son [ ibinkha /i]”(Exodus 4:23).,Then bthey brought Toda into stand trial. Toda bsaidto the judges: bShall Toda be executed?But bisn’t it written: “A psalm of thanksgiving [ itoda /i]”(Psalms 100:1)? bThey said to him: Yes, Toda shall be executed, as it is written: “Whoever slaughters a thanks-offering [ itoda /i] honors Me”(Psalms 50:23). |
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38. Anon., Leges Publicae, 2.2
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39. Anon., Letter of Aristeas, 310
| 310. After the books had been read, the priests and the elders of the translators and the Jewish community and the leaders of the people stood up and said, that since so excellent and sacred and accurate a translation had been made, it was only right that it should remain as it was and no |
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40. Papyri, P.Hamb., 4.275
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41. Papyri, P.Lond., 6.1912
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42. Papyri, Cpj, 2.143
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