Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database

9125

Pausanias, Description Of Greece, 10.14

nan nan, The axes were dedicated by Periclytus, son of Euthymachus, a man of Tenedos, and allude to an old story. Cycnus, they say, was a son of Poseidon, and ruled as king in Colonae, a city in the Troad situated opposite the island Leucophrys., He had a daughter, by name Hemithea, and a son, called Tennes, by Procleia, who was a daughter of Clytius and a sister of Caletor. Homer in the Iliad Hom. Il. 15.420 . says that this Caletor, as he was putting the fire under the ship of Protesilaus, was killed by Ajax. Procleia died before Cycnus, and his second wife, Philonome, daughter of Cragasus, fell in love with Tennes. Rejected by him she falsely accused him before her husband, saying that he had made love to her, and she had rejected him. Cycnus was deceived by the trick, placed Tennes with his sister in a chest and launched it out to sea., The young people came safely to the island Leucophrys, and the island was given its present name from Tennes. Cycnus, however, was not to remain for ever ignorant of the trick, and sailed to his son to confess his ignorance and to ask for pardon for his mistake. He put in at the island and fastened the cables of his ship to something—a rock or a tree—but Tennes in a passion cut them adrift with an axe., For this reason a by-word has arisen, which is used of those who make a stern refusal: “So and so has cut whatever it may be with an axe of Tenedos .” The Greeks say that while Tennes was defending his country he was killed by Achilles. In course of time weakness compelled the people of Tenedos to merge themselves with the Alexandrians on the Troad mainland., The Greeks who fought against the king, besides dedicating at Olympia a bronze Zeus, dedicated also an Apollo at Delphi, from spoils taken in the naval actions at Artemisium and Salamis . There is also a story that Themistocles came to Delphi bringing with him for Apollo some of the Persian spoils. He asked whether he should dedicate them within the temple, but the Pythian priestess bade him carry them from the sanctuary altogether. The part of the oracle referring to this runs as follows:— The splendid beauty of the Persian's spoils Set not within my temple. Despatch them home speedily. , Now I greatly marveled that it was from Themistocles alone that the priestess refused to accept Persian spoils. Some thought that the god would have rejected alike all offerings from Persian spoils, if like Themistocles the others had inquired of Apollo before making their dedication. Others said that the god knew that Themistocles would become a suppliant of the Persian king, and refused to take the gifts so that Themistocles might not by a dedication render the Persian's enmity unappeasable. The expedition of the barbarian against Greece we find foretold in the oracles of Bacis, and Euclus wrote his verses about it at an even earlier date., Near the great altar is a bronze wolf, an offering of the Delphians themselves. They say that a fellow robbed the god of some treasure, and kept himself and the gold hidden at the place on Mount Parnassus where the forest is thickest. As he slept a wolf attacked and killed him, and every day went to the city and howled. When the people began to realize that the matter was not without the direction of heaven, they followed the beast and found the sacred gold. So to the god they dedicated a bronze wolf.

Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

11 results
1. Homeric Hymns, To Apollo And The Muses, 152-155, 151 (8th cent. BCE - 8th cent. BCE) 151. The long-haired Phoebus, the Far-Shooter, went
2. Pindar, Nemean Odes, 7.42-7.47 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
3. Herodotus, Histories, 5.79-5.81, 7.143-7.144, 8.40-8.45, 8.64, 8.74, 8.79-8.81, 8.83-8.84, 8.91-8.92, 8.94, 8.122, 9.81.1 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) 5.79. This, then, is the course of action which the Athenians took, and the Thebans, desiring vengeance on Athens, afterwards appealed to Delphi for advice. The Pythian priestess said that the Thebans themselves would not be able to obtain the vengeance they wanted and that they should lay the matter before the “many-voiced” and entreat their “nearest.” ,Upon the return of the envoys, an assembly was called and the oracle put before it. When the Thebans heard that they must entreat their “nearest,” they said, “If this is so, our nearest neighbors are the men of Tanagra and Coronea and Thespiae. These are always our comrades in battle and zealously wage our wars. What need, then, is there to entreat them? Perhaps this is the meaning of the oracle.” 5.80. They reasoned in this way, till at last one understood, and said: “I think that I perceive what the oracle is trying to tell us. Thebe and Aegina, it is said, were daughters of Asopus and sisters. The god's answer is, I think, that we should ask the Aeginetans to be our avengers.” ,Seeing that there seemed to be no better opinion before them than this, they sent straightaway to entreat the Aeginetans and invite their aid, since this was the oracle's bidding, and the Aeginetans were their nearest. These replied to their demand that they were sending the Sons of Aeacus in aid. 5.81. The Thebans took the field on the strength of their alliance with that family but were soundly beaten by the Athenians. Thereupon they sent a second message to Aegina, giving back the sons of Aeacus and asking for some men instead. ,The Aeginetans, who were enjoying great prosperity and remembered their old feud with Athens, accordingly made war on the Athenians at the entreaty of the Thebans without sending a herald. ,While the Athenians were busy with the Boeotians, they descended on Attica in ships of war, and ravaged Phaleron and many other seaboard townships. By so doing they dealt the Athenians a very shrewd blow. 7.143. Now there was a certain Athenian, by name and title Themistocles son of Neocles, who had lately risen to be among their chief men. He claimed that the readers of oracles had incorrectly interpreted the whole of the oracle and reasoned that if the verse really pertained to the Athenians, it would have been formulated in less mild language, calling Salamis “cruel” rather than “divine ” seeing that its inhabitants were to perish. ,Correctly understood, the gods' oracle was spoken not of the Athenians but of their enemies, and his advice was that they should believe their ships to be the wooden wall and so make ready to fight by sea. ,When Themistocles put forward this interpretation, the Athenians judged him to be a better counsellor than the readers of oracles, who would have had them prepare for no sea fight, and, in short, offer no resistance at all, but leave Attica and settle in some other country. 7.144. The advice of Themistocles had prevailed on a previous occasion. The revenues from the mines at Laurium had brought great wealth into the Athenians' treasury, and when each man was to receive ten drachmae for his share, Themistocles persuaded the Athenians to make no such division but to use the money to build two hundred ships for the war, that is, for the war with Aegina. ,This was in fact the war the outbreak of which saved Hellas by compelling the Athenians to become seamen. The ships were not used for the purpose for which they were built, but later came to serve Hellas in her need. These ships, then, had been made and were already there for the Athenians' service, and now they had to build yet others. ,In their debate after the giving of the oracle they accordingly resolved that they would put their trust in the god and meet the foreign invader of Hellas with the whole power of their fleet, ships and men, and with all other Greeks who were so minded. 8.40. At the request of the Athenians, the fleet of the Hellenes came from Artemisium and put in at Salamis. The Athenians requested them to put in at Salamis so that they take their children and women out of Attica and also take counsel what they should do. They had been disappointed in their plans, so they were going to hold a council about the current state of affairs. ,They expected to find the entire population of the Peloponnese in Boeotia awaiting the barbarian, but they found no such thing. They learned that they were fortifying the Isthmus instead and considered the defense of the Peloponnese the most important thing, disregarding all the rest. When the Athenians learned this, they asked the fleet to put in at Salamis. 8.41. While the others put in at Salamis, the Athenians landed in their own country. When they arrived, they made a proclamation that every Athenian should save his children and servants as he best could. Thereupon most of them sent the members of their households to Troezen, and some to Aegina and Salamis. ,They were anxious to get everything out safely because they wished to obey the oracle, and also not least because of this: the Athenians say that a great snake lives in the sacred precinct guarding the acropolis. They say this and even put out monthly offerings for it as if it really existed. The monthly offering is a honey-cake. ,In all the time before this the honey-cake had been consumed, but this time it was untouched. When the priestess interpreted the significance of this, the Athenians were all the more eager to abandon the city since the goddess had deserted the acropolis. When they had removed everything to safety, they returned to the camp. 8.42. When those from Artemisium had put in at Salamis, the rest of the Hellenic fleet learned of this and streamed in from Troezen, for they had been commanded to assemble at Pogon, the harbor of Troezen. Many more ships assembled now than had fought at Artemisium, and from more cities. ,The admiral was the same as at Artemisium, Eurybiades son of Euryclides, a Spartan but not of royal descent. The ships provided by the Athenians were by far the most numerous and the most seaworthy. 8.43. The following took part in the war: from the Peloponnese, the Lacedaemonians provided sixteen ships; the Corinthians the same number as at Artemisium; the Sicyonians furnished fifteen ships, the Epidaurians ten, the Troezenians five, the Hermioneans three. All of these except the Hermioneans are Dorian and Macedonian and had last come from Erineus and Pindus and the Dryopian region. The Hermioneans are Dryopians, driven out of the country now called Doris by Herakles and the Malians. 8.44. These, then, were the Peloponnesians who took part in the war. From the mainland outside the Peloponnese came the following: the Athenians provided more than all the rest, one hundred and eighty ships. They provided these alone, since the Plataeans did not fight with the Athenians at Salamis for this reason: when the Hellenes departed from Artemisium and were off Chalcis, the Plataeans landed on the opposite shore of Boeotia and attended to the removal of their households. In bringing these to safety they were left behind. ,The Athenians, while the Pelasgians ruled what is now called Hellas, were Pelasgians, bearing the name of Cranai. When Cecrops was their king they were called Cecropidae, and when Erechtheus succeeded to the rule, they changed their name and became Athenians. When, however, Ion son of Xuthus was commander of the Athenian army, they were called after him Ionians. 8.45. The Megarians provided the same number as at Artemisium. The Ampraciots came to help with seven ships, and the Leucadians, who are Dorians from Corinth, with three. 8.64. After this skirmish of words, since Eurybiades had so resolved, the men at Salamis prepared to fight where they were. At sunrise on the next day there was an earthquake on land and sea, ,and they resolved to pray to the gods and summon the sons of Aeacus as allies. When they had so resolved, they did as follows: they prayed to all the gods, called Ajax and Telamon to come straight from Salamis, and sent a ship to Aegina for Aeacus and his sons. 8.74. Those at the Isthmus were involved in so great a labor, since all they had was at stake and they did not expect the ships to win distinction. Those at Salamis heard of their labors but still were full of dread, fearing not for themselves but for the Peloponnese. ,For a time each man talked quietly to his neighbor, wondering at Eurybiades' folly, but finally it came out into the open. They held an assembly and talked at length on the same matters as before: some said they must sail away to the Peloponnese and risk battle for that country, not stay and fight for a captured land; but the Athenians and Aeginetans and Megarians said they must stay and defend themselves. 8.79. As the generals disputed, Aristides son of Lysimachus, an Athenian, crossed over from Aegina. Although he had been ostracized by the people, I, learning by inquiry of his character, have come to believe that he was the best and most just man in Athens. ,This man stood at the assembly and called Themistocles out, although he was no friend of his, but his bitter enemy. Because of the magnitude of the present ills, he deliberately forgot all that and called him out, wanting to talk to him. He had already heard that those from the Peloponnese were anxious to set sail for the Isthmus, ,so when Themistocles came out he said, “On all occasions and especially now our contention must be over which of us will do our country more good. ,I say that it is all the same for the Peloponnesians to speak much or little about sailing away from here, for I have seen with my own eyes that even if the Corinthians and Eurybiades himself wanted to, they would not be able to escape. We are encircled by the enemy. Go in and indicate this to them.” 8.80. Themistocles answered, “Your exhortation is most useful and you bring good news. You have come as an eyewitness of just what I wanted to happen. Know that I am the cause of what the Medes are doing. When the Hellenes would not willingly enter battle, it was necessary to force them against their will. Since you have come bringing good news, tell it to them yourself. ,If I say these things, they will think I invented it, and they will not believe that the barbarians are doing this. Go in yourself and let them know how it stands. It would be best if they believe you when you tell them, but if they find these things incredible it is all the same to us. They will not be able to run away, if indeed we are surrounded on all sides as you say.” 8.81. Aristides went in and told them, saying that he had come from Aegina and had barely made it past the blockade when he sailed out, since all the Hellenic camp was surrounded by Xerxes' ships. He advised them to prepare to defend themselves. He said this and left, and again a dispute arose among them. The majority of the generals did not believe the news. 8.83. When they found the words of the Tenians worthy of belief, the Hellenes prepared to fight at sea. As dawn glimmered, they held an assembly of the fighting men, and Themistocles gave the best address among the others. His entire speech involved comparing the better and lesser elements in human nature and the human condition. ,He concluded his speech by advising them to choose the better of these, then gave the command to mount the ships. Just as they embarked, the trireme which had gone after the sons of Aeacus arrived from Aegina. 8.84. Then the Hellenes set sail with all their ships, and as they were putting out to sea the barbarians immediately attacked them. The rest of the Hellenes began to back water and tried to beach their ships, but Ameinias of Pallene, an Athenian, charged and rammed a ship. When his ship became entangled and the crew could not free it, the others came to help Ameinias and joined battle. ,The Athenians say that the fighting at sea began this way, but the Aeginetans say that the ship which had been sent to Aegina after the sons of Aeacus was the one that started it. The story is also told that the phantom of a woman appeared to them, who cried commands loud enough for all the Hellenic fleet to hear, reproaching them first with, “Men possessed, how long will you still be backing water?” 8.91. The barbarians were routed and tried to flee by sailing out to Phalerum, but the Aeginetans lay in wait for them in the strait and then performed deeds worth telling. The Athenians in the commotion destroyed those ships which either resisted or tried to flee, the Aeginetans those sailing out of the strait. Whoever escaped from the Athenians charged right into the Aeginetans. 8.92. The ships of Themistocles, as he was pursuing a ship, and of Polycritus son of Crius, an Aeginetan, then met. Polycritus had rammed a Sidonian ship, the one which had captured the Aeginetan ship that was on watch off Sciathus, and on it was Pytheas son of Ischenous, the one the Persians marvelled at when severely wounded and kept aboard their ship because of his virtue. This Sidonian ship carrying him with the Persians was now captured, so Pytheas came back safe to Aegina. ,When Polycritus saw the Attic ship, he recognized it by seeing the flagship's marking and shouted to Themistocles, mocking and reproaching him concerning the Medizing of the Aeginetans. After ramming an enemy ship, Polycritus hurled these insults at Themistocles. The barbarians whose ships were still intact fled and reached Phalerum under cover of the land army. 8.94. The Athenians say that when the ships joined battle, the Corinthian general Adeimantus, struck with bewilderment and terror, hoisted his sails and fled away. When the Corinthians saw their flagship fleeing, they departed in the same way, ,but when in their flight they were opposite the sacred precinct of Athena Sciras on Salamis, by divine guidance a boat encountered them. No one appeared to have sent it, and the Corinthians knew nothing about the affairs of the fleet when it approached. They reckon the affair to involve the gods because when the boat came near the ships, the people on the boat said, ,“Adeimantus, you have turned your ships to flight and betrayed the Hellenes, but they are overcoming their enemies to the fulfillment of their prayers for victory.” Adeimantus did not believe them when they said this, so they spoke again, saying that they could be taken as hostages and killed if the Hellenes were not seen to be victorious. ,So he and the others turned their ships around and came to the fleet, but it was all over. The Athenians spread this rumor about them, but the Corinthians do not agree at all, and they consider themselves to have been among the foremost in the battle. The rest of Hellas bears them witness. 8.122. Having sent the first-fruits to Delphi, the Greeks, in the name of the country generally, made inquiry of the god whether the first-fruits which he had received were of full measure and whether he was content. To this he said that he was content with what he had received from all other Greeks, but not from the Aeginetans. From these he demanded the victor's prize for the sea-fight of Salamis. When the Aeginetans learned that, they dedicated three golden stars which are set on a bronze mast, in the angle, nearest to Croesus' bowl. 9.81.1. Having brought all the loot together, they set apart a tithe for the god of Delphi. From this was made and dedicated that tripod which rests upon the bronze three-headed serpent, nearest to the altar; another they set apart for the god of Olympia, from which was made and dedicated a bronze figure of Zeus, ten cubits high; and another for the god of the Isthmus, from which was fashioned a bronze Poseidon seven cubits high. When they had set all this apart, they divided what remained, and each received, according to his worth, concubines of the Persians and gold and silver, and all the rest of the stuff and the beasts of burden.
4. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.73.4-1.73.74, 3.104 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) 1.73.4. We assert that at Marathon we were at the front, and faced the barbarian single-handed. That when he came the second time, unable to cope with him by land we went on board our ships with all our people, and joined in the action at Salamis . This prevented his taking the Peloponnesian states in detail, and ravaging them with his fleet; when the multitude of his vessels would have made any combination for self-defence impossible. 1.73.5. The best proof of this was furnished by the invader himself. Defeated at sea, he considered his power to be no longer what it had been, and retired as speedily as possible with the greater part of his army.
5. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 8.32, 14.117, 15.49.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) 8.32. 1.  The Locrians sent to Sparta asking her aid in war. The Lacedaemonians, however, hearing of the great military strength of the inhabitants of Croton, replied, as if responding in a perfunctory manner, and as though the Locrians could be saved only in the way they suggested, that they were giving the Locrians for allies the sons of Tyndareüs. And the ambassadors, whether under the guidance of the providence of God or because they took the reply as an omen, accepted the aid they proffered, and after they had received favourable signs in a sacrifice, they prepared a couch on their ship for the Dioscori and sailed back to their native land. 14.117. 1.  While the Romans were in a weakened condition because of the misfortune we have described, the Volscians went to war against them. Accordingly the Roman military tribunes enrolled soldiers, took the field with their army, and pitched camp on the Campus Martius, as it is called, two hundred stades distant from Rome.,2.  Since the Volscians lay over against them with a larger force and were assaulting the camp, the citizens in Rome, fearing for the safety of those in the encampment, appointed Marcus Furius dictator.  . . .,3.  These armed all the men of military age and marched out during the night. At day-break they caught the Volscians as they were assaulting the camp, and appearing on their rear easily put them to flight. When the troops in the camp then sallied forth, the Volscians were caught in the middle and cut down almost to a man. Thus a people that passed for powerful in former days was by this disaster reduced to the weakest among the neighbouring tribes.,4.  After the battle the dictator, on hearing that Bola was being besieged by the Aeculani, who are now called the Aequicoli, led forth his troops and slew most of the besieging army. From here he marched to the territory of Sutrium, a Roman colony, which the Tyrrhenians had forcibly occupied. Falling unexpectedly upon the Tyrrhenians, he slew many of them and recovered the city for the people of Sutrium.,5.  The Gauls on their way from Rome laid siege to the city of Veascium which was an ally of the Romans. The dictator attacked them, slew the larger number of them, and got possession of all their baggage, included in which was the gold which they had received for Rome and practically all the booty which they had gathered in the seizure of the city.,6.  Despite the accomplishment of such great deeds, envy on the part of the tribunes prevented his celebrating a triumph. There are some, however, who state that he celebrated a triumph for his victory over the Tuscans in a chariot drawn by four white horses, for which the people two years later fined him a large sum of money. But we shall recur to this in the appropriate period of time.,7.  Those Celts who had passed into Iapygia turned back through the territory of the Romans; but soon thereafter the Cerii made a crafty attack on them by night and cut all of them to pieces in the Trausian Plain.,8.  The historian Callisthenes began his history with the peace of this year between the Greeks and Artaxerxes, the King of the Persians. His account embraced a period of thirty years in ten Books and he closed the last Book of his history with the seizure of the Temple of Delphi by Philomelus the Phocian.,9.  But for our part, since we have arrived at the peace between the Greeks and Artaxerxes, and at the threat to Rome offered by the Gauls, we shall make this the end of this Book, as we proposed at the beginning. 15.49.1.  In Ionia nine cities were in the habit of holding sacrifices of great antiquity on a large scale to Poseidon in a lonely region near the place called Mycalê. Later, however, as a result of the outbreak of wars in this neighbourhood, since they were unable to hold the Panionia there, they shifted the festival gathering to a safe place near Ephesus. Having sent an embassy to Delphi, they received an oracle telling them to take copies of the ancient ancestral altars at Helicê, which was situated in what was then known as Ionia, but is now known as Achaïa.
6. Livy, History, 5.48 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
7. Strabo, Geography, 14.1.6 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) 14.1.6. Ephorus says: Miletus was first founded and fortified above the sea by the Cretans, where the Milatos of olden times is now situated, being settled by Sarpedon, who brought colonists from the Cretan Milatos and named the city after that Miletus, the place formerly being in the possession of the Leleges; but later Neleus and his followers fortified the present city. The present city has four harbors, one of which is large enough for a fleet. Many are the achievements of this city, but the greatest is the number of its colonizations; for the Euxine Pontus has been colonized everywhere by these people, as also the Propontis and several other regions. At any rate, Anaximenes of Lampsacus says that the Milesians colonized the islands Icaros and Leros; and, near the Hellespont, Limnae in the Chersonesus, as also Abydus and Arisba and Paesus in Asia; and Artace and Cyzicus in the island of the Cyziceni; and Scepsis in the interior of the Troad. I, however, in my detailed description speak of the other cities, which have been omitted by him. Both Milesians and Delians invoke an Apollo Ulius, that is, as god of health and healing, for the verb ulein means to be healthy; whence the noun ule and the salutation, Both health and great joy to thee; for Apollo is the god of healing. And Artemis has her name from the fact that she makes people Artemeas. And both Helius and Selene are closely associated with these, since they are the causes of the temperature of the air. And both pestilential diseases and sudden deaths are imputed to these gods.
8. Plutarch, Camillus, 19, 22, 15 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
9. Tacitus, Annals, 12.61 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) 12.61.  He next proposed to grant immunity to the inhabitants of Cos. of their ancient history he had much to tell:— "The earliest occupants of the island had," he said, "been Argives — or, possibly, Coeus, the father of Latona. Then the arrival of Aesculapius had introduced the art of healing, which attained the highest celebrity among his descendants" — here he gave the names of the descendants and the epochs at which they had all flourished. "Xenophon," he observed again, "to whose knowledge he himself had recourse, derived his origin from the same family; and, as a concession to his prayers, the Coans ought to have been exempted from all forms of tribute for the future and allowed to tet their island as a sanctified place subservient only to its god." There can be no doubt that a large number of services rendered by the islanders to Rome, and of victories in which they had borne their part, could have been cited; but Claudius declined to disguise by external aids a favour which, with his wonted complaisance, he had accorded to an individual.
10. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 10.12, 10.16, 10.19.8 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
11. Justinus, Epitome Historiarum Philippicarum, 24.4

Subjects of this text:

subject	book bibliographic info
aegean sea, floating configuration of islands in	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 103
aeschylus, local, in panhellenic ritual setting	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208, 221
aeschylus, merging several in one ritual context	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 221
aeschylus	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208
aiakids, ancestors of aiginetans	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208, 221
aiakids, as cult figures	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208, 221
aiakids, in pindars odes	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208, 221
aiakos	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208, 221
aigina, aiginetans, and athens	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208, 221
aigina, aiginetans, at battle of salamis	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208
aigina, aiginetans, at delphic theoxenia	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 221
aigina, aiginetans, medism	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208, 221
aigina, aiginetans, panhellenism	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208
aigina, aiginetans, rivalry with athens	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208
aigina, aiginetans	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208, 221
akhaia, akhaians (epic, also atreids), importance for panhellenic standing	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 221
aparkhai (first fruits)	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 221
apollo delios/dalios (delos)	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 103
aristeia	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208
artemis ephesia, ephesos	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 103
athenian empire, and local identities	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 103
athenian empire, and thriving local polis-world	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 103
athenian empire, as myth-ritual network	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 103
athenian empire, as theoric worshipping group	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 103
athenian empire, ionian policies	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 103
athenian empire	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 103
athens, and panhellenism	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208, 221
athens, at battle of salamis	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208
birth (mythical), as myth-ritual nexus	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 103
brennus, gallic chieftan	Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 235
catchment area, of cults, constant (re)forging of	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 103
chorus, khoros, of islands	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 103
eueteria	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208
funerary, local myth in panhellenic	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208, 221
gauls, gallic sack	Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 235
gauls	Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 235
greece and greeks	Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 235
hellenistic and roman myth/history, literature	Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 235
hero-cult	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 221
identity, general, local vs. central/panhellenic	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 103
insular, panhellenic	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208, 221
islands, in the aegean	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 103
italy	Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 235
leto, didyma	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 103
locality, and panhellenism	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208, 221
mykale (battle of)	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 103
myth-ritual nexus, ritual moment	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 103
myth and ritual, interaction rather than relationship	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 221
neoptolemos, death at and cult delphi	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 221
neoptolemos	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208, 221
network, of myths and rituals (also myth-ritual web, grid, framework), (re) formulation of	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 103
network, of myths and rituals (also myth-ritual web, grid, framework), and competing ethnicities (aegean)	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 103
network, of myths and rituals (also myth-ritual web, grid, framework), keeping out of	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 103
panhellenic ritual, featuring local myth	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208
panhellenism, competed over	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208
panhellenism, contested visions of	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 221
panhellenism, delphi and	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208, 221
panhellenism, expressed in song	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208, 221
panhellenism, panhellenic cult community, forging of	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 221
panhellenism	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208, 221
panionion, panionia	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 103
panionion	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 103
pausanias (author)	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 221
performances of myth and ritual (also song), (re)creation of worshipping groups	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 221
persian wars, and panhellenism	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208
piedmont, and neoptolemos	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 221
plataiai, battle of	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 221
plutarch	Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 235
polykritos, aiginetan	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208
rape	Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 235
reader and audience	Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 235
rome ara pacis, capitoline or mons tarpeius	Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 235
sacrilege, sagras, battle at	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208
salamis, island, aiginetans at	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208, 221
samos, grouped with chios and lesbos	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 103
simylus	Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 235
space, religious, malleable and constantly changing	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 103
strabo	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 103
telamon	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208
themistokles, panhellenism	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208, 221
theoria, and local identities	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 103
theoria, as myth-ritual network	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 103
theoria, as network, general	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 103
theoria, choral polis-theoria	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 103
theoria, sense of community'	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 103
theoxenia, delphi, aiginetans and	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 221
theoxenia, delphi, defining hellenicity (greekness)	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 221
theoxenia, delphi	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 221
theseus, reformulating myth-ritual network of delian theoria	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 103
thucydides, and ionians	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 103
thucydides, and salamis	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208
trojan war cycle, and aiakids	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 221
zeus, at didyma	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 103
zeus, olympian	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 103
zeus hellanios, aetiology	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 221
zeus hellanios, and claims to panhellenism	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208
zeus hellanios, myth of blending into panhellenic ritual	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 221
zeus hellanios, providing role for aigina within greece	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 221
zeus hellanios	Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208, 221