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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



9125
Pausanias, Description Of Greece, 10.18.5


Ὀρνεᾶται δὲ οἱ ἐν τῇ Ἀργολίδι πολέμῳ σφᾶς Σικυωνίων πιεζόντων τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι εὔξαντο, εἰ ἀπώσαιντο ἐκ τῆς πατρίδος τῶν Σικυωνίων τὸν στρατόν, πομπήν τε ἐν Δελφοῖς αὐτῷ στελεῖν ὁσημέραι καὶ ἱερεῖα θύσειν οἷα δὴ καὶ ὅσα ἀριθμόν. νικῶσί τε δὴ μάχῃ τοὺς Σικυωνίους, καὶ ὥς σφισιν ἐφʼ ἡμέρας πάσης ἀποδιδοῦσι τὰ κατὰ τὴν εὐχὴν δαπάνη τε ἦν μεγάλη καὶ μείζων ἔτι τοῦ ἀναλώματος ἡ ταλαιπωρία, οὕτω δὴ σόφισμα εὑρίσκουσιν ἀναθεῖναι τῷ θεῷ θυσίαν τε καὶ πομπὴν χαλκᾶ ποιήματα.The men of Orneae in Argolis, when hard pressed in war by the Sicyonians, vowed to Apollo that, if they should drive the host of the Sicyonians out of their native land, they would organize a daily procession in his honor at Delphi, and sacrifice victims of a certain kind and of a certain number. Well, they conquered the Sicyonians in battle. But finding the daily fulfillment of their vow a great expense and a still greater trouble, they devised the trick of dedicating to the god bronze figures representing a sacrifice and a procession.


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

4 results
1. Horace, Odes, 3.1-3.6, 3.3.32 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

3.1. 1. When Nero was informed of the Romans’ ill success in Judea, a concealed consternation and terror, as is usual in such cases, fell upon him; although he openly looked very big, and was very angry 3.1. They also esteem any errors they commit upon taking counsel beforehand to be better than such rash success as is owing to fortune only; because such a fortuitous advantage tempts them to be inconsiderate, while consultation, though it may sometimes fail of success, hath this good in it, that it makes men more careful hereafter; 3.1. This is an ancient city that is distant from Jerusalem five hundred and twenty furlongs, and was always an enemy to the Jews; on which account they determined to make their first effort against it, and to make their approaches to it as near as possible. 3.2. and said that what had happened was rather owing to the negligence of the commander, than to any valor of the enemy: and as he thought it fit for him, who bare the burden of the whole empire, to despise such misfortunes, he now pretended so to do, and to have a soul superior to all such sad accidents whatsoever. Yet did the disturbance that was in his soul plainly appear by the solicitude he was in [how to recover his affairs again]. 3.2. That he did not see what advantage he could bring to them now, by staying among them, but only provoke the Romans to besiege them more closely, as esteeming it a most valuable thing to take him; but that if they were once informed that he was fled out of the city, they would greatly remit of their eagerness against it. 3.2. and the greater part of the remainder were wounded, with Niger, their remaining general, who fled away together to a small city of Idumea, called Sallis. 3.3. 2. And as he was deliberating to whom he should commit the care of the East, now it was in so great a commotion, and who might be best able to punish the Jews for their rebellion, and might prevent the same distemper from seizing upon the neighboring nations also,— 3.3. So he came quickly to the city, and put his army in order, and set Trajan over the left wing, while he had the right himself, and led them to the siege: 3.3. At this city also the inhabitants of Sepphoris of Galilee met him, who were for peace with the Romans. 3.4. he found no one but Vespasian equal to the task, and able to undergo the great burden of so mighty a war, seeing he was growing an old man already in the camp, and from his youth had been exercised in warlike exploits: he was also a man that had long ago pacified the west, and made it subject to the Romans, when it had been put into disorder by the Germans; he had also recovered to them Britain by his arms 3.4. “Thou, O Vespasian, thinkest no more than that thou hast taken Josephus himself captive; but I come to thee as a messenger of greater tidings; for had not I been sent by God to thee, I knew what was the law of the Jews in this case? and how it becomes generals to die. 3.4. its length is also from Meloth to Thella, a village near to Jordan. 3.5. which had been little known before whereby he procured to his father Claudius to have a triumph bestowed on him without any sweat or labor of his own. 3.5. and for those rivers which they have, all their waters are exceedingly sweet: by reason also of the excellent grass they have, their cattle yield more milk than do those in other places; and, what is the greatest sign of excellency and of abundance, they each of them are very full of people. 3.5. There was also a great slaughter made in the city, while those foreigners that had not fled away already made opposition; but the natural inhabitants were killed without fighting: for in hopes of Titus’s giving them his right hand for their security, and out of a consciousness that they had not given any consent to the war, they avoided fighting 3.6. 3. So Nero esteemed these circumstances as favorable omens, and saw that Vespasian’s age gave him sure experience, and great skill, and that he had his sons as hostages for his fidelity to himself, and that the flourishing age they were in would make them fit instruments under their father’s prudence. Perhaps also there was some interposition of Providence, which was paving the way for Vespasian’s being himself emperor afterwards. 3.6. These last, by marching continually one way or other, and overrunning the parts of the adjoining country, were very troublesome to Josephus and his men; they also plundered all the places that were out of the city’s liberty, and intercepted such as durst go abroad.
2. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 34.55, 34.57-34.60, 34.62, 35.2-35.13, 35.15, 35.18, 35.20, 35.22-35.28, 35.31, 35.34, 35.44, 35.46, 35.49, 35.51-35.52, 35.57-35.58, 35.60, 35.64-35.68, 35.70, 35.72, 35.74, 35.76-35.77, 35.81-35.83, 35.85-35.86, 35.88, 35.91, 35.93, 35.95, 35.97-35.98, 35.100, 35.102-35.103, 35.108-35.110, 35.114, 35.116-35.117, 35.119-35.120, 35.127-35.128, 35.130-35.133, 35.136, 35.139, 35.144 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

3. Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria, 12.10.3-12.10.9 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

12.10.3.  The first great painters, whose works deserve inspection for something more than their mere antiquity, are said to have been Polygnotus and Aglaophon, whose simple colouring has still such enthusiastic admirers that they prefer these almost primitive works, which may be regarded as the first foundations of the art that was to be, over the works of the greatest of their successors, their motive being, in my opinion, an ostentatious desire to seem persons of superior taste. 12.10.4.  Later Zeuxis and Parrhasius contributed much to the progress of painting. These artists were separated by no great distance of time, since both flourished about the period of the Peloponnesian war; for example, Xenophon has preserved a conversation between Socrates and Parrhasius. The first-mentioned seems to have discovered the method of representing light and shade, while the latter is said to have devoted special attention to the treatment of line. 12.10.5.  For Zeuxis emphasised the limbs of the human body, thinking thereby to add dignity and grandeur to his style: it is generally supposed that in this he followed the example of Homer, who likes to represent even his female characters as being of heroic mould. Parrhasius, on the other hand, was so fine a draughtsman that he has been styled the law-giver of his art, on the ground that all other artists take his representations of gods and heroes as models, as though no other course were possible. 12.10.6.  It was, however, from about the period of the reign of Philip down to that of the successors of Alexander that painting flourished more especially, although the different artists are distinguished for different excellences. Proto­genes, for example, was renowned for accuracy, Pamphilus and Melanthius for soundness of taste, Antiphilus for facility, Theon of Samos for his depiction of imaginary scenes, known as φαντασίαι, and Apelles for genius and grace, in the latter of which qualities he took especial pride. Euphranor, on the other hand, was admired on the ground that, while he ranked with the most eminent masters of other arts, he at the same time achieved a marvellous skill in the arts of sculpture and painting. 12.10.7.  The same differences exist between sculptors. The art of Callon and Hegesias is somewhat rude and recalls the Etruscans, but the work of Calamis has already begun to be less stiff, while Myron's statues show a greater form than had been achieved by the artists just mentioned. Polyclitus surpassed all others for care and grace, but although the majority of critics account him as the greatest of sculptors, to avoid making him faultless they express the opinion that his work is lacking in grandeur. 12.10.8.  For while he gave the human form an ideal grace, he is thought to have been less successful in representing the dignity of the gods. He is further alleged to have shrunken from representing persons of maturer years, and to have ventured on nothing more difficult than a smooth and beardless face. But the qualities lacking in Polyclitus are allowed to have been possessed by Phidias and Alcamenes. 12.10.9.  On the other hand, Phidias is regarded as more gifted in his representation of gods station of men, and indeed for chryselephantine statues he is without a peer, as he would in truth be, even if he had produced nothing in this material beyond his Minerva at Athens and his Jupiter at Olympia in Elis, whose beauty is such that it is said to have added something even to the awe with which the god was already regarded: so perfectly did the majesty of the work give the impression of godhead. Lysippus and Praxiteles are asserted to be supreme as regards faithfulness to nature. For Demetrius is blamed for carrying realism too far, and is less concerned about the beauty than the truth of his work.
4. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.14.3, 1.38.7, 4.33.5, 5.27.3, 10.32.13 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

1.14.3. Some extant verses of Musaeus, if indeed they are to be included among his works, say that Triptolemus was the son of Oceanus and Earth; while those ascribed to Orpheus (though in my opinion the received authorship is again incorrect) say that Eubuleus and Triptolemus were sons of Dysaules, and that because they gave Demeter information about her daughter the sowing of seed was her reward to them. But Choerilus, an Athenian, who wrote a play called Alope, says that Cercyon and Triptolemus were brothers, that their mother was the daughter of Amphictyon, while the father of Triptolemus was Rarus, of Cercyon, Poseidon. After I had intended to go further into this story, and to describe the contents of the sanctuary at Athens, called the Eleusinium, I was stayed by a vision in a dream. I shall therefore turn to those things it is lawful to write of to all men. 1.38.7. My dream forbade the description of the things within the wall of the sanctuary, and the uninitiated are of course not permitted to learn that which they are prevented from seeing. The hero Eleusis, after whom the city is named, some assert to be a son of Hermes and of Daeira, daughter of Ocean; there are poets, however, who have made Ogygus father of Eleusis . Ancient legends, deprived of the help of poetry, have given rise to many fictions, especially concerning the pedigrees of heroes. 4.33.5. I may not reveal the rites of the Great Goddesses, for it is their mysteries which they celebrate in the Carnasian grove, and I regard them as second only to the Eleusinian in sanctity. But my dream did not prevent me from making known to all that the brazen urn, discovered by the Argive general, and the bones of Eurytus the son of Melaneus were kept here. A river Charadrus flows past the grove; 5.27.3. This is the horse in which is, say the Eleans, the hippomanes (what maddens horses). It is plain to all that the quality of the horse is the result of magic skill. It is much inferior in size and beauty to all the horses standing within the Altis. Moreover, its tail has been cut off which makes the figure uglier still. But male horses, not only in spring but on any day, are at heat towards it. 10.32.13. About forty stades distant from Asclepius is a precinct and shrine sacred to Isis, the holiest of all those made by the Greeks for the Egyptian goddess. For the Tithoreans think it wrong to dwell round about it, and no one may enter the shrine except those whom Isis herself has honored by inviting them in dreams. The same rule is observed in the cities above the Maeander by the gods of the lower world; for to all whom they wish to enter their shrines they send visions seen in dreams.


Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
actium Bowditch, Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion: On the Nature of the Gods and On Divination (2001) 107
aeschylus, oresteia Bowditch, Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion: On the Nature of the Gods and On Divination (2001) 107
augustus, and expiation Bowditch, Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion: On the Nature of the Gods and On Divination (2001) 107
cassandra Bowditch, Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion: On the Nature of the Gods and On Divination (2001) 107
civil wars, as subject of poetry Bowditch, Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion: On the Nature of the Gods and On Divination (2001) 107
cult images, danger of Elsner, Roman Eyes: Visuality and Subjectivity in Art and Text (2007) 42
deity, powers of Elsner, Roman Eyes: Visuality and Subjectivity in Art and Text (2007) 42
delphi, offering of the orneatai Elsner, Roman Eyes: Visuality and Subjectivity in Art and Text (2007) 42
dreams, and images Elsner, Roman Eyes: Visuality and Subjectivity in Art and Text (2007) 42
eisner, john Bowditch, Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion: On the Nature of the Gods and On Divination (2001) 107
expiation, as purification Bowditch, Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion: On the Nature of the Gods and On Divination (2001) 107
genre, history as tragedy Bowditch, Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion: On the Nature of the Gods and On Divination (2001) 107
horace, as priest Bowditch, Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion: On the Nature of the Gods and On Divination (2001) 107
identity, xv–xvi, of prototype and representation Elsner, Roman Eyes: Visuality and Subjectivity in Art and Text (2007) 42
ideology, and the roman odes Bowditch, Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion: On the Nature of the Gods and On Divination (2001) 107
ideology, of need for expiation Bowditch, Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion: On the Nature of the Gods and On Divination (2001) 107
image, and ritual Elsner, Roman Eyes: Visuality and Subjectivity in Art and Text (2007) 42
image, as ritual Elsner, Roman Eyes: Visuality and Subjectivity in Art and Text (2007) 42
image, identified with prototype Elsner, Roman Eyes: Visuality and Subjectivity in Art and Text (2007) 42
magic Elsner, Roman Eyes: Visuality and Subjectivity in Art and Text (2007) 42
mimesis Elsner, Roman Eyes: Visuality and Subjectivity in Art and Text (2007) 42
miracles, pagan Elsner, Roman Eyes: Visuality and Subjectivity in Art and Text (2007) 42
octavian, as orestes figure Bowditch, Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion: On the Nature of the Gods and On Divination (2001) 107
offering, art work as Elsner, Roman Eyes: Visuality and Subjectivity in Art and Text (2007) 42
orneatai, offering at delphi Elsner, Roman Eyes: Visuality and Subjectivity in Art and Text (2007) 42
pausanias, and ritual-centered visuality Elsner, Roman Eyes: Visuality and Subjectivity in Art and Text (2007) 42
rhetoric, mimesis Bowditch, Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion: On the Nature of the Gods and On Divination (2001) 107
rhetoric, of sacrifice Bowditch, Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion: On the Nature of the Gods and On Divination (2001) 107
ritual, image and Elsner, Roman Eyes: Visuality and Subjectivity in Art and Text (2007) 42
ritual, image as' Elsner, Roman Eyes: Visuality and Subjectivity in Art and Text (2007) 42
ritual, representations of Bowditch, Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion: On the Nature of the Gods and On Divination (2001) 107
roman odes Bowditch, Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion: On the Nature of the Gods and On Divination (2001) 107
tragedy, aeschylean allusions Bowditch, Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion: On the Nature of the Gods and On Divination (2001) 107
tragedy, aristotelian principles of Bowditch, Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion: On the Nature of the Gods and On Divination (2001) 107
tragedy, as vision of history Bowditch, Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion: On the Nature of the Gods and On Divination (2001) 107